History of California, Volume XXII, Part 9

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 816

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27 June 1, 1846, L. to sec. state. Larkin's Of. Corresp., MS., ii. 56-8. June Ist, receipt of Narciso Botiller for $40 from L. for carrying a mail from Sta Clara to Monterey. Monterey, Consulate Arch., MS., ii. 15. Phelps. Fore and Aft, 283-4, tells us that being at Los Angeles early in June, when «lespatches arrived announcing that war would soon be declared, he was as- sured by Pico that in spite of orders from Mexico, American trading vessels on the coast should not be molested.

28 June 15th, L. to sec. state. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 63-4; 94-116. The sketches sent I quote elsewhere as Larkin's Description of California; and Id., Notes on the Personal Character of Californians. In the former he states that in a popular cause, Pico and Castro could bring into the field 800 or 1,000 men to serve without pay for a month or more; to aid Mexico in ex- pelling foreigners they could raise perhaps 300 or 400. There is continual dread of a Mexican general coming with an army to depose the present rulers. Many in office are convinced that a 'favorable change ' would so enhance the value of their lands as to render salary a secondary consideration. Only such as thrive by absence of law can prosper in the present state of things. It would be well to pension off or give sinecures to men of influence and posi- tion, as they would then quietly draw others with them. June 17th, Forbes writes to Bandini that the Juanita is expected to bring news of war. Bandini, Doc., MS., 74. June 19th, Pico tells Bandini that the English corvette brought news of war, but he knows nothing officially. Id., 76.

On allusions more or less accurate to the efforts and hopes of Larkin and others, see Dunbar's Romance, 30-1; Pacheco, Contra Costa Gazette, Dec. 21, 1867; Willey's Thirty Years, 13; Hyde's Statement, MS., 6-7; Torres, Peripe- cias, MS., 49; Pinto, Apunt., MS., 104; Leese's Bear Flag Mem., MS., 9; Sanchez, Notas, MS., 21-2.

49 Larkin to sec. state, July 10th. Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 77.

GENERAL CONCLUSIONS.

From a careful study of the correspondence and other evidence cited in this and the two preceding chapters, I reach the following conclusions respecting the condition of Californian affairs in the early weeks of June 1846: All classes of the inhabitants realized that a political change was imminent. There was little hope that Mexico would or could afford protec- tion or relief by sending money and an army; nor was it expected that without such aid the country could much longer maintain its status as a Mexican depend- ency. The anticipated change must naturally be either a declaration of absolute independence, or an- nexation in some form to a foreign power. The United States or England might get the country either by conquest, purchase from Mexico, or voluntary action of the Californians. There were prominent men among the natives disposed to favor each of the schemes pro- posed, though not yet openly or actively; while their parties were not clearly defined, the masses being for the most apathetic and indifferent. Notwithstanding the strong prejudice against Mexico, affinities of race, language, religion, and association were still potent in favor of loyalty; yet on the other hand many were beginning to speculate on the prospective increase in the value of their lands under a new regime. With personal interests in conflict with the old prejudices, the ultimate issue was wellnigh certain. The chief authorities, political and military, while protesting their loyalty to Mexico and their determination to resist foreign invasion, were in reality lukewarm in this respect, being thoroughly in earnest only in their opposition to each other. In their minds the contro- versy between Pico and Castro outweighed all ques- tions of national allegiance, and was second only to personal and ambitious interests. Any foreign nation taking a decided stand could have obtained the cooper- ation of either Don Pio or Don José, if not of both. Had it been practicable to bring the question of the political future to a voting test among representative

FOREIGN RELATIONS-U. S. AND ENGLAND.

men, loyalty to Mexico would have temporarily won the day, mainly through the inability of other factions to combine their forces.

While not yet sufficiently numerous or zealous to effect an immediate change in their own favor against all the others, the American party was beyond all comparison the strongest. It really included the in- dependents, since a declaration of independence was in certain contingencies quite as favorable to the United States as an appeal for annexation. Ameri- cans were more numerous, and collectively more in- fluential, than foreign residents of any European nation. A large increase of immigration was expected in the early future. The Californians were republi- cans, with but little sympathy for monarchical insti- tutions. Not only was the American party aided by delay and by the general tendency of events, but more active agents were at work. Larkin, as a secret confidential agent of the administration at Washing- ton, was working zealously to advance the cause. He was authorized not only to conciliate the favor of leading Californians, and to urge the advantages of annexation, but also to promise welcome to a new 'sister republic,' and, what was still more effective, to state that his government would use force to prevent European interference. He was confident, as were other leading Americans, and not without good rea- sons, that he was making rapid progress, notwithstand- ing the drawbacks occasioned by Fremont's blunders. It was believed that in the event of war California might be occupied without any serious opposition from the people; and that if there was no war, the Californians would soon by declaring their independ- ence start voluntarily on the way to ultimate annexa- tion. The imminence of war was in itself, of course, a favorable circumstance, as it could hardly fail to result in an American occupation, not likely to be merely temporary.

