History of California, Volume XXII, Part 8

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 816

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12 It is to be noted that Vallejo makes the date of the junta March 27th, while its action of April Ilth, abundantly recorded, is not mentioned at all by him. He speaks of Pico's letter disapproving of his speech, and of the junta's action, though most of the members had assembled by Pico's order, with in- structions to vote for England ! but Pico's letter and Vallejo's reply are ex- tant, as already noted, and they contain no reference to foreign relations.

STEARNS, LEESE, AND WARNER.

I am very sure that General Vallejo's memory has been greatly aided by his imagination.

On April 17th, the day of Gillespie's arrival with news of Larkin's appointment as confidential agent, Larkin wrote letters to Abel Stearns, Jacob P. Leese, and John Warner, to whom he communicated news brought from Mazatlan by the Portsmouth, to the effect that war was believed to have been declared, or at least that it would not long be delayed. In the event of war, he writes, "I believe the stars would shine over California before the Fourth of July! bless- ing those who see them and their posterity after them." This, he believes, would be most advanta- geous to the people, though probably not to himself and other merchants. "As a trader, I prefer every- thing as it is; the times and the country are good enough for me." After painting in bright colors the benefits of annexation to the United States, the writer urges the gentlemen addressed to disseminate his views with diligence and secrecy, reporting promptly all that they could learn of the popular feeling in their respective sections. Especially were the people to be warned against the evils of European interference. In their distress, "some look to England, some to the United States, and a few to France as a dernier ressort. Those who look to Europe know nothing of a Euro- pean colonist's life, or of the heavy tax and imposi- tion he suffers. The idea of independence is from his mother's breast implanted in every native of the Amer- iean continent. Then where should he look for assist- ance but to the United States of America? He will there find a fellow-feeling with those who can partici- pate in all his ideas, and hail him as a republican and citizen of the land of freedom. Be all this as it may, from the time of Mr Monroe, the United States have said that no European government should plant colo- nies in North America. Mr Polk reiterates this posi- tion, and his government will make it good; and the

FOREIGN RELATIONS-U. S. AND ENGLAND.

day that European colonist by purchase, or European soldier by war, places his foot on Californian soil, that day shall we see the hardy sons of the west come to the rescue." 13

At or about the same time Larkin prepared an- other letter, expressing views similar to those just noted, but in language almost identical with that used by Buchanan in his instructions. This document without signature was translated into Spanish, and was intended to be shown to different Californians, but only as embodying Larkin's private opinions. 14 To the secretary of state the consul wrote, that while the leaders would prefer to rule the country under Mexico, and were inclined to vacillate in their ideas- of foreign protection, yet he believed they would not oppose annexation to the United States if their offices and salaries could be secured to them.15 To Gillespie Larkin wrote: "I have said, as my opinion, to Castro, Carrillo, and Vallejo, that our flag may fly here in thirty days. The former says for his own plans war is preferable to peace, as affairs will at once be brought to a crisis, and each one know his doom. I answered that without war he could secure to himself and his friends fame, honor, and permanent employ and pay. He and others know not what to do or say but wait advices from Mexico. . . I have had many of the lead-

18 April 17, 1846, L. to Stearns, Leese, and Warner. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MIS., i. 77-9. This letter might be shown to Californians, but neither origi- nal nor a copy must be allowed to fall into their hands.

14 No date, Larkin's circular letter. Copy in Sawyer's Doc., MS., 18-24, with a note by L. explaining the circumstances under which it was written- in Feb. be says, but this must be an error, perhaps of the copyist. I have not found the original, but Sawyer saw it among L.'s papers before they came into my possession. In this document the Californians are clearly in- formed that the U. S. will not permit European intervention, but will wel- come Cal. as a sister republic or as a part of the American union.

15 April 17, 1816, L. to sec. state. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 52-4. He says Castro talks of going to the Sacramento in July to prevent the entry of expected immigrants. He is probably not in earnest, but if he does go it will only basten the crisis. Larkin thinks Castro will soon overthrow Pico; represents Forbes and Gasquet as meu not very influential or likely to meddle much in politics; and be thanks the president for bis appointment as agent, promising to do his best to give satisfaction.

