USA > Florida > The purchase of Florida; its history and diplomacy > Part 16
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Three days later the fleet, headed by the "Hermes," sailed for the bay in line of battle. Adopting the battle cry of "Don't give up the fort," the officers solemnly swore never to surrender until the ramparts were in ruins, and only then under the assurance of protection from an Indian massacre. At about four in the afternoon the "Hermes" followed by the rest of the fleet ran into the narrow channel leading into the bay, dropped anchor off the fort, and the attack was on. The superior American marksmanship soon left the final issue in no doubt. The "Hermes" with her cable cut, and her bow swinging toward the fort, was slowly swept down the stream exposed to a raking fire until she finally grounded. She was immediately deserted and fired by her officers and crew. The other ships, suffering badly, drew off and at daybreak of the sixteenth were making sail for Pensacola while the Indians and marines beat a hasty land retreat towards the same town.
Jackson, in command of only parts of three regiments of regulars, with a thousand miles of coast to defend, with- out a fort garrisoned or well armed, would gladly have pursued the enemy and carried the attack to Pensacola ; but he was forced to await the arrival of the twenty-five hun- dred men he had summoned from Tennessee. Here was a wild borderer, "of fiery word and ready blow," with a genius for quarreling, who had never met a civilized foe, in su- preme command, and practically without instructions, left to solve intricate questions of diplomacy and superintend the puzzling affairs of internal government, with a powerful expedition of a great nation to meet and conquer. While awaiting reinforcements and chafing under the enforced
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delay the unlettered Jackson took to the proclamation busi- ness himself. He addressed to the Louisiana settlers a reply to that of Nicholls and much in the style employed by the Briton, and another to the free negroes exhorting them to enlist against the common enemies.
At this time a messenger arrived with letters from Washington warning him of the intended attack upon New Orleans. Word was received shortly before that the enemy was preparing an expedition against Louisiana and that five thousand troops had been ordered from Tennessee and twenty-five hundred from Georgia to reinforce those now under his command and that one hundred thousand dollars in treasury notes had been given to Governor Blount to pay the cost of the armament. 1 Scarcely heeding these orders, Jackson, following a course long in his mind, set out with a force of from three to four thousand men for Pensacola as soon as the Tennessee troops had arrived. Leaving Mobile November 3, he conducted the expedition with all that impetuous zeal for which he later became famous. Demanding the surrender of Pensacola on the night of the sixth, he carried it by storm the following day, witnessed the destruction of Fort Barrancas by the British on the eighth and was again in Mobile on the eleventh, there to find fresh instructions awaiting him. 2
Applauding his conduct of the expedition against Mo- bile the authorities cautioned him against any attack upon Pensacola. "Do not, at present," wrote Monroe, "involve the United States in a contest with Spain. The conduct of the Pensacola governor is for complaint rather through the diplomatic channels than an attack on the place. Great trust is reposed in you." 3 Jackson's conduct likewise be
1. Monroe to Jackson, Sept. 25, 1814. MSS War Departmen' Archives.
2. Lossing's War of 1812, p. 1023.
3. Monroe to Jackson, Monroe Correspondence, Oct., 1814.
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came a subject for complaint through the diplomatic chan- nels. Pensacola fallen, Jackson in sad contrast with his former zeal, appeared to ignore the threatened attack upon New Orleans. Leaving twelve hundred men at Mobile, dis- patching one thousand more to attack the Indians and Brit- ish on the Yellow River and the Escambia, he ordered Gen- eral Coffee to march with two thousand by easy stages to Baton Rouge. Sending one regiment direct to New Orleans, he himself, suffering in body and mind, slowly made his way to that city arriving on the second of Decem- ber. But of the subsequent events culminating in the battle of New Orleans and the utter discomfiture of the British expedition the historian of Florida has little concern.
During the war many complaints were received of ex- peditions fitted out in America against the Spanish forces in the colonies now in revolt. In the spring and fall of 1812 numerous complaints were made that the Mexican insurgents were procuring arms from the United States and that a filibustering expedition against that province was being planned and organized. Further, American priva- teers were indiscriminately plundering Spanish vessels. The principal offenders named were the "Revenge" under Cap- tain Butler, and the "Saratoga."