The only obstacle that could seriously impede the

BRITISH CHANCES.

progress of American plans was armed interference by a European power. This was understood in Califor- nia, and there were a few leading men, including Pico, who were in favor of an appeal for protection to Eng- land. These men and their followers were influenced not so much by a preference for a European system of government as by their personal ambitions, their friendships for resident Englishmen, and their quar- rels with individual Americans. They knew that Eng- lish holders of Mexican bonds, as well as English travellers, had recommended the acquisition by their .government of Californian territory. They were en- couraged in their ideas of a British protectorate by British residents; and they adopted the current Amer- ican idea that England had set her heart upon acquir- ing the country. There is no evidence that they re- ceived any official encouragement from the British government or its agents, and no proof that Forbes and Spence were intriguing with Pico in favor of an appeal to England. Pico and his friends had a right to entertain their preference, which was by no means a criminal or unreasonable one, as it has been the fashion among excessively American writers to imply; but as a matter of fact, they were never very deeply in earnest, never had much strength as a party; and the popular idea that they were likely to control the destinies of California has been an absurd exagger- ation. So far as negotiations or intrigues in the country were concerned, the scheme of European in- terference was a most shadowy myth. The only danger to be apprehended by the United States was that England would obtain a cession of California from Mexico, and would attempt a forcible occupation, se- curing the governor's cooperation as a pretext of pop- ular approval. This danger was also a slight one; but I shall have occasion to speak again of it.

Finally, we have found no disposition on the part of Californian officials or the Californian people to mo- lest foreign residents. Pico and Castro, in accordance

FOREIGN RELATIONS -- U. S. AND ENGLAND.

with their routine duty as Mexican officials, talked of resisting invasion, and even of preventing the entry of the thousands of immigrants expected over the mountains in the autumn; but they had no thought and made no threats of expelling those in the country. Americans were treated quite as well as Englishmen or other foreigners. The immigrants of 1845 were not even notified to leave the country, as they had promised to do if required. The popular prejudice against foreigners, fomented by personal intercourse with individuals, and still more by reports from Mex- ican sources of what had been done in Texas, was nat- urally stronger against Americans than others; but considering the imminence of war and other unfavor- able circumstances, the toleration and kindness mani- fested were remarkable, and in themselves afforded evidence that Larkin's hopes of success in his concili- atory policy were not without foundation.

CHAPTER IV.

CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT. JUNE, 1846.

AN UNEXPECTED OUTBREAK-ITS ALLEGED MOTIVES-SELF-DEFENCE AND RESISTANCE TO OPPRESSION-MERE PRETEXTS-CURRENT RUMORS-THE INSURGENTS CLASSIFIED-ADVENTURERS-AMERICAN ENTHUSIASTS-AM- BITIOUS POLITICIANS-REAL MOTIVES OF THE LEADERS-FREMONT'S POL- ICY-GILLESPIE'S MISSION-AMBITION AND REVENGE-A BOLD RESOLU- TION -OVERMUCH CAUTION- NATURE OF FREMONT'S COOPERATION-IDE'S THEORIES AND STATEMENTS-A FILIBUSTERING SCHEME-NEEDLESS, UN- JUSTIFIABLE, PRODUCTIVE OF NO GOOD-NOT A PART OF THE CONQUEST- SERIOUS RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE INSURGENT LEADERS-A FORTUNATE ENDING.

THE condition of affairs being as described in the preceding chapter, there broke out in June a revolt of American settlers in the Sacramento and Napa valleys, who with the support of Fremont's men seized the town of Sonoma, captured several leading Californians, and proclaimed the country independent. The action was startling to all but participants. It was so unexpected, so utterly inconsistent with the policy by which agents of the United States believed themselves to be mak- ing progress toward voluntary annexation; the time was so strangely chosen, when news of war, involving a legitimate military occupation, was expected from day to day; and indeed, the affair was apparently so ill-timed, ill-advised, and extraordinary in all its phases, that it becomes necessary to study the motives that led to the outbreak before proceeding to narrate in detail its stirring scenes.