SUTTER'S POLICY.

ers at my house to inquire into the news, and I be- lieve they are fast preparing for the coming event."16

Respecting the policy of Sutter in these days, so far as foreign relations are concerned, little is known. He was not in 1846, as he had been to some extent before, one of those to whom Larkin confided his po- litical plans. In a communication to Castro, written in April or May-the same in which he warned that officer against Gillespie as an agent of the United States with important despatches for Frémont, whom he perhaps intended to recall from the northern fron- tier-Sutter wrote: "I recommend you to station a respectable garrison at this point before the arrival of immigrants from the United States, which will be about the middle of September. According to reports, they may number some thousands, though not ten thousand, as has been said. Believing that the gov- ernment will buy my establishment, I shall put every thing in the best order. I am putting a new story on the large new building which you have seen, and will make it ready as soon as possible, containing quarters for two or three hundred soldiers, with sufficient pa- rade-ground within the fort for the troops. I have also written to Prudon about this matter."17 The only comment to be made on Sutter's warning against Gilles- pie, and on his recommendation to garrison New Hel- vetia against American immigrants, is that these acts were much more consistent with his duty as a Mexi- can citizen and officer than with his later pretensions of American partisanship.

On May 13th was issued the call for a 'consejo gen- cral de pueblos unidos,' to deliberate on the future lestiny of California. I have already noticed this con-

16 April 23, 1846, L. to G. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 73-5.

17 No date (about 3 weeks after Frémont's visit), Sutter to Castro in Span- ish. Castro, Doc., MS., 98, 41. For the letter to Prudon, see chap. xxv., this vol. Sutter's preparations were soon to be utilized, as will be seen, but not by a Mexican garrison, as he had intended. HIST. CAL., VOL. V. 5

FOREIGN RELATIONS-U. S. AND ENGLAND.

sejo as a phase of the controversy between Pico and Castro, and explained that the opposition of the latter and his friends prevented its success. It has been be- lieved from that time to this, that the promoters of this council intended in it to urge the scheme of inde- pendence from Mexico, involving probably an appeal to some other nation for protection. The wording of the call,18 together with the correspondence of such men as Stearns and Larkin, indicates that the belief was well founded; though little contemporary evi- dence exists from Californian sources.19 I have no doubt that the consejo would have discussed the questions to which I have alluded; that among the members would have appeared advocates of loyalty to Mexico, of absolute independence, of annexation to the United States, and of an English or French pro- tectorate; and that on a vote the parties would have stood numerically in the order just indicated. Friends of the United States might very likely have united with the advocates of independence, since, in the event of no war with Mexico, independence would have been less embarrassing to the government at Washington than annexation, though practically and eventually amounting to the same thing. But all the other factions would have united in behalf of Mexico, and California would almost certainly have maintained its former status, so far as the consejo could affect it.

Larkin was not alarmed at the rumors that the consejo was to be controlled by advocates of European interference. He proposed to visit Santa Bárbara in person; and he had no doubt of his ability, with the aid of Vallejo, Bandini, and Stearns, all of whom he urged to attend as members, to prevent any tri- umph of foes to the United States, though he did not expect a positive decision in favor of his own plans.

18 See chap. ii. of this vol.

19 May 30, 1846, Manuel Castro to José Castro. Mentions the rumor that the southern delegates will favor independence; at which the writer is indig- nant, and urges the gen. to take part in the consejo, with a view to prevent the success of such a scheme. Soberanes, Doc., MS., 322-5.

THE SANTA BÁRBARA COUNCIL.

Stearns thought the proposed meeting would consider foreign relations only as a secondary question, the quarrel between Pico and Castro being of primary importance; but he believed that the United States had more friends in the south than any European nation, and that a majority would favor annexation, could they be assured of immediate protection against Mexico.20

The importance of the proposed consejo, as a scheme designed to put the country under the protection of England, has been grossly exaggerated, as indeed has all that pertains in any way to English interference. It has been asserted that Pico and other promoters of the council had so arranged its membership as to insure a decision in favor of Great Britain. Many native Californians have taken this view of the mat-

