History of California, Volume XXII, Part 32

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 816

USA > California > History of California, Volume XXII > Part 32

Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).

300

AFFAIRS IN THE NORTH.

Dr Henderson to Sonoma to treat Vallejo's illness, and soon visited the colonel in person. Vallejo also came down to San Francisco to be present at Stock- ton's reception.

The alarm of an Indian invasion from the north, to which I have alluded, had its origin in an affair of the winter of 1844-5. A party of Oregon Indians had come down to trade for cattle, being well received by Sutter, who had known some of the chiefs in Oregon, and permitted to hunt for wild horses, to be exchanged for cattle. Among the party were the Walla Walla chief Yellow Serpent and his son Elijah. The latter, who had been educated by the missionaries, was a turbulent and insolent fellow, who killed one of his companions near the fort, and was prevented by an American from killing another. Among the ani- mals taken by the Indians were some claimed as pri- vate property; but which they refused to give up. Grove Cook on going to demand a mule that bore his brand was met by Elijah, who levelled his rifle at him, and told him to take the animal if he dared. Sutter then summoned the chiefs to his office, and insisted that branded animals must be given up to their own- ers, though the Indians were entitled to a reward for restoring them. They declared that by their customs such animals belonged to those who found them. While the discussion was going on, Sutter left the office; and during his absence, Elijah was shot and killed by Cook in a quarrel, in which, according to the white witnesses present, the Indian was the aggressor ; though it would be more reasonable to suppose, in the absence of Indian witnesses, and the safety with which

Vallejo, Doc., MS., xii. 242. Sept. 29th, Id. to Id. Invites him to Yerba Buena to meet Stockton. Id., xii. 236. Oct. 19th, Id. to Id. Cannot accede to Vallejo's request that Revere be removed from the command, though he would do so for the cogent reasons urged had the request come a little sooner. Id., xii. 244. Nov. 16th, Id. to Id. A very friendly letter. Regrets that he cannot visit Sonoma before his departure. Id., xii. 249. March 28, 1847, V. to Bandini on his imprisonment and losses thereby. Bandini, Doc., MS., 104. June 14, 1847, V. to Ex-president Bustamante on the same topic. Vallejo, Doc., MS., xii. 304.

301

THE WALLA WALLAS.

an Indian might be killed under the circumstances, that Elijah was deliberately murdered by Cook. The whole party of about forty then hurried back to Oregon with their horses, not waiting to receive the cattle due them, and eluding the pursuers despatched by Sutter. Their story was told to the missionaries and to the Indian agent, White; and these gentlemen were ready to credit the version given them without investigation. White wrote on the subject to the government, to Sutter, and to Larkin. 12

Yellow Serpent came back to California at the be- ginning of September, 1846, with some forty of his people, to trade and to demand justice for the killing of his son. Reports had come from Oregon, from the missionaries and by the immigrants, that the Walla WVallas were bent on vengeance; and great was the alarm when a frontier settler came to New Helvetia with the news that a thousand warriors were approach- ing. The chief and his party had arrived at the cabin of the settler, Daniel Sill; and the explanation that nine men had been left ill on the way was interpreted to mean that 900 warriors were close behind The alarm was sent in all haste to Sonoma and Monterey ; and while Stockton came up to San Francisco, every possible preparation was made for defence along the northern frontier. Revere, leaving the Vallejos with a force of Californians and friendly Indians to scour the country and protect exposed points, hastened to the Sacramento. Soon after his arrival Revere learned the true state of affairs, and that there was no danger; in fact, the Walla Walla chief came in person to have a 'talk,' announcing that he had come to trade and not to fight, and urging upon the 'Boston men' who now owned the country his claim for justice. Both

12 See Hist Or., i. 285-9, this series. July 21, 1845, Sutter to Larkin, giv- ing full particulars of the affair. Larkin's Doc., MS., iii. 227. May 16th, White to Larkin. Id., iii. 155. White to sec. of war. Monterey Californian, Sept. 19, 1846. See also White's Concise View, 49; Parrish's Oregon Anec., MS., 90; Gray's Hist. Ogn, 507-11; Mission Life Sketches, 205-7. Pewpew- moxmox, the old chief was called in Oregon; Sutter calls him Piopiopio; and the Californians ' El Cojo Macai.'