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CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT.

I begin with the alleged motives, which were by no means mysterious or complicated, and to illustrate which I introduce in the appended note a somewhat extended list of quotations.1 Long as it is, the list

1 In History of the Bear Flag Revolt, by a Committee of Citizens, published in 1847, we read: 'The American and other foreign portion of the people of Up- per California learned in May 1846 that the govt had determined upon their expulsion from the country, and were making preparations to seize or kill all foreigners, and send such as should be made prisoners to the city of Mexico. A large body of horses were collected, and some 500 or 600 men were ordered under arms by Gen. Castro for that purpose. Information was received by Mr W. B. Ide on June 8th, brought by an Indian runner, that 200 mounted Mexi- cans were on their march up the Sacramento River, with the design of destroy- ing the crops, burning the houses, and driving off cattle belonging to the for- eigners.' Ide proceeded to warn and organize the settlers, but 'it was quite apparent that further and more decisive action was necessary to secure the lives and property of the immigrants; and it was determined to scize the fort of Sonoma.' Wm B. Ide was probably the writer of the preceding. In Ide's Biog. Sketch, 48, Mrs Healy (Miss Ide) says: 'We had not been there long [on Belden's rancho in April] before a young man, Mr L. H. Ford, came to tell father that Gen. Don Castro was on his way to drive all Americans from the country.' On p. 51-2 we read: 'Soon after his arrival he was confronted with the solu- tion of an important problem regarding the rights and privileges of himself and his fellow-emigrants. . . He supposed he had conformed to all the legal con- ditions entitling him to all the privileges, etc., of a citizen (!). . . The question was, whether he should be forcibly ejected from his humble abode and driveu back to the states, or whether he would unite with his fellow-emigrants in re- sisting the threatened war of extermination as put forth in a proclamation of the then reputed governor of the country. . . He had seen the proclamation of Gen. Don Castro warning the emigrants to leave the country or they would be driveu into the mountains or made prisoners, or be shot in case of re- sistance.' p. 62. The 'inhuman and arbitrary exaction ' of taxes from foreign- ers is mentioned on p. 90. In his remarkable letter to Senator Wambough. which fills a large part of the volume, regretfully omitting Ide's ingenious ar- guments, we read, p. 106: 'Imagine the disappointment of those brave men who had conquered the difficulties of the pathless Sierra, etc. . . . when by the in- tervention of a self-constituted government, heated to madness by jealousy, excited by designing emissaries, we were forbidden the usual hospitalities of the country and ordered to return!' On p. 108-9, after a sharp blow at Lar- kin and Fremont, Ide writes: 'Immediately after [about the first of April], Gen. José Castro, naturally humane and generous, caused to be issued and posted up at Sonoma and various other places a proclamation ordering 'all foreigners whose residence in the country was less than one year to leave the country and their property and beasts of burden, on pain of death.' This dan- ger was temporarily averted in a way not clearly described, though a large party was frightened away to Oregon; when Gillespie came and went after Frémont. When Fremont came he soon circulated the following: 'Notice is hereby given that a large body of armed Spaniards on horseback, amounting to 250 men, have been seen on their way to the Sacramento Valley, destroy- ing the crops, burning the houses, and driving off the cattle. Capt. Fremont invites every freeman in the valley to come to his camp at the Buttes immedi- ately.' The letter to Wambough is repeated in Ide's Who Conquered ('al .?

The following statements are from men who took part iu the revolution, or at least were in Cal. at the time. Henry L. Ford, Bear Flag Revolution, MIS., 3, tells us that a meeting of Mexican officers at Sonoma 'resulted in Gen. Castro issuing his edict for all Americans to leave the country.' Win Hargrave, Cal. in '46, MS., 3, says the hostility of the natives was very bit-

ALLEGED MOTIVES.

