History of California, Volume IV, Part 27

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 820

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58 Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 175-9. The author shares Vallejo's views to some extent; and states that Mofras became involved in many ridiculous and disgraceful troubles on account of his lack of self-respect when under the influence of liquor.

MOFRAS' BOOK.

while in conversation he was more ready to dilate on his own equestrian feats than to hear what others might be able to tell him about the country or the people." 59 From all the evidence, I conclude that Duflot de Mofras was a man of talent, but somewhat wild, bent on amusing himself, fonder of personal com- forts than of study; not disposed to go far out of his way for historical information, but using intelligently such material as came into his hands; gentlemanly in manner, but not overawed by the dignity of Califor- nian officials, and somewhat too careless about the reputation he might leave in so distant a land.

To the book which resulted from the visit of Mo- fras, which I have frequent occasion to cite on differ- ent topics, and which I describe in a note,60 a high degree of praise must be accorded. Its plan is ex- cellent, and the execution creditable to the author. He aims to give a complete description of the coun- try, its past history and present condition, compiled from the principal works that had been published on the subject, and supplemented by his own researches

69 Simpson's Narrative, i. 245.

60 Mofras, Exploration du Territoire de l'Orégon, des Californies, et de la Mer Vermeille, executée pendant les années 1840, 1841, et 1842, par M. Duflot de Mofras, Attaché à la Légation de France à Mexico; Ouvrage publié par ordre du Roi, sous les auspices de M. le Maréchal Soult, Duc de Dalmatie, Président du Conseil, et de M. le Ministre des Affaires Étrangères. Paris, 1844. Svo, 2 vol., and folio atlas. The portions relating to Cal. are vol. i., chap. vii., p. 251-314, history of missions, pueblos, and presidios; chap. viii., p. 315-84, system of govt, population, local description, and history of southern dis- triets; chap. ix., p. 385-468, local description and history, northern districts; chap. x., p. 469-518, agriculture, stock-raising, commerce, etc .; vol. ii., chap. i., p. 1-20, the Russian establishment; chap. ii., p. 21-71, manners and cus- toms, physical features, foreign relations, résumé. Plates relating to Cal. in vol. i., view of Monterey; portrait of P. Duran; Californian throwing the lazo; Russian house. Plates in the atlas: general map-including California which I reproduce; charts of the ports of S. Diego, mouth of Colorado, S. Pedro, Sta Bárbara, Monterey, S. F., Bodega and Ross, and Trinidad; view and ground-plan of S. Luis Rey mission. The books consulted by Mofras on Cal., as named in his list, are (the titles changed to agree with my list): Drake Re- vived; Beechey's Voy .; Monterey, Extracto; Morrell's Narrative; Fages' Voyage; Boscana's Hist. Ind. Col .; Rioboo, Relacion; Duhaut-Cilly, Voy .; Cal. Regla- mento, 1784; Douglas, in Comp. Bot. Mag .; Palou, Vida de Serra; Castro, De- cretos; Forbes, Cal .; La Perouse, Voyage; Mission Archives; Vancouver's Toy .; Monterey, Archives; Arricivita, Cron .; Petit-Thouars, Voy .; Sutil y Mejicana; Belcher's Voy .; Langsdorff's Voy .; Laplace, Campagne; Kotzebue's Voy .; Roquefeuil, Voy .; Kotzebue's New Voy.

/ 124

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De.du Polican

R. dea Tlamacs

Lac Tlumac

4-42

Pt.de la Trinidad

-Cap Mendocino

Rio del Sacramento

NELLE.HELVETIE/DU CAPNE, SUTTER

Sa: Rosa

Pt.Russe de la Bodega Sanoma

Pleset Port de low Reyer A. S. Rafael

Port de-S.Francisco

Port et Ville de Monte Rey

& Mon.de N.S.de la Soledad

¿Mon.de Sn. Antonio

Mon.de Sn. Miguel

M.de S.Luiz Ereque Mon Salñez

Pte.de la Concepcion

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M.S. Fernando

PG.de los Angeles ES.Gabriel

S.Bernardino

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Rio Colorado del Occiden

I. SN CLEMENTE

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IGGUADALUPE

HOE=CERROS AU_DE CEDROS

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MOFRAS' MAP OF CALIFORNIA.