302

AFFAIRS IN THE NORTH.

soldiers and settlers were anxious for a fight; certain persons tried to keep up the excitement; and many were not disposed to believe in the Indians' peaceful intentions, but rather to make a raid upon all the sav- ages in the valley; but better counsel soon prevailed, and the cheering news was sent southward that the fear of a Walla Walla invasion was groundless.13

Some enthusiastie biographers have accorded to Major Frémont the glory of having persuaded the Walla Wallas to forego their plans of vengeance, and thus prevented a disastrous Indian war; but as a mat- ter of fact, Frémont did not arrive until the exeitement had passed away. He did, however, obtain some of the savages as recruits for his California battalion. Of the major's operations in the Sacramento during this visit, at the end of September and beginning of October, nothing definite is recorded, except that he succeeded in getting many recruits, whose military operations of the next few months, with what is known of their organization, will be presented in due time. The large influx of immigrants by the overland route, to be noticed elsewhere, made it easy to find soldiers for the battalion at this time.

Stockton's plans on quitting Los Angeles were, as we have seen, to appoint Frémont governor, leave detaehments of the battalion as garrisons for the dif- ferent posts, and to depart with the strength of his fleet to engage in naval operations on the Mexican coast. He regarded the conquest of California as complete. He had no doubt that the people would soon become devoted subjects of the United States,

13 Stockton's Mil. and Naval Oper., 9; Stockton's Report, 41; Revere's Tour, 154, etc .; Sept. 10th-15th, corresp. between Misroon, M. G. Vallejo, and Salv. Vallejo, on the military preparations. Vallejo, Doc., MS., xii. 234 40. See also Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., v. 203-8; Torres, Peripecias, MS., 77-8: Juarez, Narracion, MS .; Tustin's Recoll., MS., 9; Honolulu Friend, iv. 158; Monterey Californian, passim; Upham's Life Fremont, 242-3; Bigelow's Mem. Fremont, 172-3. The Californians have an idea, not very well founded I think, that Salvador Vallejo was the originator of the scare, hoping to run np a large bill for horses and other aid, and thus get paid for a part of his past losses.

303

STOCKTON'S PLANS.

and believed that his proposed system of civil rule would soon be in successful operation. Arriving at Monterey, his plans were somewhat interrupted by the Walla Walla alarm, which called him to San Francisco; but when he learned that no danger was to be apprehended from the Indians, his prospects again assumed a roseate hue, and his schemes were not only revived, but had been greatly amplified. His project was nothing less than to raise a thousand men in California, to land them at Mazatlan or Aca- pulco, and with them march overland to "shake hands with General Taylor at the gates of Mexico"!14 Major Frémont-from this time addressed as military com- mandant of California, the date of his appointment to that position being September 2d-was sent to the Sacramento to recruit the army which was to conquer Mexico. It is not necessary to characterize the com- modore's project as a "master-stroke of military sagac- ity " with Lancey, or as the mad freak of an enthusiast seeking notoriety. Much would have depended on the result; and before much progress could be made news came that caused the scheme to be abandoned. At the end of September, John Brown arrived in all haste from Los Angeles with the report that the southern Californians had revolted, and that Gilles- pie's garrison was hard pressed by the foe. The courier, known as Juan Flaco, or Lean John, had made the distance from Angeles to San Francisco, about 500 miles, in six days, a feat which, variously

14 Stockton's Report, 40. Sept. 19th, Stockton to Mervine-' confidential'- announcing his plan, and that Frémont had been sent to the north for recruits. Sept. 28th, S. to Fremont, 'military commandant of the territory of Cal.' Anxious to know what his prospects are for 'recruiting my thousand men '- 'private'-in Stockton's Mil. and Nav. Oper., 14-15. Sept. 30th, S. to Mer- vine. Instructions for the movements of the Savannah, which was to sail at once. Id., 12-13. Oct. Ist, S. to Sec. Bancroft. 'I will send the Savannah on her cruise to-morrow, and the Portsmouth in a few days; and will follow myself in the Congress as soon as I can, to carry out my views in regard to Mexico, with which I have not thought it necessary or expedient to acquaint the department. Our new govt goes on well. .. If any chance is given, I have no doubt an effort will he made by the Mexicans to recover the territory; troops are ready to come from Mexico, but if they are not seen on the way I'll make them fight their first battle at Acapulco, or between that and the city of Mexico.' Id., 13-14.