20 May 14, 1846, Stearns to Larkin, announcing the convocation of the con- sejo. He says: "The idea among the Californians for independence has for a long time been cherished here at the south; more so than at the north. Such a measure I have always been opposed to, and think it a wild scheme. Other plans have been spoken of by some-such as to ask protection of Eng- land or the U. S. The desire for some kind of a change is almost universal, as it is certain that no protection can be expected from Mexico in her present revolutionary state.' Larkin's Doc., MS., iv. 119. May 21st, L. to S. Id., Off. Corresp., MS., i. 80. May 24th, L. to Leese. Asks him to urge Vallejo to attend the consejo. Id., i. 81. June Ist, Stearns to L., explaining his ideas as to the object of the meeting. Id., Doc., MS., iv. 15]. 'I often hear the most respectable people say, "Ojalá que tome esta los Americanos"! They appear to be inclined to any kind of a change that will free them from Mexico. The govt men are of the same opinion generally.' June Ist, L. to Gillespie. Does not believe the junta will have a quorum. 'I have no rea- son to suppose that this junta is more than to do something for the benefit of Cal .; what that may be the members themselves do not exactly know. . . 1 as a private person told Forbes, Castro, Vallejo, and Prudon that if they were confident that Mexico would do nothing for Cal., to make one more effort and present from a large juuta a respectable (sic) memorial representing the state of Cal .; and if Mexico cannot afford protection, let them humbly offer their advice of selling the country. Forbes told me he could not mention such a thing. I told him I would, and my govt could displace me if they saw proper; as I had no pay (!), there would be no risk or loss; that as a private man and land speculator I would agitate questions for my private ends, bene- fit, and account. To do this he wished me to be there '-at Sta Barbara. Id., Off. Corresp., MS., i. 87-9. June Ist, L. to sec. state, announcing the pro- posed holding of the consejo by the gov. and assembly, 'from a dread of some- thing, they hardly know what.' Id., ii. 56. June 18th, L. to Mott and Tal- bot, Mazatlan. Thinks the scheme will fail. Id., Doc., MS., iv. 165. Castro, Relacion, MS., 177-80, says that Pico's motive in convoking the consejo was to forestall Gen. Castro in his supposed scheme of a foreign protectorate-a most ridiculous enterprise. The gen. had really sent Guerra (so G. claimed also) to urge Pico to join him in such a scheme.

FOREIGN RELATIONS -- U. S. AND ENGLAND.

ter, especially certain arribeños, who have thus ac- counted for their opposition to the scheme, with a view to magnify their services in behalf of the United States.21 Another fruitful source of exaggeration was the congressional investigation of a few years later respecting California claims on the treasury, on which occasion it became important for certain interests to magnify the importance of services rendered by revo- lutionists to the United States. Many witnesses were brought forward to prove that California had been on the point of being surrendered to England by the au- thorities, the transfer being prevented-as was Pico's prodigal distribution of lands among his English friends -by the prompt action of American settlers on the northern frontier. The absurdity of this claim will be shown later; and I introduce the matter here only to show the origin of a popular idea, that California was in imminent danger of being handed over to England. The testimony cited was that of those who merely repeated the rumors current among a class who had the least opportunities of knowing the facts; and they paid but little attention to the chronology of such ru- mors, confounding those that followed with those that preceded the raising of the American flag in July.2

21 Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., v. 41, 93; Id., Doc., MS., xxxiv. 192, is positive in his statements to this effect, declaring also that Forhes was active in promot- ing the scheme. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., v. 109-10, 146-50, expresses the same opinion, so far as Pico's designs are concerned; but he thinks the gover- nor's following was not numerically strong, and he names David Spence as the most prominent English agent. Osio. Hist. Cal., MS., 457, confirms the state- nent that Pico was intriguing with Forbes and other agents of England. Ra- fael Pinto, Apunt., MS., 106, claims to have started for the south with Pablo de la Guerrra, who was sent by Castro and Alvarado to confer with Pico, and urge a scheme for an English protectorate, Manuel Torres, Piriperias, MS .. 72-4, tells us that Dr Stokes was one of the most active partisans of the English cause; but that Forbes and Richardson held aloof. See also, on Pico's schemes, Juarez, Narr., MS .; Carrillo, Narr., MS., 6-10; Sanchez, Notas, MS .. 22. John Bidwell, Cal. in 1841-8, MIS., 141-2, says it was generally under- stood that Pico and other prominent men were agitating the question of English protection, and he thinks there was some foundation for the idea. Juan Fors- ter, Pioneer Data, MS., 28-9, also thinks there was an understanding be- tween English agents and the Californian authorities. See also Lancey's Cruise, 54. Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest, i. 40, names Vallejo as an advo- cate of English schemes ! See also Hall's Hist. S. José, 143, and many news- paper articles.