Concepcion

ESA.CRUZ

ESA.ROSA

Ft.Russe de Rosse

120-

255

VALUE OF THE WORK.

in the archives and personal observations in the re- gions described. It must be admitted that these re- searches and observations were not so extensive and careful as was desirable; yet they enabled Mofras to use intelligently the material before him, and to pro- duce without great expenditure of work a somewhat satisfactory result. Had he been a harder student and more diligent investigator, he might have avoided many petty errors, and have given his work an air of originality that would have added greatly to his repu- tation. Forbes' work is the only one of the time that can be compared with this; but while not less meritorious in many respects, it is very much less ex- tensive and complete. Of some political aspects of Mofras' work and tour, I shall have occasion to speak in the next chapter.

CHAPTER X.

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION.

1841.

HOPES AND PLANS OF FOREIGN NATIONS-UNITED STATES-MANIFEST DES- TINY-WILKES AND WARNER-FOREIGN OPINIONS-BRITISH PROJECTS -- SIMPSON'S VIEWS-ASPIRATIONS OF FRANCE-MOFRAS ON A CATHOLIC PROTECTORATE-SUTTER AS A FRENCHMAN-ADVANTAGES OF YANKEE METHODS-BEGINNING OF OVERLAND IMMIGRATION-EXCITEMENT IN THE FRONTIER STATES-BARTLESON PARTY FROM MISSOURI-BIDWELL'S DIARY-NARRATIVES OF BELDEN, CHILES, AND HOPPER-CROSSING THE DESERT AND SIERRA-LIST OF NAMES-ARRIVAL AND RECEPTION- POLICY TOWARD FOREIGNERS-VALLEJO'S ACTS- DR MARSH-THE WORKMAN-ROWLAND PARTY FROM NEW MEXICO-WILSON'S NARRA- TIVE-ROWLAND'S LIST-OTHER PARTIES-MRS WALKER AND MRS KEL- SEY-LIST OF NEW-COMERS FOR 1841-ITEMS ABOUT OLD SETTLERS.

IT is manifestly impossible to ascertain definitely the hopes and plaus of the United States, England, and France at this time respecting California. In 1841, and for years before, navigators of each nation had praised the natural advantages of the country, and especially of its great port. They had affirmed that it could not long remain under Mexican rule. They had pointed out the ease with which it might be secured, and had directly or indirectly urged its acquisition. That these representations had their effect at Washington, London, and Paris on influen- tial members of the governments, that the matter was discussed, and that secret instructions were issued, can hardly be doubted. It has always been a popular idea of Americans that other nations were in the race for the prize; and, while it has been often exag-

( 256 )

257

AMERICAN SCHEMES.

gerated in certain respeets, it has not been without foundation. Nations, however, do not announce their designs of this nature in advance; neither are they prone to confess them after their failure.

Americans, or such of them as took the matter into consideration at all, had no doubt that it was the 'manifest destiny' of their nation to absorb this west- ern land. Their navigators and writers and emigrants had spoken more plainly than those of other nations

on the subjeet. Annexation was already a topic of conversation and newspaper comment. We have seen that the United States had onee actually proposed to Mexico the eession of northern California,1 and we have noted the alarm expressed by the American press at the rumor of purchase by England.2 Be- yond the fact that Wilkes was instructed to make a special survey of the bay, there was but little in con- neetion with the exploring expedition or its narrative to throw light on American sehemes. Wilkes did not indeed represent the country as a very desirable acquisition, except for the commercial and naval im- portance of its harbor; yet he writes: "The situation of California will cause its separation from Mexico before many years. It is very probable that this country will become united with Oregon, with which it will perhaps form a state that is destined to con- trol the destinies of the Pacific. This western coast, enjoying a climate in many respects superior to any other in the Pacific, possessed as it must be by the Anglo-Norman race, and having none to enter into rivalry with it but the indolent inhabitants of warnı elimates, is evidently destined to fill a large space in the world's future history."3 It was obviously not

