History of California, Volume XXII, Part 33

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 816

USA > California > History of California, Volume XXII > Part 33

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21 Gillespie says: 'On the 22d at 3 o'clock in the morning a party of 65 Californians and Sonoreños made an attack upon my small command quartered in the government house. We were not wholly unprepared; and with 21 rifles we beat them back without loss to ourselves, killing and wounding three of their number. When daylight came Lieut Hensley with a few men took several prisoners, and drove the Californians from the town. This party was 'merely the nucleus of a revolution commenced and known to Col. Fremont before he left Los Angeles. In 24 hours 600 well mounted horsemen, and (armed?) with escopetas, lances, and one fine brass piece of light artillery, sur- rounded Los Angeles and summoned me to surrender. There were three old honey-combed iron guns (spiked) in the corral of my quarters, which we at once cleated and mounted upon the axles of carts,' etc. Sac. Statesman, May 6, 1838. It is very improbable, to say the least, that no gun in working order had been left for Gillespie by Stockton.

310

REVOLT OF FLORES IN THE SOUTH.

place. It is not to be supposed that the leaders had any confidence in their ability to defeat the Ameri- eans; but they thought the fate of California would be decided by national treaty, and if it remained a Mexican territory, their efforts would give them glory, and influence in the future. In any event, temporary prominence and power could be secured, and if the worst came, they could retreat to Sonora.

The main camp of the rebels, where the final organ- ization was effected, was at the place called Paredon Blanco, just outside the town. On September 24th was issued a proclamation, or plan, which I give be- low.22 It was a document of the stereotyped order,

22 Pronunciamiento de Varela y otros Californios contra los Americanos, 24 de Set. 1846, MS .; English translation in Soule's Annals, 113-14; Stockton's Mil. and Naval Operations, 15-16-the latter, followed by other authorities, lating it Oct. Ist, from a certified copy issued by Flores on that date.

'Citizens: For a month and a half, by a lamentable fatality resulting from the cowardice and incompetence of the department's chief authorities, we see ourselves subjugated and oppressed by an insignificant force of adventurers from the U. S. of N. America, who, putting us in a condition worse than that of slaves, are dictating to us despotic and arbitrary laws, by which, loading us with contributions and onerous taxes, they wish to destroy our industries and agriculture, and to compel us to abandon our property, to be taken aud divided among themselves. And shall we be capable of permitting ourselves to be subjugated, and to accept in silence the heavy chain of slavery? Shall we lose the soil inherited from our fathers, which cost them so much blood? Shall we leave our families victims of the most barbarous servitude? Shall we wait to see our wives violated, onr innocent children beaten by the Amer- ican whip, our property sacked, our temples profaned, to drag out a life full of shame and disgrace? No! A thousand times no! Compatriots, death rather than that! Who of you does not feel his heart beat and his blood boil on contemplating our situation? Who will be the Mexican that will not be indignant, and rise in arms to destroy our oppressors? We believe there will be not one so vile and cowardly. Therefore, the majority of the inhab- itants of this district, justly indignant at our tyrants, we raise the cry of war, and with arms in our hands, we swear with one accord to support the follow- ing articles: 1. We, all the inhabitants of the department of Cal., as members of the great Mexican nation, deelare that it is and has been our wish to be- long to her alone, free and independent. 2. Therefore the intrusive author- ities appointed by the invading forces of the U. S. are held as null and void. 3. All North Americans being foes of Mexico, we swear not to lay down our arms until we see them ejected from Mexican soil. 4. Every Mexican citi- zen from 15 to 60 years of age who does not take up arms to carry out this plan is declared a traitor, under penalty of death. 5. Every Mexican or foreigner who may directly or indirectly aid the foes of Mexico will be pun- ished in the same manner. 6. All property of resident North Americans who may have directly or indirectly taken part with or aided the enemies of Mexico will be confiscated and used for the expenses of the war, and their persons will be sent to the interior of the republic. 7. All who may oppose the present plan will be punished with arms [put to death]. 8. All inhab- itants of Sta Bárbara and the northern district will be immediately invited