22 Frémont's Cal. Claims (30th cong. Ist sess., Sen. Repts no. 73); Dix's

PICO'S PLANS IN FAVOR OF ENGLAND.

The truth of the matter is simply that Pico and half a dozen other somewhat prominent men, includ- ing Pablo de la Guerra and Juan B. Alvarado, were inclined, through various motives of personal ambi- tions, dislikes, and friendships, to favor European intervention as a means of keeping their country from the United States. Popular sentiment was not strong in their favor, and they could not have controlled the consejo in behalf of England, even had they acted together, as they were not likely to do. The theory that Pico had so planned the meeting as to control it absolutely in this respect, or in any other respect except that of opposition to Castro and the northern «lique, was one developed in later years from the imagination of Vallejo and his friends. Larkin and Stearns, the men best qualified to judge in the mat- ter, had no fear of results so far as the action of Cali- fornians was concerned, their only apprehensions, much less troublesome than in former years, being founded on what England might accomplish in Mex- ico. Had England sent a force to take California, together with guaranties of office or emolument to Pico and Castro, then the attitude of those officials would have assumed an importance that it did not possess under any other circumstances. What were the plans of the English government it is no part of my present duty to consider.

It is not easy to determine what steps were taken by Forbes and David Spence to encourage Pico and his friends in their purpose of appealing to England. The correspondence of the time naturally touches this

Speeches, i. 278-80; Hartmann's Brief, 61-75. Lieutenants Gillespie and Minor were the witnesses that spoke most positively about the Sta Bárbara junta, the former getting his information from Leese chiefly, and the latter- who represented the junta as having actually decided in favor of England- from Pedro C. Carrillo. 15 or 20 other witnesses testified to the general belief that Pico was granting the public lands as fast as possible to English- men. The chief absurdity to which I have alluded in my text was in the claim that the action of the northern revolutionists, in the middle of June, had any effect to check Pico's grants. Most of the witnesses mention the McNamara grant, which will be fully noticed later, and of which nothing was known in northern California before the end of June.

FOREIGN RELATIONS-U. S. AND ENGLAND.

topic but vaguely. 23 Forbes always denied having been concerned in any intrigues whatever in behalf of his government. In conversation with Larkin in 1846, he gave him to understand that he had once been reprimanded by his government for having introduced the subject of California politics in some of his communications; that he believed the rumors of English negotiations with the authorities to be false, though England would not regard with satis- faction the interference of any other nation; that his individual preference was in favor of the United States, though his official position did not permit an open expression of this preference; and finally, that his policy would be to say nothing, not to meddle in politics, and to acquire some lands in anticipation of the coming change." It is not by any means neces- sary to place implicit confidence in the literal accuracy

23 March 17th, Forbes writes to Bandini: 'You being in my opinion a man whose intelligence penetrates the designs of California's foes, and not being able at present to enter into particulars, I have authorized Henry Dalton to propose to you a certain method of frustrating those designs in a manner honorable and beneficial to this country. Please write to me if you find it necessary in order to forward the desired object.' Bandini, Dor., MS., 68. Don Juan's reply, Id., 69, was dated April 21st. It was long-Bandini never wrote a short communication-and somewhat vague and mysterious. The danger was no secret to him, he said, and he seems to approve the plan pro- posed; but 'unfortunately we are in a country where everything cannot be told, and where a good result cannot be expected if the few men capable of treating so serious a subject do not dedicate themselves exclusively to it.' It is necessary to use great caution, to dissemble, aud to await an opportunity, carefully avoiding premature action, etc. He also alludes vaguely to com- mercial topics. This corresp. may or may not have a political significance. Forbes seems to have addressed l'ico, asking an explanation respecting Fre- mont's motives; for Pico, on April 22d, replied that he did not know what those motives were, but assuring Forbes that the govt does not admit the protection of any foreign power. Dept. St. Pap., MS., viii. 128.