1 This in 1835. See vol. iii., chap. xiv.

2 In 1837-9. See chap. iv. of this vol.

8 Wilkes' Narr., v. 182-3. He also blames the govt for its lack of energy in redressing the wrongs of the Graham party. Davis, Glimpses, MS., 77-S, says that Wilkes expressed himself very freely to Nathan Spear on the polit- ical aspects of his visit, declaring that the U. S. would have Cal., and in- quiring earnestly about Mofras' movements, and the dangers of French inter- vention. Californians agree that the coming of Wilkes' fleet caused consid- HIST. CAL., VOL. IV. 17

258

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION-1841.

for the interest of United States to agitate the inat- ter; since now that immigration had begun, delay could not but favor their cause, and the only thing to be feared was the interference of some other foreign power. Evidently it was the policy at Washington to watch closely for such interference, and meanwhile to give manifest destiny a loose rein.

The secretary of the navy, in his report of Decem- ber 4th, after alluding to the Graham affair, says: "In California there are already considerable settlements of Americans, and others are daily resorting to that fertile and delightful region. Such, however, is the unsettled condition of that country that they cannot be safe either in their persons or property except un- der the protection of our naval power ... . It is highly desirable, too, that the Gulf of California should be fully explored. For these reasons"-and perhaps for others not stated-"I have caused estimates to be prepared for a large increase of the Pacific squadron."+ In the same report it is stated that Commodore Jones is about to sail for the Pacific to take command. Of this officer's instructions and acts we shall learn much from the annals of the next year. In connection with the immigration, to be noticed later in this chapter, there were published many newspaper articles of such a sensational nature as to cause alarm in Mexico, and likely to do more harm than good to the American cause. I may add that Warner, in his lecture already noticed, earnestly urged the importance of prompt ac- tion to secure possession of San Francisco Bay by pur- chase.5

erable uneasiness. Vallejo, Iist. Cal., MS., iv. 241-2, says it even scared his foes at Monterey into making overtures for reconciliation for defence; and Bidwell, Cal., MS., 97-9, affirms that it convinced people that the U. S. govt was something more than a myth, and had a good effect.

U. S. Govt Doc., 27th cong. 2d sess., Sen. Doe., no. 1, p. 369.

5 Warner's Cal. and Oregon, 236. The author says: 'I have quoted from these English writers (Forbes chiefly) for three objeets: 1. To corroborate my own remarks respecting the value of this territory. 2. To show that the Eng- lish-reading community and the govt have more information ' about it than wc. '3. To confirm the opinion that England is now disposed to negotiate with Mexico for the bay of San Francisco and the territory of California ...

259

SIMPSON ON AMERICAN PLANS.

Not only did Americans announce their purpose and their confidence in ultimate success, but foreigners as well admitted that they would succeed-except in certain contingencies. Sir George Simpson writes: The Americans, becoming masters of the interior through Sutter's establishment, "will soon discover that they have a natural right to a maritime outlet; so that whatever may be the fate of Monterey and the more southerly ports, San Francisco will, to a moral certainty, sooner or later fall into the possession of Americans"-unless the English take it. "As Texas has been wrested from Mexico on the one side of the continent, so California will be speedily lost to her on the other. The only doubt is whether Cali- fornia is to fall to the British or to the Americans. The latter, whether one looks at their seizure of Texas or at their pretensions to the Oregon, have clearly the advantage in an unscrupulous choice of weapons, be- ing altogether too ready to forget that the fulfilment of even the most palpable decrees of providence will not justify in man the employment of unrighteous means."6 Mofras gave much attention to the subject, and convinced himself from his intercourse with officers of Wilkes' expedition and of the Hudson's Bay Com-