311

PRONUNCIAMIENTO.

containing a recital of wrongs in which a meagre sub- stratum of fact was eked out with much that was in- aginary; a florid appeal to Mexican patriotism; a threat of vengeance on the oppressors and punish- ment to all who might either give aid to the foe or fail to support the cause of freedom. It was signed by Varela and more than 300 others; possibly not receiving the signature of General Flores until a day or two later. Meanwhile the garrison was summoned to surrender, and the town was surrounded, and in a sense besieged by the Californians. It does not clearly appear that there was any fighting, though some say that Gillespie's men made several sorties, the well mounted natives keeping beyond the reach of rifle-bullets, and confining their efforts to stamped- ing the horses, cutting off supplies, completing their own preparations, and annoying the Americans as much as possible.23 On the 24th, as we have seen, Juan Flaco started with the news of Gillespie's posi- tion for Monterey and San Francisco.

The first 'battle' of this rebellion-or the second if we count Varela's demonstration against Gillespie-

to accede to this plan. Camp near Los Angeles, Sept. 24, 1846. Sérbulo Varela [written Barelas], Leonardo Cota [and over 300 others].'

23 On the events of these and the following days much information is de- rived from the following works: Coronel, Cosas de Cal., MS., 80-107; Lugo, Vida, MS., 32-67; Rico, Mem., MS., 25-35; Botello, Anales, MS., 142-54; Wilson's Observ .. MS., 66-91; Forster's Pioneer Data, MS., 35-43; l'ejar, Recuerdos, MS., 44-64; Moreno, Vida, MS., 13-23, 35; White's Cal., MS., 27- 35; García, Episodios, MS., 8-18; Castro, Servicios, MS .; Palomares, Mem., MS., 58-76; Janssens, Vida, MS., 189-93; Streeter's Recoll., MS., 63-75. Manuel Castro to Pio Pico, in Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 292; Foster's Angeles in '47, MS., 21-45; Arnaz, Recuerdos, MS., 55-7, 94-5; Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 184-5; Vega, Vida, MS., 50-7; Los Angeles Crónica, May 23-6, 1877; Hayes' Scraps, Cal. Notes, iii. 33; Davis' Glimpses, MS., 351-4; Osio, Hist. Cal., MS., 480-5. Most of the writers cited were actors in the events de- scribed. Their testimony shows no important discrepancies, except in mi- nute personal details, which cannot be presented in the space at my com- mand. See Mexican accounts in Diccionario Universal, viii. 157-9; Guerra, Apuntes, 355-61; and especially Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., v. 218, 242-3; vi. 41-4. At first Don Carlos Maria took great comfort from the news that the Anglo-American garrison of 250 men had been killed á palos in a revolt of the town! 'Leccion terrible para los opresores, y que les bajará un tanto su orgullo'! But his later news, though always exaggerated, was much more accurate. Printed accounts by American writers, as a rule, barely mention the revolt, reserving details so long as reverses continued.

312

REVOLT OF FLORES IN THE SOUTH.

was fought at the Chino rancho of Isaac Williams, about twenty-five miles east of Los Angeles, on Sep- tember 26th-27th. Benito Wilson had been put by Stockton in command of some twenty foreigners to protect the San Bernardino frontier, both against the Indians and against hostile parties that Castro might send from Sonora, if he had crossed the Colorado at all, which was at first doubted. Wilson went to his own rancho of Jurupa, whence he visited the different rancherías of Indians, satisfied himself that Castro had really departed, and made a hunting tour. On his return to Jurupa he was met by David Alexander and John Rowland, who brought news of the rising in town, and also an invitation for the company to go to Chino. This invitation was accepted the more readily because they had nsed up nearly all their ammunition in hunting; but on reaching Chino, con- trary to their expectations, they found that Williams had no powder. By some it was thought best to leave the rancho for the mountains, whence an at- tempt might be made to join the garrison in town; but most declared that their ammunition was suf- ficient for the few shots needed to defeat a Californian foe, and it was decided to withstand a siege. That same afternoon the Californians approached; and Isaac Callaghan, who was sent out to reconnoitre, came back with a bullet in his arm. 24