304

AFFAIRS IN THE NORTH1.

exaggerated and misrepresented, has made the rider more or less famous. 16 Though Stockton did not attach great importance to the reported revolt, it was sufficient to distract his attention temporarily from his grand schemes of conquest; and he at once ordered Mervine to sail for San Pedro, to Gillespie's relief, which he did on the Savannah the 8th of October.16 Frémont was summoned from the Sacramento, and arrived at San Francisco on the 12th with 160 men, who were embarked on the Sterling. This vessel with the Congress sailed next day for the south. Stock- ton, meeting the Barnstable with despatches from Maddox, touched at Monterey on the 16th, landing a

1) Brown's own story, as quoted in Lancey's Cruise, 126-S, from the Stock- on S. Joaquin Republican, 1850, is in substance as follows: With a package of cigarettes, the paper of each bearing the inscription, 'Believe the bearer,' and Gillespie's seal, he started at 8 P. M., Sept 24th, hotly pursued by 15 Mexicans. His horse, incited by a bullet through his body, cleared a ravine 13 feet wide, and fell after running 2 miles ! Then he started on foot, carry- ing his spurs for 27 miles to Las Virgenes. Here he was joined by Tom Lewis, and they reached Sta Bárbara at 11 P. M. of the 25th. At the same hour of the 26th, having been furnished horses successively by Lieut Talbot, Thos Robbins, and Lewis Burton on showing the magic cigarettes, they camped between S. Miguel and S. Luis Obispo, where Lewis gave out; but Brown started again next morning, and late at night reached Monterey. He was offered 8200 to go ou to S. F .; and started at sunrise on a race-horse be- longing to Job Dye. Larkin aided him at S. José, where he was detained 4 hours; and he reached Yerba Buena at S P. M. of the 28th-630 miles in 4 days! He slept on the beach, and next morning when the commodore's boat landed gave Stockton the rest of his cigarettes. Gillespie, in the Sac. States- man, May 6, 1858, gives a brief account, agreeing well enough with Brown's, except that the horse leaped into instead of across the ravine, breaking a leg, whereupon the courier had to carry his saddle 4 miles to a rancho; and that he reached Monterey at night of the 28th, slept two hours, and arrived at S. F. at sunrise of the 29th ! Phelps, Fore and Aft, 311-15, tells us that Stock- ton got the news on Oct. Ist, when the courier was picked up drunk and car- ried to the flag-ship, where the cigarettes were found on him. Colton, Three Years, 64-5, notes Brown's arrival on the night of Sept. 29th, and his start before sunrise on the 30th. He had 'a few words over the signature of the alcalde rolled in a cigar, which was fastened in his hair ... He rode the whole distance (to Monterey), 460 miles, in 52 hours, during which time he had not slept'! Stocktou in his reports says the news was received on or about Sept. 30th. Taking the authority of Gillespie and Brown for the date of the start, and that of Colton and Stockton for that of the arrival, we have, as stated in my text, 6 days for the ride. But Bryant, What I Saw in Cal., 327, says the courier arrived Oct. Ist; and it is to be noticed that Stockton in his order of Oct. Ist to Mervine says nothing to indicate that he had received the news. The Californian of Oct. 3d says he must have received the news on the morn- ing of the 1st.

16 Gillespie, in Sac. Statesman, May 6, 1858, claims that Mervine, having set sail on or about Oct. Ist, with a fine breeze, stopped at Sauzalito for some frivolous thing, and his departure was delayed for three days by a fog.

305

GILLESPIE AT LOS ANGELES.

force for the protection of the town, and proceeded on his way. Fremont meanwhile met the Vandalia, learned that no horses could be obtained at Santa Bárbara, and turned back to Monterey, where he arrived on the 28th, to prepare for a march south- ward. He found awaiting him a commission as lieu- tenant-colonel in the army of the United States. 17 His preparations and his expedition will be noticed later; it is now time to describe the revolt of the abajeños against the authority of their new masters. 18

Gillespie had been left by Stockton as military com- mandant of the south, with a garrison of fifty men at Los Angeles. His instructions were to maintain mil- itary rule in accordance with the commodore's proc- lamation; but he was authorized to grant exemption from the more burdensome restrictions to quiet and well disposed citizens at his discretion; and a lenient policy in this respect was recommended. From a purely political point of view, Gillespie's task was not a difficult one; that is, there was no disposition on the part of the Angelinos to revolt against the new regime. In other respects, the prospect was less encouraging. My readers, familiar with Los Angeles annals, know that there was an element in the population of the town that was turbulent, lawless, and hitherto uncon- trollable. That the new commandant could convert

17 Monterey Californian, Oct. 31, 1846; Colton's Three Years, 79-82; Lancey's Cruise, 132-3. The commission was signed by the president May 29, 1846.