There is no point of all Pacific America that unites a moiety of the advantages found in the bay; and it is free from all objections. .. The natural union be- tween the country south of the Columbia and the bay of San Francisco and surrounding country is such that, although governments may for a time be able to separate them, the day is not far distant when they, drawn together by their oneness of interest, will bid defiance to foreign powers. If a union does not take place amicably, it will by force. . . If the proposition to cede Cal. to the Englishi should be accomplished-placing the all-important harbor of S. F. in possession of the most powerful naval and commercial kingdom- would it not ruin the prospects of the Oregon territory ?. .. Is it not important, then, that instead of permitting it to fall into the hands of our most dangerous rivals, it should be united to our own territory?' Warner was a Mexican cit- izen; but no matter. 'Although I may be accused of presumption, I cannot refrain from saying that the present appears a favorable opportunity, when a negotiation is pending which must leave Mexico a debtor to this govt, not in the best position to cancel the claim, and probably glad to transfer Cal. on the account .. . We must not suppose that Cal. is to remain stationary, or nn- der the control of the Mexican govt, while all the parts of the earth are in movement if not advancing. It must soon fall to some more enterprising na- tion.'

6 Simpson's Narr., i. 327, 409.

260

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION-1841.

pany "that England and the United States flatter themselves alike with the idea of taking California from Mexico. It is moreover evident to us that Cali- fornia will belong to whatever nation chooses to send there a man-of-war and 200 men; and we can but ap- prove the patriotic conduct of the English and Am- erican governments in making sure in advance of impor- tant points on the Pacific. .. It is to be doubted that the English, with all the admirable force d'expansion of their government, can distance their rivals in the oc- cupation of this fine territory. As for us, it is useless to say that our political sympathies are for the Amer- icans; and since California must change masters, we should prefer to see it in the hands of the United States rather than in those of England"-always if it cannot belong to France.7

On British projects for acquiring California, there is not much of fact to be recorded for 1841, though the coming of the man-of-war Curacoa, the visits of Douglas, Simpson, and McLoughlin, and the opera- tions of the Hudson's Bay Company were popularly supposed to be connected with those projects.8 The negotiations to secure California in payment of the Mexican debt9 were believed to be still in progress. In Warner's lecture, and the current newspaper sketches, this arrangement was held up as an immi- nent danger. Mofras gives an account of the nego- tiations, and expresses his conviction, formed largely from conversation with officers of the Hudson's Bay Company, that England was confident of success.10

7 Mofras, Explor., ii. 61-71. This author thinks the delay of the U. S. in the Graham affair was with a view to accumulate claims and grievances against Mexico until a convenient scason.

8 Here I may record that an Irishman at Branciforte was fined $20 for having in the presence of witnesses applied a vile epithet to the Mexican govt and its officials, declaring that England would come and take the whole lot. Monterey, Arch., MS., x. 4.

" See chap. iv. of this vol.

10 'En ce moment la compagnie, sûre de l'appui du gouvernement britan- nique, pousse une ligne de forts vers ce territoire; elle espère que les négocia- tions commencées il y a peu d'années par la maison Lizardi de Londres, comme agent du Mexique pour la cession des terrains en payement de la dette an- glaise et renouvelées tres-récemment, pourront être couronnées de succés, et

261

ENGLISH PROSPECTS.