might be made longer, even if restricted to original authorities; and it might be extended almost without limit if made to include accounts of later writers in

ter, and foreigners became convinced that in bold action lay the only pros- pect of safety. According to Benj. Dewell, in Napa Reporter, Oct. 12, 1872, 'the Spaniards became very troublesome in the spring.' James Gregson, Statement, MS., 3, has it that Sutter received a proclamation ordering all Americans to quit the country. which he read to the settlers, asking them to stand by him. Marshall, Statement, MS., 1, says one cause of the alarm was the knowledge that Castro wanted to purchase New Helvetia. Belden says there was some talk of preventing further immigration, and even of getting rid of those already in the country. Hist. Statement, MS., 44-5. Semple, Hesperian, iii. 387-8, says that during the winter Castro issued several proc- lamations, to the effect that all foreigners not naturalized must leave the country; but the people remained quiet, believing that the order could not be enforced; and paid but little attention to an order read at Sonoma for all Americans to depart forthwith; but were finally alarmed by Castro's mili- tary preparations-really against Pico.

In the Monterey Californian, Sept. 5, 1846, we read: 'Each man having felt the oppression of the then existing govt, and the certainty of an increase of those oppressions, with a clear seuse of their danger, their rights, and their duty, they rushed to the rescue with one impulse and one object. The watchword was equal rights and equal laws, and they nobly sustained their principles.' And in the same journal of May 23, 1847: 'In this state of things Gen. Castro issued one proclamation after another, ordering foreigners to leave the country; but the people, kuowing the character of Castro, remained quiet until the time was ripe for action.'

Fremont, in a letter of July 25, 1846, to Benton, writes : 'I had scarcely reached the Lower Sacramento when Gen. Castro, then in the north at So- noma, declared his determination immediately to proceed against the for- eigners settled in the country, for whose expulsion an order had just been issued by the gov. of the Californias. For these purposes Castro immedi- ately assembled a force at the mission of Santa Clara. .. Castro's first measure was an attempt to incite the Indian population of the Joaquin and Sacramen- to valleys, and the neighboring mountains, to burn the crops of the foreigners, and otherwise proceed immediately against them.' In his testimony in 1847 Frémont says : 'Information was received that Gen. Castro was then raising forces and exciting the Indians both against the settlers and my party, npon the unfounded pretext of an intended insurrection by them against the Mexi- can govt in California .. The movement was one of self-defence.' Frémont's Cal. Claims, 12-13. Gillespie testifies: 'So soon as it became known to the settlers that Capt. Frémont had returned, they came to the camp, bringing us the information that the Indians were leaving their rancherias, or wigwams, and flying to the mountains. In some places they had shown a very hostile feeling, and certainly had been aroused by some foreign emissiary. .. On the 30th I was informed by Capt. Sutter that it was positively true that Gen. Castro had excited the Indians to a revolt and to join the Californians in ex- terminating the settlers; that the Indians had been bribed to burn the wheat then nearly dry; and that it was Gen. Castro's intention to attack and cut off Capt. Frémont's party if he possibly could. . . On June 7th I learned (at S. F. ) that Castro had gone to Sonoma to hold a council with the Vallejos and to procure horses to commence his operations, which he endeavored to disguise under the rumor of making an attack upon the gov., Don Pio Pico, who had disapproved of Castro's want of good faith in making his first attack upon Capt. Frémont in March' (!). May 28th, 'a courier was received from Capt. Sutter, informing Capt. Frémont and myself that "two Spaniards had been sent by Gen. Castro amongst the different tribes of Indians, and that this was

CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT.

books and newspapers, who have generally accepted without question the testimony of the contemporary witnesses. The testimony is clear and to the point. It is to the effect that the revolt was purely a movement of self-defence on the part of the Ameri- can settlers; that General Castro had published a se- ries of proclamations ordering all Americans not nat- uralized to quit the country before a specified date, under penalty of being forcibly expelled; that he had collected a large military force with which to enforce his orders; that he had started to attack the settlers, having meanwhile instigated the Indians to destroy the Americans' crops; and that the settlers had sim- ply to choose whether they would fight in defence of their homes and families, or, abandoning their prop- erty, flee to almost certain destruction in the moun-

