History of California, Volume XXII, Part 27

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 816


USA > California > History of California, Volume XXII > Part 27


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government in the case of war or peace, being directed to join the Pacific squadron and await developments. It is noticeable that Stockton's original orders were dated October 17, 1845, the date of the instructions to Larkin and Gillespie, a fact suggestive of their probable contents. 43 Fremont and Gillespie had an interview with Stockton, as well as with Sloat, and found him to be a man after their own heart. He had none of Sloat's timidity about assuming responsibility. He believed that Sloat's orders and information from the Rio Grande abundantly justified, not only what he had done, but would justify much more. He was in favor of accepting the services of the battalion, and of prosecuting the conquest to a successful issue by a land campaign. Not only this, but he was willing to virtually adopt the Bear Flag revolt in all its phases as part of the conquest, thus imbibing the 'local views' against which Larkin had warned him."


But what pleased Fremont and Gillespie most of all was Stockton's assurance that he would soon be in a position to carry his and their plans into execu- tion. For at their first interview, on July 15th, Sloat had announced his intention to retire at an early date, leaving the other commodore in command of the squad-


43 Stockton's letter of Oct. 24, 1845, acknowledging receipt of orders of the 17th, and mentioning the sealed orders, etc. p. 95 of A Sketch of the Life of Com. Robert F. Stockton; with an appendix, comprising his correspondence with the nary department respecting his conquest of California; and extracts from the defence of Col. J. C. Frémont in relation to the same subject; together with his speeches in the senate of the U. S., and his political letters, New York, 1856, 8vo, 210, 131 p. This work is sufficiently described by its title. The tone is of course warmly eulogistic of the hero, who deserved something of eulogy. So far as Cal. is concerned, the documentary part of the work is the most val- uable, though but few documents are given which are not elsewhere extant; and the editor for the most part simply echoes the views of Stockton himself, as expressed in his various reports. Colton, Deck and Port, 379, says: 'Mex- ican papers were received there [at Honolulu] the day before our departure, stating that hostilities had commenced between that country and the U. S. on the Texan line. We doubted the correctness of the information, but put to sea at once, that we might be off Monterey in season for any service which the possible exigency might require.' The correspondence of the time shows clearly that Stockton was expected with the Congress to join the squadron by Sloat, Larkin, and Montgomery long before his arrival even at Honolulu.


# Stockton's ideas on the subject are clearly expressed in his various re- ports, and reflected in his acts, as we shall see presently.


:53


A NEW COMMODORE.


ron. 45 Sloat perhaps intended at first to await the ar- rival of an order for relief from Washington, such an order-in reply to his request of May, and "for other reasons"-being then on the way, coupled with a rep- rimand, of which he knew nothing; but if so, his dis- agreement with Stockton respecting the policy to be pursued in California, and the latter's willingness to assume the responsibility of cooperating with Fre- mont, as well as his own failing health, soon deter- mined him to hasten his departure. Accordingly, on July 23d, as a preliminary step, he made Stockton com- mander-in-chief of all forces and operations on land. Having already an understanding with Frémont, the new commander on the same day perfected an arrange- ment by which the 160 'ex-osos' were received as a battalion of volunteers, Fremont being made major and Gillespie captain, to serve under Stockton as long as their services might be required. Other officers re- mained presumably as on the departure from Sonoma; at least, there is no information extant respecting the reorganization of the battalion until a later period and for another campaign.46


Captain Dupont was now transferred to the Cyane, Captain Mervine to the Savannah, and Lieutenant Livingstone took command of the Congress. On Sunday, July 26th, or perhaps next day,47 the Cyane


45 Stockton's Report of Operations on the Coast of the Pacific, Feb. 18, 1848. This detailed report aud defence, which I shall have frequent occasion to cite, is found in 31st Cong. 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt ii., p. 33-50; and also in Stockton's Life, append A, p. 17-30; Bigelow's Mom. Fremont, 164, etc.


46 Stockton's Report; Stockton's letter of Aug. 28th to Sec. Bancroft, in ('utts' Conq., 119. Fremont, in his letter of July 25th to Benton, sent home by Sloat, says: 'I received this morning from Com. Stockton a commission of major in the U. S. army, retaining command of my battalion, to which a force of 80 marines will be attached. We are under orders to embark to-morrow morning on the Cyane, and disembark at S. Diego.' Niles' Reg., Ixxi. 191. Hensley, Fremont's Cal. Claims, 36-7, says the men refused to serve at $11 per month, and no rate was specified until August. July 24th, Larkin to Stockton, advising him that a force of men accustomed to rifle and saddle will be necessary, in addition to sailors and marines. Recommends also that he proceed to S. Pedro to act there as the position of Pico and Castro may demand. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 110.