And Simpson believed that it was not only possible but most desirable for England to take the country in part payment of the debt; and he also advanced the proposition that "under the treaty of 1790, England is even now entitled to colonize a considerable portion of the upper province. As America has renounced everything that lies below 42°, ... England, without being questioned by any one, may immediately occupy the coast from 42° down to the due range of the set- tlement of San Francisco, ... and may to-morrow jus- tifiably occupy the valley of Santa Rosa, which opens into Bodega Bay"!11

Finally, for the Californian aspirations of France, less definite than those of her two rivals, we have as salient points the recent coming of the Danaïde, the strong Canadian French element among the trappers, the establishment and threats of Sutter, who was a Frenchman when it suited his plans to be so, and the visit of Mofras. There is no reason to doubt that France, in sending an agent to collect information about the Pacific regions, was actuated to some extent by a hope, similar to that of other powers, that Cali- fornia might one day, by some lucky chance, fall into her possession.12 In his published work Mofras is

que cette fois ce ne sera plus au Texas ou dans l'interieur du Nouveau Mex- ique et de la Sonora que le gouvernement Mexicain offrira des terrains, mais bien dans la Haute Californie. Personne n'ignore que la dette s'élève à 270,000,000 francs, et que cette dette ne pourra jamais être payée. Si la ces- sion de la province avait lieu, la compagnie voudrait être la première à occu- per les meilleurs terrains, pour les revendre ensuite en détail avec un énorme bénéfice.' Mofras, Explor., ii. 61-2.

11 . English, in some sense or other of the word, the richest portions of Cal- ifornia must become. Either Great Britain will introduce her well regulated freedom of all classes and colors, or the people of the U. S. will inundate the country with their own peculiar mixture of helpless bondage and lawless in- subordination. Between two such alternatives, the Californians themselves have little room for choice; and even if there were ground for hesitation, they would, I am convinced, find in their actual experience sufficient reason for deciding in favor of the British. . . Though England cannot afford to acquire additional territory by such measures as would shake that reputation for in- tegrity on which her empire is founded, yet she has one road open to her (that of the debt), by which she may bring California under her sway, without either force or fraud, without either the violence of marauders or the effron- tery of diplomatists.' Simpson's Narr., i. 327-8, 409-10.

12 July 27, 1841, Vallejo to Alvarado. There is no doubt that France is intriguing to become mistress of Cal. Vallejo, Doc., MS., x. 230. Dwinelle,

262

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION-1841.

careful to note what Frenchmen reside at each point, generally naming one or two as particularly patriotic and trustworthy; he dwells on the importance of New Helvetia as an essentially French settlement, suggest- ing that missionaries be sent there. He calls atten- tion to the special friendship shown by Californians for his compatriots at the time of the Graham affair and on other occasions. He points out the identity of religion and temperament, states that Alvarado offered to grant him a large tract of land in the Tu- lares for a French colony, and declares it as his opin- ion that a French protectorate offers to California the most satisfactory way of escape from the dangers that threaten its future.13

Thus it is apparent from what has been said, and still more clearly from the developments of later years, that the three great powers, as I have said at the start, had hopes of acquiring territorial possessions in California. So far as legitimate methods of acquisi- tion were concerned, the chances of the three contest- ants were not very unequal, each having certain ad- vantages; but the United States was not only more thoroughly in earnest than her rivals, but had a vari- ety of natural agents at work in her interests, notably

Address, 5, says Mofras' exploration was intended to prepare the way to French conquest. Cronise, Natural Wealth, 67, says 'it is known that secret agents of that govt resided in Cal. from the time of M. de Mofras' visit until it fell into the hands of the U. S.' Davis, Glimpses, MS., 78, remarks that Wilkes exhibited great anxiety to learn all the details of what the Frenchman did and said.