the cause of their flying to the mountains, they having been excited against the settlers."' 'An Indian had been taken prisoner who had received a mus- ket from Gen. Castro for the express purpose of killing Capt. Sutter ' (!). Id., 25-6, 29. Samuel Hensley testifies : I returned to Sutter's a few days after weing Vallejo,' who had told him of the English scheme, 'Capt. Sutter in- formed me that there was great excitement among the Indians; that he had sent for the Seguamme chief who had recently been among the Californian settlements .. . On his arrival Sutter examined him as alcalde. The chief stated that he had seen Castro, and that Castro had made him great promises. on condition that he would excite Indians to burn all the wheat crops of the American emigrants, as he intended to drive all the Americans out of the country in a short time.' Then Hensley went to Fremont's camp to report and to give it 'as my opinion that American residents would have to leave the country or fight for their homes; at the same time saying I was sure we would not leave the country.' Id., 33-4. Richard Owens said: 'We found the people expecting an attack from the Californians .. . The report was, and it was generally believed, that Castro had instigated the Indians to rise and burn the crops of the settlers. Proclamations had been sent out ordering the Americans to quit the country or they would be driven out by a certain time. It was known that troops had been collected at Sta Clara, and that Gen. Castro had come into Sonoma for the purpose of raising a body of Spaniards and Indians to come out against the emigrants and Capt, Fremont's party.' Id., 38. Wm N. Loker said, besides confirming the statements of Hensley and Owens: 'Just before his [Fremont's] return there was a meeting of the principal men at Monterey. They then thought it advisable to order all for- eigners to leave the country, and published a bando to that effect. . . Women and children were included in the banishment. . . The bando was translated and sent up the valley; and I put one of them up at Sutter's Fort.' Id., 39- 40. June 1, 1846, Sutter wrote to Vallejo that the Moquelumnes had risen, and he was about to march against them before they could set fire to his wheat, as they had been advised to do by persons at S. José, and before Eusebio could kill him with a gun which the same persons had given him for that purpose. Vallejo, Doc., MS., xii. 220. In his Diary, p. 7, Sutter also tells the story of Castro's inciting the Indians against him; and he describes the campaign against them which began June 3d.

MERE PRETEXTS.

tains and deserts of the overland route. Driven, however, to fight for self-protection, it is not denied that they took a certain patriotic pride in conquering new territory for freedom, in opening new fields for Anglo-Saxon enterprise, in overthrowing an inefficient and antiquated system, and in rescuing even their oppressors from Mexican tyranny ! It is a grand and thrilling picture, and one that has been more than once brilliantly portrayed-that of a little band of heroic men who defied the power of a nation, and resolved to die rather than be driven like dogs from the homes to which they had been invited; and to secure which they had crossed a continent! What a pity to go be- hind the scenes and expose the stage effect!

As is well known to the reader, the revolting set- tlers were men who had been hospitably received in a land which they had entered in defiance of its laws. The political and military authorities had given their national superiors just cause of offence by their toler- ation of the strangers in spite of positive orders. They had not threatened or oppressed Americans, ·notwithstanding the imminence of war and their pe-

culiar position. General Castro did not issue the proclamations imputed to him; did not order the set- tlers to quit the country; did not organize an army with which to attack them; and did not instigate savages to destroy their crops. That he could have done any of these things without its reaching the knowledge of anybody south of San Francisco Bay is improbable; but such acts would also have been in direct opposition to the spirit shown in all correspond- ence of the time. The Americans of the Sacramento had nothing to fear from the Californians; and this must have been almost as well known to the leading spirits of the revolt as to us. The alleged motives, so far at least as the leaders were concerned, were as- suredly not the real ones. They were but pretexts of designing men, used at the time to secure unanim- ity of action, and after success to justify that action.

HIST. CAL., VOL. V. 6

CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT.

I am disposed to think, though I cannot prove it, that certain men went so far as to circulate forged translations of edicts purporting to emanate from Castro.

For it cannot be doubted that rumors of impend- ing hostility and expulsion were current in the north- ern valleys, or that they were credited by many, even of those who required no such incentive to revolt. There were many who did require such an incen- tive. I do not attempt to name them. Let it be hoped they constituted a majority of all. They had been but few years in the country; were fitted by education to believe anything that was bad respecting a man who had Spanish blood in his veins; did not approve the Mexican methods of life or government; could hardly understand the justice of requiring of a free American citizen any formalities of passports or naturalization; and they were firm believers in the des- tiny of their nation to possess this western land. But at the same time these men were lovers of peace and law. They had a dim perception of the right of a people, even Mexicans, to govern their own country in their own way; and only by fear of actual oppression, and as a measure of self-defence, could they be in- duced to engage in a filibustering scheme involving the shedding of blood, especially if the objects de- sired were likely to be accomplished legitimately by a little delay.

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History of California, Volume XXII, Part 9

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885-1890 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 816

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 816