18 The following extract from the Californian of Oct. 3d will show how the revolt was regarded in the north: "We learn by the last courier that there has been quite a disturbance at the pueblo below. The more sober portion of the community, it seems, had no participation in the frantic affair. The principal actors in it are a class of hare-brained fellows who wanted a row, cost what it might. .. As for any prolonged resistance to the existing laws, there is not the slightest probability of such a result. Had there been any serious determi- nation to resist and maintain an attitude of hostility, it would have showed it- self when Gen. Castro was there. . . We do not suppose that any one engaged in this affair expects an ultimate triumph; nor do we suppose that he has looked seriously into the consequences to himself ... The ringleaders will be apprehended and tried under martial law, and may suffer death; so much for an affair that can be of no benefit to any one, and must entail sorrow on many. The people of Monterey are wiser.'

HIST. CAL., VOL. V. 20

306

REVOLT OF FLORES IN THE SOUTH.

these fellows into quiet citizens without a struggle was not to be expected. Had he been the wisest of rulers, a conflict was inevitable; but the character and extent and results of the conflict depended largely upon his skill and prudence. Gillespie had no special qualifi- cations for his new position; and his subordinates were still less fitted for their duties. They were disposed to look down upon Californians and Mexicans as an inferior race, as a cowardly foe that had submitted without resistance, as Indians or children to be kept in subjection by arbitrary rules. They were moreover suspicious, and inclined to interfere needlessly with the people's amusements, and with the actions of in- dividuals. Little account was taken of national habits and peculiarities. In a few weeks many good citizens, though not perhaps of the best, who, though content with the change of government, had no desire to be at once fully Americanized in their methods of life by process of law, were prejudiced against Gillespie, characterizing his treatment of themselves or of their friends in the enforcement of police regulations as op- pressive tyranny. Then came some open manifestations of lawlessness, to which the commandant was too ready to impute a political significance. Arrests were freely made; and the people found themselves branded as rebels before they had really thought of rebellion. A few ambitious Mexican officers gladly took advantage of the opportunity to foment the excitement; a degree of success at first turned the heads of the ignorant populace; many were led to believe that their coun- try might yet be recovered; and others were either blinded by their dislike of the men placed over them, or had not the courage to resist the popular current. The result was an actual revolt; and there can be lit- tle doubt that Gillespie and his men were largely responsible for this result.19

19 Coronel, Cosas de Cal., MS., 78-80, tells us that Gillespio from the first dictated needlessly oppressive measures; that two persons should not go about the streets together; that under no pretext must the people have reunions at their homes; that provision-shops must be closed at sundown; that liquor

307

VARELA'S TUMULT.

Sérbulo Varela, a wild and unmanageable young fel- low, though not a bad man at heart, whom the reader already knows as a leader in several popular tumults at Angeles under Mexican rule, soon became involved in difficulties with Gillespie, doubtless because he was unwilling to submit to police regulations-though no details are known. Varela thereupon became a kind of outlaw, ranging about the vicinity of the town, keeping out of the reach of Gillespie's men, but annoying them in every possible way. A dozen kindred spirits joined him, irresponsible fellows, but each controlling a few followers of the lower class;

should not be sold without his permission; also deciding petty cases instead of leaving them to the jueces de paz, searching houses for weapons, and im- prisoning Rico and others ou mere suspicion. In short, he so oppressed the people that he came to be regarded as a tryant; and after the first troubles with Varela, redoubled his persecutions and drove many to join the rebels. Francisco Rico, Memorias, MS., 25-6, says that he was imprisoned for 30 days because he could tell nothing of the whereabouts and intentions of Ramon Carrillo. B. D. Wilson, Observations, MS., 66-7, was told by the foreigners who came to his rancho 'that Gillespie's conduct had been so despotic aud unjustifiable that the people had risen. . . He had established very obnoxious regulations, and upon frivolous pretexts had the most respectable men in the community arrested and brought before him for no other purpose than to hu- miliate them, as they thought. Of the truth of this I had no doubt then and I have none now. The people had given no just cause for the conduct he pursued, which seemed to be altogether the effect of vanity and want of judgment.' Temple, Recollections, MS., 10-11, takes the same view of the matter. John Forster, Pioneer Data, MS., 33-7, thinks there would have been no difficulty if Gillespie had been less exacting and despotic. Avila, Notas, MS., 29, attributes the revolt to the same cause. Larkin, during his later imprisonment, was told by the officers that Gillespie's rigid discipline and ignorance of Spanish customs and character had forced the people to take up arms. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 89. 'The discontent was caused by the ill-advised acts of some of the American officers left in charge of the little garrisous. . . Gillespie, with an insignificant and undisciplined military force, attempted by a coercive system to effect a moral and social change in the habits, diversions, and pastimes of the people, and reduce them to his stand- ard of propriety. The result of this injudicious effort was the rebellion.' Los Angeles Hist., 17. Lieut Wise, Los Gringos, 44-5, attributes the revolt to the fact that 'the natives had been confounded and bewildered by speeches and proclamations,' etc .; and ' the banding together of a few mongrel bodies of volunteers, who enhanced the pleasure of their otherwise agreeable society by pillaging the natives of horses, cattle, etc., in quite a marauding, bucca- neering, independent way; all of course under the apparent legal sanction of the U. S.' See also Dice. Univ., MS., viii. 157-8; Guerra, Apuntes, 355; Fos- ter's Los Angeles in 1847, etc., 42-3. Lancey, Cruise, 124, tells us that Pio Pico and José M. Flores, 'these treacherous enemies of the U. S., . . . secretly collected together the remnant of their former army, and resolved upon another effort to expel the Americans,' took advantage of Stockton's absence, and suddenly appeared before Los Angeles with 500 men. This, in substance, may be called the current version, except in respect to Pico's name.