47 The order was to sail on the 26th, aud Sloat in his report gives that as the date of departure; but Colton in his journal, Three Years in Cal., 16, states that it was on Monday, July 27th. The other dates are clearly stated


254


CONQUEST BY THE U. S .- SLOAT'S RULE.


sailed for San Diego with the battalion on board. On Wednesday the 29th Sloat transferred his broad pennant to the Lerant and sailed for home;43 while Stockton assumed command of the squadron; issued a proclamation, which, with the acts accompanying its enforcement, I shall notice in the next chapter; and on Saturday, August 1st, sailed in the Congress for San Pedro, having before his departure appointed Walter Colton as alcalde in place of Price and Gil- christ, and also sent Revere and Fauntleroy to com- mand the garrisons of Sonoma and San Juan respect- ively. The Portsmouth was left at San Francisco, and the Savannah at Monterey, the Erie being at the Hawaiian Islands, and the Warren not having yet arrived from Mazatlan.


in the original reports and by Colton; but have been confused by several writers, who seem to have followed the Monterey Californian, Aug. 15, 1846.


48 On the voyage he wrote his report of July 31st, which has been so often cited in preceding pages. Sloat's Despatches on Conquest of Cal., with acconi. panying documents, in U. S. Gort Doc., 29th cong. 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc. 4, p. 640 et seq .; and 30th cong. Ist sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt ii., p. 2-50. Mont- gomery, on July 25th, one of the documents cited, wrote to Sloat a very kind and flattering letter of congratulation and good wishes. Sloat reached Washington early in November.


John Drake Sloat was a native of New York, born in 1780. He joined the navy in 1800; became sailing-master and lieutenant in 1812; commanded the U. S. schooner Grampus in 1824-5, cruising for pirates in the West In- dies squadron; served two years in the St Louis of the Pacific squadron; was made commander in 1826; and subsequently commanded at the recruiting station in New York City and the Portsmouth navy-yard, becoming post- captain in 1837. In 1845 Capt. Sloat was appointed to succeed Com. Dallas in command of the Pacific squadron. After his return from Cal. he was in command of the Norfolk navy-yard in 1848-50; revisited California as pres- ident of a drydock commission in 1852; was placed on the retired list in 1856; promoted to be commodore when that rank was created in 1862, and to be rear-admiral in 1866. He held several other official positions, and died at his home on Staten Island on Nov. 28, 1867. He was senior honorary member of the Society of California Pioneers; and it is chiefly from the reso- lutions published at his death that I take the preceding notes of his life. Cal. Pioneer Arch., MS., 53-60; also in many newspapers.


CHAPTER XI.


THE CONQUEST-STOCKTON'S RULE-OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH.


AUGUST, 1846.


STOCKTON'S PROCLAMATION-A PRONUNCIAMIENTO FILIBUSTERO-CASTRO RETREATS SOUTHWARD-PICO'S PROCLAMATION-ACTION OF THE ASSEM- BLY-VAIN EFFORTS OF GOVERNOR AND GENERAL FOR DEFENCE-NO ENTHUSIASM OR RESOURCES-CASTRO AT THE MESA-FREMONT AT SAN DIEGO-STOCKTON AT SAN PEDRO-THE COMMODORE REFUSES TO NE- GOTIATE FOR FEAR HIS TERMS MAY BE ACCEPTED-HIS WEAK EX- CUSES-LARKIN'S EFFORTS-CASTRO AND PICO RESOLVE TO QUIT CALI- FORNIA-FLIGHT AND FAREWELL ADDRESSES-PICO'S LAND GRANTS- STOCKTON ENTERS ANGELES-SUBMISSION OF THE PEOPLE-PROCLAMA- TIONS AND ORDERS-NEWS FROM WASHINGTON-ELECTION ORDERED- PLANS FOR A CIVIL GOVERNMENT- GARRISONS AT THE SOUTHERN TOWNS-STOCKTON AND FREMONT RETURN TO THE NORTH.