24 May 21, 1846, L. to Stearns. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 80-1. May 24th, same to same. Id., i. 81-3; Id., Doc., MS., iv. 133. May 26th, same to same. Id., Off. Corresp., MS., i. 83. 'It is possible that the gov. may obtain sufficient from Mr Forbes to give up any idea of looking to Eng- land.' June Ist, L. to Gillespie. Id., i. 87-9. June Ist, L. to sec. state. Id., ii. 56-8. The same idea is clearly expressed in all these letters. Stearns had written on the 14th of May that he knew positively that English agents were at work; and L. had been somewhat alarmed at the news until he had talked with Forbes and Spence. Mckay, Recollections, MS., 4, arriving at S. F. in March, says he found the air thick with rumors on account of Fre- mont's operations. The Englishmen there seemed to take sides with the Americans, though they blamed the English govt for not taking prompt action to secure the country for the British crown.

FORBES AND SPENCE.

of these statements of Forbes and Spence; but it is well to note that evidence against them is exceedingly slight, and that Larkin, the man best qualified and most interested to learn the truth, as well as the one who had in former years been most suspicious of English interference, was inclined to credit those statements.

In May Larkin appointed Abel Stearns his confi- dential agent for Los Angeles and southern Califor- nia, implying, though not stating clearly, the nature of his own relations to the administration at Washing- ton.25 At the end of the month he wrote to Frémont, and said in answer to the latter's offers to be of ser- vice to him at Washington: "I have neither demands nor favors to ask of our government, nor 'odds,' to use a western expression. What time may require, time must bring to light. You are aware that great changes are about to take place in a country we are both acquainted with; to aid this I am giving up busi- ness, holding myself in readiness for the times to come, and the results; thus drawing myself into the political vortex. This in time may bring my name too prominently forward, so that I may be assailed. Should this ever happen, you may render me service." 26 The same sentiments respecting the country's pros- pects are expressed to Buchanan in a letter of June 1st, in which Larkin suggests that he would be will-

25 May 23, 1846, L. to S. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 84. The follow- ing paragraph illustrates one trait of the writer's character: 'You are aware I have been for some time in public employ without any pecuniary remuner- ation, and therefore cannot offer you any. I can only say the offer cannot be of much trouble or expense to an active and energetic man like yourself, who would find a pleasure in what others would call laborious business. I cannot even promise you that my offer holds out any future inducement to you or your interests, but I believe that both may be advanced at some future day not far distant. Therefore the end may justify the means, at least in the re- sult. You must only look for recompense at present in an extended knowl- edge of affairs.' Nothing of Larkin's $6 per day! L. also wrote in these times letters for the N. Y. Herald and Sun, as appears from corresp. with Bennett and Beach in Larkin's Doc., MS., iv. 124, 129. These editors valued the letters highly, and offered pay, but L. would accept nothing, unless possibly protection in case of future slanders.

26 May 31, 1846, L. to F., in Larkin's Of. Corresp., MIS., i. 86.

FOREIGN RELATIONS-U. S. AND ENGLAND.

ing to undertake a secret diplomatic mission to Mexi- co on the pretext of collecting sums due him personally ; and also suggests that he has at Washington a relative, Eben L. Childs, who might be utilized as special mes- senger to California, or who might be employed to write secret despatches without signature, as his hand- writing was known to Larkin.27 This idea arose from the delay of the important despatch of October 17, 1845, of which Larkin had as yet received only a copy written from memory of the duplicate intrusted to Gillespie. The original arrived, however, before the 15th, on which date Larkin renewed his thanks for the honor, describing his zealous efforts in the past, urging the necessity of an increased salary, and for- warding carefully prepared sketches of California, its condition, institutions, and people.28 About this time he obtained from General Castro, in an interview, a general assent to his political scheme, in the form of a written plan of a movement of independence to be undertaken as soon as the number of foreign settlers should be deemed sufficient to insure success. 29

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History of California, Volume XXII, Part 8

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885-1890 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 816

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 816