Sérbulo Varela, Diego Sepúlveda, and Ramon Car- rillo had been despatched from the Paredon Blanco with fifty men or more against Wilson. José del Cármen Lugo, already in command of fifteen or twen- ty men on the San Bernardino frontier, with instruc-

21 Wilson's Observations, MIS., is the most detailed and complete narra- tion of the whole affair, supported in most respects by other authorities. Such support is, however, for the most part wanting to Wilson's charge that Williams was a traitor; that he enticed them to Chino by the statement that he had plenty of ammunition; that, while pretending to send a message from Wilson to Gillespie, he directed the courier, Félix Gallardo, to deliver it to Flores; and in fact, that all his efforts were directed to gaining Flores' good-will by the sacrifice of his countrymen. Michael White, Cal., MS., 27, etc., gives a similar version. Some others state that Williams took no part in the fight, acting in a cowardly manner.

313

FIGHT AT CHINO RANCHO.

tions to watch the foreigners, also marched to Chino. Lugo claims to have arrived first, and to have been joined by Varela late in the night, which was proba- bly true.25 The Americans were summoned to sur- render, and perhaps a few shots were exchanged that evening, the 26th, though witnesses do not agree on that point. There was but little ammunition on either side; and the Californians lacked weapons also. The rancho house was of adobe, surrounding a large interior court-yard, having but few windows or other openings in the thick walls, and roofed with asphal- tum. The whole was nearly enclosed with a ditch and adobe fence. About dawn on the 27th, the Cali- fornians, many of them on horseback, made a rush for the house, the movement being accompanied and fol- lowed by a discharge of fire-arms on both sides. Sev- eral horses fell in leaping the ditch or fence, throwing their riders, two or three of whom were wounded, and one, Carlos Ballesteros, killed by a rifle-ball. Inside the house three were wounded, Perdue, Skene, and Harbin, the two first-named somewhat seriously.26 There was time but for few shots, for the assailants reached a position close under the walls of the build- ing, where they could not be seen. Their next step was to fire the roof. The owner of the rancho pre- sented himself with his small children, whose uncles, the Lugos, were among the assailants, and begged that their lives might be spared. Varela appeared at the main entrance, and called upon the Americans to surrender, promising them protection as prisoners of war. The terms were accepted; Wilson's men gave

25 Lugo, Vida de un Ranchero, MS., 34, etc. Wilson and Coronel confirm Lngo's statement to a certain extent. Francisco Palomares, Memorias, MS., 58, etc., claims to have been second in command. Rico states, and some others imply, that Ramon Carrillo was the leader.

26 Stephen C. Foster, Angeles '47-9, MIS., 25, etc., gives many particulars of the fight, and the actions of particular individuals, obtained from men wlio took part in the affair, six months later. He describes the firing to have been done chiefly after the Californians had reached the house, they creeping along the walls, and exchanging shots at close range through the port-holes. Skene was wounded by a young Lugo, whose father later cared for the wounded man.

314

REVOLT OF FLORES IN THE SOUTH.

themselves up;27 Varela's force set to work to extin- guish the fire and secure the plunder; and soon all were on the road to Los Angeles. Sepúlveda and his men in the advance party, and in charge of most of the prisoners, proposed to shoot the latter in re- venge for the death of Ballesteros; but Varela inter- posed his authority, and by the utmost efforts saved their lives. They were turned over to Flores, and eight or ten of the most prominent at least were kept in captivity until January 1847. The rest were probably exchanged for those whom Gillespie had arrested, though there is no agreement in the testi- mony on this point.29

Gillespie and his men were now posted on Fort Hill, where some guns were mounted. Whether he also still held possession of the old barracks is not clear. His position was becoming critical. The Californians, though poorly provided with arms and ammunition, had plenty of food and horses, were flushed with their

27 The members of this party so far as known were B. D. Wilson, Isaac Williams, David W. Alexander, John Rowland, Louis Robidoux, Joseph Perdue, Wm Skene, Isaac Callaghan, Evan Callaghan, Michael White, Matt. Harbin, George Walters. Also named on doubtful authority, Dotson, Godey, Warner.