THE proclamation, or address, issued by Commo- dore Robert F. Stockton on July 29th, the date of his assuming the command and of his predecessor's departure, is given entire in the accompanying note.1


1 Address to the people of California. 'The Mexican government and their military leaders have, without cause, for a year past been threatening the U. S. with hostilities. They have recently, in pursuance of these threats, com- menced hostilities by attacking, with 7,000 men, a small detachment of 2,000 U. S. troops, by whom they were sigually defeated and routed. Gen. Castro, the commander-in-chief of the military forces of Cal., has violated every prin- ciple of international law and uational hospitality, by hunting and pursuing, with several hundred soldiers, and with wicked intent, Capt. Frémont of the U. S. army, who came here to refresh his men, about forty in number, after a perilous journey across the mountains, on a scientific survey. For these re- peated hostilities and outrages, military possession was ordered to be taken of Monterey and S. F. until redress could be obtained from the govt of Mex- ico. No let or hindrance was given or intended to be given to the civil au- thority of the territory, or to the exercise of its accustomed functions. The officers were invited to remain, and promised protection in the performance of their duties as magistrates. They refused to do so, and departed, leaving the people in a state of anarchy and confusion. On assuming the command ... I find myself in possession of the ports of Monterey and S. F., with daily ( 255 )


256


STOCKTON'S RULE-OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH.


The reader will find it a most extraordinary document : and the more closely it is studied, the less commenda- ble it will appear. Stockton's policy of completing the military occupation of California by taking posses-


reports from the interior of scenes of rapine, blood, and murder. Three inof- fensive American residents of the country have, within a few days, been mur- dered in the most brutal manner; and there are no Californian offieers who will arrest and bring the murderers to justice, although it is well known who they are and where they are. I must therefore, and will as soon as I can, adopt such measures as may seem best calculated to bring these criminals to justice, and to bestow peace and good order on the country. In the first place, however, I am constrained by every principle of national honor, as well as a clue regard for the safety and best interests of the people of Cal., to put an end at once and by foree to the lawless depredations daily committed by Gen. Castro's men upon the persons and property of peaceful and unoffending in- habitants. I cannot, therefore, confine my operations to the quiet and undis- turbed possession of the defenceless ports of Monterey and San Francisco, whilst the people elsewhere are suffering from lawless violence; but will im- mediately march against thesc boasting and abusive chiefs, who have not only violated every principle of national hospitality and good faith toward Capt. Frémont and his surveying party, but who, unless driven out, will, with the aid of the hostile Indians, keep this beautiful country in a constant state of revolution and blood, as well as against all others who may be found in arms. or aiding or abetting Gen. Castro. The present general of the forces of Cal. is a usurper; has been guilty of great offences; has impoverished and drained the country of almost its last dollar; and has deserted his post now when most needed. He has deluded and deceived the inhabitants of Cal., and they wish his expulsion from the country. He came into power by rebellion and force, and by force he must be expelled. Mexico appears to have been compelled from time to time to abandon C'al. to the mercies of any wieked man who could muster 100 men in arms. The distances from the capital are so great that she cannot, even in times of great distress, send timely aid to the inhabitants; and the lawless depredations upon their persons and property go invariably unpun- ished. She eannot or will not punish or control the chieftains who, one after the other, have defied her power, and kept Cal. in a constant seene of revolt and misery. The inhabitants are tired and disgusted with this eonstant suc- cession of military usurpers, and this insecurity of life and property. They invoke my protection. Therefore upon them I will not make war. Irequire, however, all officers, civil and military, and all other persons to remain quiet at their respective homes and stations, and to obey the orders they may re- ceive from me or by my authority; and if they do no injury or violence to my authority, none will be done to them.


. But notice is hereby given, that if any of the inhabitants of the country cither abandon their dwellings, or do any injury to the arms of the U. S., or to any person within this territory, they will be treated as enemies, and suffer accordingly. No person whatever is to be troubled in consequence of any part he may heretofore have taken in the politics of the country, or for having been a subjeet of Gen. Castro. And all persons who may have belonged to the govt of Mexico, but who from this day acknowledge the authority of the existing laws, are to be treated in the same manner as other citizens of the U. S., provided they are obedient to the law and to the orders they shall receive from me or by my authority. The commander-in-chief does not desire to possess himself of one foot of Cal. for any other reason than as the only means to save from destruction the lives and property of the foreign residents, and citizens of the territory who have invoked his protection. As soon, therefore, as the officers of the civil law return to their proper duties, under a regularly organized govt, and give security for life, liberty, and property alike to all,


257


A NEW POLICY.