13 ' Le sort de ce pays est d'être conquis, s'il ne se replace sous la protec- tion d'une monarchie européenne, seul moyen de salut qui lui reste. Ce moyen est, il nous semble, celui que la France doit préférer. .. Le seul parti véritablement fort est le parti royaliste, autour duquel viennent se grouper presque tous les Européens, les Californiens restés honnêtes gens, et même ceux qui ont pillé les missions; en un mot tous les habitants qui par leur reli- gion, leurs mœurs, leur langue, et leur origine sont naturellement antipa- thiques aux Anglais et aux Américains ... Tous ces hommes se voient sur le point d'être livrés à une race impitoyable, et le sort de notre malheureux Canada, celui des Florides espagnoles et du Texas, n'est guère de nature à les rassurer. C'est donc vers l'Europe catholique qu'ils tournent leurs regards, car ils sentent fort bien qu'elle seule peut les soustraire à la domination de deux puissances qu'ils redoutent également.' Mofras, Exploration, ii. 68-71. July 20, 1841, Mofras writes that one or two F'reneh frigates will hereafter visit the coast of Cal. each year. Pico, Doc., MS., ii. 13.

263

OVERLAND IMMIGRANTS.

that of immigration, making delay a positive advan- tage; and making certain the coming of a day when, if action by the others could also be delayed, the playing of a trump-card in the Texas manner would secure the stakes. Moreover, the European powers were deterred from prompt action, not only by the difficulty of mak- ing a satisfactory bargain with Mexico, but by other prospective obstacles likely to arise from efforts to en- force the precepts of the Monroe doctrine; for Cali- fornia, her golden treasure being unknown, was not desired at the price of a war with the United States.

It was in 1841 that overland immigration proper may be said to have begun; though men had before come to California by land, as it may be well to re- state briefly, en résumé, before proceeding to record the companies and trips of this year. Jedediah Smith from Salt Lake, with a party of hunters, in August 1826, went down to the Colorado, and crossed over from Mojave to San Gabriel in December. In May 1827 Smith and two men crossed the sierra and went to Salt Lake, returning before October with eight men. These were the first overland trips by a direct mountain route; but the exact routes are not known, nor is it known whether Smith went and returned by the same route. Several of Smith's men remained in California. Parties of the Hudson's Bay Company entered California in 1828-9 under McLeod and Og- den, the former from the north and the latter perhaps from the east by Smith's last trail. After 1830 the trappers came down from the Columbia nearly every year. The Patties from Santa Fé, in March 1828, made their appearance with six trappers at San Diego, being brought as prisoners from Baja California. Sev- eral of the number remained in the country. In 1830 Ewing Young came from New Mexico with a party of hunters, all of whom went back. In 1831 Will- iam Wolfskill brought a company of hunters from New Mexico by a route that lay north of the Colo-

264

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION-1841.

rado down to Mojave, not being able to cross the moun- tains above 36° as he had intended. Wolfskill and others became permanent settlers, as did Warner, who came with Jackson's party by the Gila route later in 1831. Ewing Young returned in 1832, and left many of his men as pioneers. The southern route from New Mexico, by Tucson and the Gila, was now open and often traversed, a few immigrants in small parties or in company with the native traders coming over it each year after 1831. The second party to cross the sierra westward was that under Walker, who with some forty exploring trappers came from Salt Lake in 1833. Their course was down the Mary, or Ogden, River to its sink, and thence probably by Walker lake and river over the mountains to the head waters of the Mer- ced, nothing more definite being known. Walker re- turned in 1834 through what has since been known as Walker Pass; but several of his men remained behind. There are no other companies that require notice; but it should be noted that of the men who came subse- quently from New Mexico, several, like John R. Wolfskill and William Pope, came rather as regular immigrants than as hunters or adventurers; while a few, like Marsh, regarded Missouri rather than New Mexico as their starting-point. In the same connection I may also state that Sutter in 1838, Wiggins, Dutton, and others in 1839, and others probably in 1840 crossed the country to Oregon with more or less definite ideas of settling in California. There had been in all about fifty men who had settled in the country before 1841, com- ing by land; but hardly a dozen of the number had left their old homes with a deliberate purpose of finding new ones on the Pacific coast; and only two parties, those of Smith and Walker, neither composed of im- migrants proper, had crossed the mountains direct to California. 14

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History of California, Volume IV, Part 27

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 820

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 820