28 Michael White is positive that it was Carrillo and not Varela who pre- vented their being killed. Lugo claims to have been chief in command throughout the affair, and to have had charge later of those prisoners who had not been exchanged. Vejar names Geronimo Ibarra as one of the wounded. He also claims to have had much to do himself with saving the prisoners' lives. Several state that the prisoners were exchanged. Coronel thinks that some of them were released on parole. Foster says much of A. M. Lu- go's attentions to the wounded, and of his offer to go bail for all. According to Wilson, they were kept at the camp, at Boyle's Height, in a small adobe house, until Gillespie's departure; then taken into town, where the wounded were treated by Dr Den; and all received much aid and attention from Eulogio Celis, while Stearns and other Americans did not make their appear- ance. Flores offered to release them on a solemn promise not to bear arms or use their influence in favor of the U. S., which they declined. Then a plan was formed to send them to Mexico, which was prevented by a revolt, of which more anon. They were sent to S. Gabriel for a few days, being prac- tically free, but were brought back to prison. Later they were sent for a time to Temple's rancho of Los Cerritos. This was while Stockton was at S. Pedro. Then they returned to their town prison, but were kindly treated, until Stockton's second entry into Angeles. Willard Buzzell, in a newspaper account found in Hayes' Scraps, Cal. Notes, iii. 35, says that 13 of Gillespie's prisoners were exchanged for a like number of the Chino men. Buzzell was with Gillespie, but his narrative is in some respects very inaccurate.

LOS ANGELES RETAKEN BY THE CALIFORNIANS. 313

victory at Chino, were bitter against Gillespie on old scores, besides having the death of Ballesteros-a young man who was liked and respected by all-to avenge, and outnumbered the Americans ten to one. Even if Juan Flaco had sueeeeded in his mission, which could not be known, it would be long before re- lief could be expected. Meanwhile Flores renewed his demands for a surrender; and finally offered to permit the garrison to march unmolested to San Pe- dro, if they would abandon their post in the city. Wilson, at Flores' request, made known the proposal to Gillespie, and with it sent his own advice in favor of its being accepted, on the ground that the post could not be held, that there was great danger of all losing their lives in the impending attaek, and that by holding out, no good, but rather harm, would result to American residents of the south. Gillespie accept- ed the offer; marched out with all the honors of war, his colors flying and drums beating; arrived at San Pedro without molestation; and four or five days later embarked on the merchant ship Vandalia, which, however, did not at once leave the port. He was ac- companied by a few American eitizens, and also prob- ably by a dozen of the Chino prisoners, for whom he had exchanged a like number of Californians under arrest. The capitulation was in the last days of Sep- tember, and the embarkation the 4th of October.29 There is a general agreement that Gillespie promised to deliver his field-pieces at San Pedro, but broke his promise by leaving them on shore spiked and useless. The terms of the capitulation, however, if they were put in writing at all, are not extant.30

29 Gillespie says he marched to S. Pedro on Sept. 29th; Wilson thinks it was on the 28th; and several Californians make it the 30th. I find no docu- ment to settle it.

30 In addition to the Californians, Bidwell, Buzzell, and other Americans confirm the spiking of the guns. Gillespie himself implies that by the treaty he was to remain on shore at S. Pedro; but says that, 'Flores having broken the treaty by stopping my supply of water, I safely embarked my party on board the Vandalia, which I had detained to cover my retreat.' It is un. likely that Flores permitted the Americans to remain at S. Pedro. Possibly

316

REVOLT OF FLORES IN THE SOUTH.