sion of the southern towns, as compared with Sloat's policy, in the last days, of holding Monterey and San Francisco, and awaiting new orders and information, was probably a wise one. Though some thought dif- ferently, there is reason to doubt that progress could have been made toward voluntary submission by inac- tion at this stage of affairs. Instructions from Wash- ington in letter required an occupation of the ports only; but in spirit-and still more so the orders then en route-they involved the raising of the flag at inte- rior towns, if it could be done with safety. I think there can be no doubt that Stockton was fully justi- fied, not only in taking possession of the southern ports, but in extending the occupation to the inland towns, and in utilizing the services of Frémont's bat- talion for that purpose. That being the case, the only proclamation called for by the circumstances was a simple announcement of his accession to the command, and of his purpose to complete and maintain the mili- tary occupation, with a repetition of Sloat's promises and appeals for a peaceful submission.


Nothing of the kind, however, is found in the com- modore's address, in which all the motives that had actuated Sloat were ignored, and an entirely new theory was evolved respecting what had been done and what was to be done. The paper was made up of falsehood, of irrelevant issues, and of bombastic ranting in about equal parts, the tone being offensive and im- politic even in those inconsiderable portions which were true and legitimate. Sloat wrote to Secretary Ban- croft, after reading the proclamation at sea: "It does not contain my reasons for taking possession of, or my


the forces under my command will be withdrawn, and the people left to man- age their own affairs in their own way.'


The document bears no date, and some writers have dated it on the 23d, when Stockton took command on land; others on the 28th, when a copy of it was addressed to Com. Sloat; but there is no doubt that the true date should be the 29th. The proclamation is found in 31st Cong. 1st Sess., II. Ex. Doc. 1, p. 31-3; also in Stockton's Life, 116-18; Soule's Annals, 103-4; Lancey's ('ruise, 105-6: Cal. Pioneers, Arch .. MS., 237-8. Spanish translations, orig- inal copies, l'allejo, Doc., MS., xii. 231; Janssens, Doc., MS., 8-14.


HIST. CAL., VOL. V. 17


25S


STOCKTON'S RULE-OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH.


views or intentions toward that country; consequently it does not meet my approbation." The third para- graph, describing Castro's outrageous treatment of Frémont, is false from beginning to end; but had it been truth, the following statement that it was on ae- count of these outrages, and to obtain redress for them, that Monterey had been seized, was not only without foundation in truth, but was well known to be so by Stockton, who may charitably be presumed to have been deceived in the first respect. And in all that follows there is hardly a hint at the simple truth that California was to be held-the people being urged and eneonraged meanwhile to voluntarily change their al- legiance-in military possession until the United States and Mexico should determine its fate by treaty at the end of the war; but there are constant allu- sions to the punishment of criminals, to boastful and abusive chiefs, to usurpers, and to oppressed inhabi- tants who had invoked his protection. Unlike his government at Washington, Stockton did not eare to make California a territory of the United States, nor did he want a foot of that country for any other rea- son than to save the lives and property of citizens; his mission was rather to avenge the wrongs of Fre- mont and of the people, to bring about reforms in local government, to punish the wicked rulers and the equally wieked and misguided Californians who should hesitate to abandon those rulers and should dare to defend their country! Why the wrongs of the poor American settlers and the resulting Bear Flag revolt were ignored by the commodore is a mystery. In the fifth and sixth paragraphs we read of prevalent "ra- pine, blood, and murder." There is but slight evi- dence, beyond the limits of the writer's imagination, that there were at this time any unusual disorders; but had there been such disorders, it was certainly an extraordinary idea of Stockton's to throw the respon- sibility upon the local Mexican authorities who had declined to throw off at a moment's notice their na-


259


THE COMMODORE'S MOTIVES.


tional allegiance, and accept office under the invaders of their country ! Castro was not a usurper in any sense that concerned Stockton as an officer of the United States, nor was the latter at all concerned in the faults of departmental rulers or in Mexican neg- lect of California, except that he might legitimately refer to them as a means of encouraging the people to submit with good grace to the inevitable. The proc- lamation was in all its phases offensive, impolitic, un- called for, inaccurate, and most undignified.2