REVOLT OF FLORES IN THE SOUTH.

and these men soon began to dream of raising a force to attack the garrison, and repeat some of their ex- ploits of earlier years.20 It is even said that one of the number, Manuel Cantua, was for a time jocosely termed by his companions, governor of California! Several of the ringleaders were Sonorans, and others Mexicans. Gillespie, choosing to regard the opera- tions of these marauders as a treacherous rebellion of the Californians, greatly aided their cause by his op- pressive and arbitrary measures. Many citizens fled to the ranchos to await further developments, having no sympathy for the comandante, even if they had not much for Varela.

About the middle of September a detachment of the garrison had been sent to San Diego under Eze- kiel Merritt; and before daylight on the 23d Varela, with perhaps twenty companions, made a sudden at- tack on the adobe building in which the rest were posted. The Californians had no intention of fighting, but by the suddenness of the assault, by discharging a few muskets, and by shouts and beating of drums, they hoped perhaps to surprise and capture the post, as they had been wont to do in earlier days, or at least to impress both the garrison and the citizens with the idea that their movement was a formidable one. But Gillespie's men, whatever their faults, were not to be defeated by noise, and a volley of rifle-balls followed the fleeing assailants, one of whom was

20 The earliest definite record of these operations is on Sept. 6th, when Bonifacio Olivares wrote to Salvador Vallejo: 'Your friend Cantna and I have thought of giving rentazos to the sailors who took Los Angeles. C'apt. Noriega and Flores are coming; if you also come, we will all vote for you to command and punish the sailors. We have lances and reatas here.' 'P. S. All that my compadre says is true, aud I, who command more than he, also say it, at the request of M. Cantua, Dionisio Reyes.' Original in Larkin's Doc., MIS., iv. 274. Sept. 15th, Gillespie writes Fitch: 'Election for alcalde going on, but only 20 voters have appeared. The party of Sonoreños who are dis- posed to disturb the peace proves to be quite small. I know the names of the ringleaders, who will not long be at liberty.' Fitch, Doc., MS., 402. The original rebels included Serbolo Varela, Hilario Varela, Manncl C'antua, Pedro Romero, J. B. Moreno, Ramon Carrillo, Pablo Vejar, Nicolas Hermosillo, Leonardo Higuera, Gregorio Atensio, Bonifacio Olivares, Dionisio Reyes, Urita Valdés, etc.

309

ATTACK ON GILLESPIE'S GARRISON.

wounded in the foot.21 After daylight Lieutenant Hensley was sent out to make a raid about the suburbs of the town. The assailants of the night kept out of his way, as did most residents, though a few were ar- rested at their homes; but this raid, together with Varela's demonstration, had the effect contemplated by the latter, to transform his movement into a gen- eral revolt. The Californians with few exceptions were persuaded that war had broken out anew, and that patriotism required them to take sides against the foreign invaders. Varela's force was speedily in- ereased to nearly 300 men, divided in bands of which his original associates styled themselves captains. But the chief places were now assumed by Castro's old officers. It is not impossible that some of them may have had an understanding with Varela and the others from the first; but there is no proof that such was the case. Most of these officers were under parole not to serve against the Americans; and by their aet, ac- cording to military law, they disgraced themselves and forfeited their lives; yet they justified their con- duct on the plea that Gillespie by his persecution had virtually renewed hostilities and released them from their parole. Captain José María Flores, one of the paroled officers, and one who had narrowly escaped arrest, was chosen to act as comandante general; José Antonio Carrillo was made second in command, resum- ing his old rank of mayor general; while Captain An- dres Pico, as comandante de escuadrón, took the third

Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.

History of California, Volume XXII, Part 32

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885-1890 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 816

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 816