The garrison of Los Angeles being thus disposed of, there remained the posts of Santa Barbara and San Diego to be reoccupied by the Californians. Manuel Garfias was despatched to Santa Barbara with a small force, to be increased by enlistments in that region. It was not doubted that Talbot and his nine men31 would be willing to depart on the same terms as Gillespie; but Garfias carried a demand for surrender on parole. He sent the demand on ar- rival, the messenger being accompanied by a small guard, and two hours were allowed for decision. The date is not exactly known, perhaps the 1st or 2d of October,32 and it was nearly dark. Residents of the place had warned the garrison in advance, and now advised a surrender; but Talbot and his men decided to run away, and thus avoid the necessity of a parole. They started at once, met with no opposition from the guard,83 and gained the mountains. They were experienced mountaineers, though few were over twenty years of age. They remained a week in sight of the town, thinking that a man-of-war might appear to retake the post. Their presence was revealed to

Gillespie had agreed to embark at once, but delaying on one pretext or another, had his water supply cut off to hasten his movements, seizing upon this act as an excuse for sriking the guns. Rico claims to have been sent to S. Pedro with a message to Gillespie that if he did not embark at once as he had promised he would be attacked.

31 They were Theodore Talbot, Thomas E. Breckenridge, Eugene Russell, Charles Scriver, John Stevens, Joseph Moulton, Francis Briggs, Durand, William, a Chinook Indian, and Manuel, a New Mexican. Testimony of Russell and Breckenridge in Fremont's Cul. Claims, 52-4.

34 Russell and Breckenridge speak of having been 34 days on the journey from Sta Bárbara to Monterey. This would make the date of starting Sept. 27th or Oct. 4th, according as we include or not the 8 days spent at the mountain camp in sight of Sta Bárbara.

33 Phelps, Fore and Aft, 313-14, tells how they marched out, one of their number sick. They formed in line, their backs against the wall, and told the foe they were ready, daring them to advance, calling them cowards, ' laughing them to scorn,'etc. Finding they would not fight, Talbot marched off in a hollow square, followed by the 'cabaleros,' who reviled the brave squad but dared not attack them! All this is purely imaginary. A letter of Nov. 15th to the Boston Traveller, reprinted in Niles' Reg., Ixxii. SI, gives an account similar to that of Phelps. Evidently some of Talbot's men on arrival at Monterey indulged in the trappers' propensity for story-telling. Streeter, Recoll., MS., 55-63, says that all the men but one, Russell, favored , surrender at first; but as he declared his purpose to escape. the rest concluded to go with him.

317

TALBOT QUITS SANTA BARBARA.

Californians by their attempts to obtain cattle and sheep at night; and then some efforts were made to hasten their movements. A party sent out for this purpose once eame so near the American camp that a horse was killed by a rifle-ball; American residents, apparently Robbins and Hill, were sent with new demands for surrender; and finally, just after Talbot's men had left their camp, fire was set to the mountain chaparral, with a view to drive them out. They crossed the mountains, receiving aid and guidance from a Spanish ranchero, reached the Tulares, and proceeded to Monterey, where they arrived November 8th, having suffered many hardships on the long jour- ney.34 After Talbot's flight, American residents of the Santa Barbara region were arrested, most being paroled, and a few apparently sent to Los Angeles as prisoners. A small garrison was left at the town, and another at San Buenaventura; all under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Gumesindo Flores; while 40 or 50 men were recruited for Flores' army.33

At San Diego, as we have seen, no garrison had been left at first; but about September 15th, at the request of Fitch, who reported symptoms of disorder, Ezekiel Merritt was sent with a dozen men by Gilles- pie to protect the place.36 Immediately after Gil- lespie's retreat, and at the same time that Garfias was sent to Santa Bárbara, Francisco Rico marched for San Diego with fifty men. At his approach Bidwell

3+ Arrival at Monterey noted in Monterey Californian, Nov. 14th. Lan- cey, Cruise, 130-1, quotes Talbot, source not mentioned: 'I suffered more from downright starvation, cold, nakedness, and every sort of privation, than in any other trip I have yet made, and I have had some rough ones.' Most of the authorities I have cited on the Flores revolt also mention briefly Talbot's retreat.