We have not far to go in search of the motives which prompted Stockton to publish an address so unworthy of him. It should have borne the signatures of Fre- mont and Gillespie, who managed to gain for the time being complete control over the commodore, and who dictated the proclamation with the sole view to ad- vance their own interests. They were shrewd and lucky adventurers. Stockton was the more ready to adopt their views, because by so doing he magnified the difficulties before him, and his glory in the event of success; because the address would make a good impression in the States, where little was likely to be known about the facts; and because it seemed prudent, in view of the opinions entertained by Sloat and Lar- kin, to lay the foundations for a defence of himself and his government, in case the news of war should prove unfounded. In his later formal report to the government, which I quote at some length below, Stockton explained the considerations which "seemed to make prompt and decisive action an imperative duty"-considerations which, though involving exag- gerations of difficulties encountered, in the aggregate were amply sufficient to justify his action; but which


? Tuthill, Hist. Cal., 186-7, wittily says that Stockton's proclamation had a 'Mexican flavor,' but was carried out, 'a very un-Mexican procedure.' The Californians generally condemn and ridicule the address, though Stockton himself later became very popular with them. The commodore was never ceusured for his absurd utterances, nor does it clearly appear that he ever admitted their folly.


=60


STOCKTON'S RULE-OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH.


by no means justified the tone of his pronunciamiento filibustero of July 29th.3


3 Stockton's Report, 34-3. He says: 'The result of my inquiries and investi- gations showed me that the position I was about to occupy was an impor- tant and critical one. The intelligence of the commencement of hostilities between the two nations, although it had passed through Mexico, had reached Com. Sloat in advance of the Mexican authorities.' See Bandini, Doc., MS., S5, for proof that before July 3d Covarrubias had brought news of hostilities on the Rio Grande. When he made his first hostile demonstrations, there- fore, the enemy, ignorant of the existence of the war, had regarded his acts as an unwarrantable exercise of power by the U. S., and the most lively in- lignation and bitter resentment pervaded the country.' No such general bit- terness existed; what feeling did exist was due to the acts of the insurgents, not those of Sloat; and if all had been as Stockton states, how admirably well calculated was the address to assuage the popular indignation and ex- plain the true motives of the U. S. ! 'The public functionaries of the terri- tory were not slow in availing themselves of this feeling, and endeavored to stimulate it to the highest possible degree. A proclamation was put forth, de- nouncing in the most unmeasured terms all foreigners, but it was unquestion- ably aimed principally at the citizens of the U. S. and such others as sym- pathized with them.' He must refer not to Pico's proclamation of July 16th, which was not at all violent in tone; but to the earlier one, not called out by Sloat's acts, but by those of the Bear Flag insurgents! 'Two or three were in fact murdered, and all were led to apprehend extermination from the san- guinary feeling of resentment which was everywhere breathed. The local legislature was in session. Gov. Pio Pico had assembled a force of about 700 or 1,000 (!) men, supplied with seven pieces of artillery, breathing ven- geance against the perpetrators of the insult and injury which they supposed had been inflicted. These hostile demonstrations were daily increasing, and by the time that the command devolved on me. . . the situation had assumed a critical and alarming appearance, Every citizen and friend of the U. S. throughout the territory was in imminent jeopardy; he could count upon no security for either property or life. It was well known that numerous emi- grants from the U. S. were on their way to Upper California. These march- ing in small and detached parties, encumbered with their wives and chil- dren and baggage, uninformed of the war and consequently unprepared for attack, would have been exposed to certain destruction'-a mode of theo- rizing likely to be very forcible in the States, but pure 'clap-trap' all the same. 'It was also ascertained that in anticipation of the eventual conquest of the country by the U. S., many of those in the actual possession of author- ity were preparing for this change by disposing of the public property, so that it might be found in private hands when the Americans should acquire possession, believing that private rights would be protected and individual property secure. Negotiations were in actual progress thus to acquire 3,000 leagues of land, and to dispose of all the most valuable portions of the terri- tory appertaining to the missions at nominal prices, so that the conquerors should find the entire country appropriated to individuals, and in hands which could effectually prevent sales to American citizens, and thus check the tide of immigration, while little or no benefit would result to the nation from the acquisition of this valuable territory.' More of this later. There was cer- tainly enough of truth in it to make the seizure of the capital at an early date desirable. 'All these considerations, together with others of inferior mo- ment, seemed to make prompt and decisive action an imperative duty. To retain possession merely of a few sea-ports, while cnt off from all intercourse with the interior, exposed to constant attack by the concentrated forces of an exasperated enemy, appeared wholly useless. Yet to abandon ground which we had occupied, to withdraw our forces from these points, to yield places where onr flag had been floating in triumph, was an alternative not to be thought




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