35 Nidever, Life and Adven., MIS., 116-27, and Dittmann, Narratire, MS., 37-9, arrived at Sta Bárbara with Wm Fife from a hunting tour just after Talbot's departure. They were arrested, but Fife and Dittmann, not being Americans, were released. Nidever was sent to Angeles, but ran away and kept hid until Fremont came south. He gives many details of his personal adventures in the mean time, all strictly true, as it is to be hoped. 36 Sept. 13th, Gillespie to Fitch, who was to furnish provisions. Fitch, Doc., MIN., 400. Sept. 15th, Id. to Id., and Bidwell to Fitch. Id., 401-2. Mer- ritt's party was expected on the 16th.

318

REVOLT OF FLORES IN THE SOUTH.

left San Luis Rey and joined Merritt's party. They were also joined by a few native citizens, and all went on board the Stonington, a whaler lying at anchor in the bay, taking with them some cannon dug up at the old fort. Rico, however, did not reach San Di- ego, being recalled in great haste from Santa Marga- rita; but it appears that a few mounted Californians of the district appeared on the hills from time to time. with sufficient demonstrations of hostility to keep the Americans on board their vessel for about twenty days. 87

Nearly all the male inhabitants of southern Cali- fornia were now, in a certain sense, engaged as sol- diers in the revolt; but less than 200 were kept actually in service, the rest being warned to hold themselves in readiness for the time of need. In fact, 200 men, or half that number, were more than could be armed and equipped. The country was ransacked for old muskets, pistols, and lances, with indifferent success. An old four-pounder, that had formerly served on festive occasions for the firing of salutes, was dug up from the garden of Inocencia Reyes, where it had been buried on Stockton's first ap- proach; and this was mounted on a pair of wagon- wheels by an English carpenter. Powder was still more scarce than weapons; only enough for a few charges of the pedrero could be procured; and to sup- ply the want a quantity of very inferior quality was manufactured at San Gabriel. News soon came that the Americans had landed at San Pedro; and José Antonio Carrillo was despatched in haste with fifty horsemen to reconnoitre and harass the foe; while Flores was to follow with the gun. Captain Mer- vine, having left San Francisco on the Savannah Oe- tober 4th, reached San Pedro on the 6th, and imme- diately landed about 350 men, who were joined by

37 Rico, Memorias, MS., 30; Bidwell's Cal. in 1841-8, MS., 183-90; Dicc. Univ., viii. 158.

319

MERVINE'S DEFEAT.

Gillespie's men from the l'andalia. On the 7th they began their march to Los Angeles. They took no cannon from the ship; and they could find no horses; but they remembered Stockton's former march, and had no doubt the Californians would run at their ap- proach. In the afternoon they began to see mounted men of Carrillo's advance guard, with whom a few shots were exchanged, one of the Californians being slightly wounded. At night the Americans occupied the buildings of the Dominguez rancho; and before midnight Flores joined Carrillo with sixty men, bring- ing also the field-piece. There was more or less firing during the night, with no other effect than that of keeping Mervine's party on the alert. Early the next morning, October 8th, Flores retired with twenty men, leaving orders to risk no general engagement, but to harass and delay the foe as much as possible. Soon the Americans advanced, the marines and seamen forming a solid square in the centre, while Gillespie's party acted as skirmishers on the right and left. Car- rillo also divided his force into three bodies, about forty on each flank, and ten with the gun in the cen- tre. When Mervine came near, the gun was fired by Ignacio Aguilar, and was immediately dragged away by reatas attached to the horsemen's saddles, to be re- loaded at a safe distance. This operation was re- peated some half a dozen times in less than an hour. The first discharges did no harm, since the home-made powder was used; but at last the gun was properly loaded, and the solid column affording an excellent target, each shot was effective. Six were killed and as many wounded, if indeed the loss of the Ameri- cans was not still greater.38 No one was hurt on the

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History of California, Volume XXII, Part 33

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885-1890 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 816

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 816