In the fall of 1813 a proclamation published in bom- bastic and passionate language by a certain Dr. John H. Robinson appeared at Pittsburgh. Dr. Robinson had al- ready figured in the letters which De Onis, the unrecognized Spanish envoy, filed at the state department complaining of the insurgent junta representing the revolutionists of Mex- ico at New Orleans. The object of the Pittsburgh procla- mations was to secure men for service in Mexico against the Spanish army. Dr. Robinson, it seems, had lately been in the employ of the United States in making a report of the conditions in the internal provinces of Spain. His rela- tions with the government made his present activity a cause
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for stronger suspicions upon the part of De Onis. With him were operating General Toledo, the late commander of the revolutionists of Texas, and General Humbert, a French adventurer, all engaged in organizing and equipping a force in Louisiana, and elsewhere within the United States, for Mexican service. 1 In July De Onis again protested against the activity of these insurgent representatives in this coun- try. With the aid of the pirates of Barataria, whose sup- pression and extinction he requested, a force of some six hundred men had been publicly and notoriously recruited and armed in the territory of New Orleans, and under General Humbert and General Gutierres had departed against Matagorda and Tampico. 2 Furthermore banditti from Georgia, under the orders of General Harris of the Georgia militia and Colonels Alexander and MacDonald, had been making hostile incursions into Florida, burning the houses and establishments of the Spanish citizens and robbing them of their slaves and stock.
During the progress of the war efforts had constantly been made at the different courts of Europe to impress upon their governments - particularly those of the maritime na- tions, including Spain - that we were fighting for their cause as well as our own, against the right of search and impressment. It was hoped that they might realize that it was to their interest that we should not be forced to yield up our rights on the sea. After the fall of Napoleon it was believed from persistent rumors that England and the allies would dispatch large forces to the United States and that Spain in particular was hostile to this country. The council of state it seems recommended to the king of Spain a declaration of war against the United States upon the general grounds of our proceedings relative to Louisiana
1. Monroe to Governors of Louisiana and Mississippi Territories, Feb. 14, 1814. Vol. XVI, Domestic Letters, pp. 230, 231.
2. De Onis to Secretary of State, July, 1814, Volume II.
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and Florida. Expeditions were even then preparing at Cadiz, their destination supposed to be Mexico and Buenos Ayres though many, expecting an Anglo-Spanish alliance against this country, looked to see them sail for the United States. A fortunate peace rescued America from these perils.
During the negotiations the envoys of the United States, in the early stages, insisted upon the cession of the lower part of the Canadas arguing that by such a cession only could a lasting peace be secured with Great Britain. 1 This representation, quite in keeping with similar pleas at the court of Spain - for this had been one of the reasons ad- vanced for the sale of the Floridas - indicated that only by the absence of foreign neighbors could peace be maintained with this country, a rather unfortunate commentary, it would seem, upon the character and disposition of this government and our border settlers. Carried to its logical conclusion we must have a continental nation embracing both Americas or a reductio ad absurdum.
1. Vol. VII, Instructions, p. 373.
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CHAPTER VII.
RESUMPTION OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS.
IN July, 1810, De Onis had been appointed minister - from Spain, but that country, being then torn by fac- tional and civil war, and her throne variously claimed by Joseph Bonaparte, Ferdinand VII, and the junta, the United States determined to become in no manner con- nected with any of the aspirants to the royal power, and declined either to recognize Ferdinand or receive De Onis. Until some ruler should be recognized as legitimate and obeyed by all factions, the United States declined to receive any representative in an official capacity from that country. De Onis however proceeded to the United States where he was acknowledged merely as a private or unaccredited per- sonage ; once in this country he directed at Monroe a rapid fire of protests at this refusal to receive him. Ferdinand and the junta were in control of all Spain and her armies and navies, while Joseph Bonaparte could only be considered in the light of a foreigner invading the country. Other nations had recognized the junta and for the United States to follow their lead could scarcely be considered a violation of neutrality.
Exception was taken by this government to the man- ner in which the Chevalier de Onis had conducted himself since his advent in this country. Gardoqui had endeavored to promote a dismemberment of the western from the Atlantic states and had pursued, with the co-operation of the Spanish authorities at New Orleans, certain measures
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of a highly odious and reprehensible nature. D'Yrujo's conduct had been similar to that of Gardoqui with the difference that it was less masked and more indecent and insulting to the United States. He had been a party to the Burr conspiracy against the Union, and he had sought to debauch and seduce the Western people. De Onis it was insisted had followed in the footsteps of his unfortunate predecessors, had attempted repeatedly to excite discontent, had publicly manifested decidedly hostile views towards the United States and had even suggested the means by which their dismemberment might be accomplished. Such was the nature of the replies made to the protestations of Barn- abue and De Onis. In short De Onis was held to be persona non grata.
Barnabue filed with Monroe a complete disclaimer and denial of these charges. The character of De Onis was the highest and his feelings to the United States most friendly. Further it was probable, maintained Barnabue, that those papers, which it was said proved De Onis's complicity in plots against the United States, were forgeries. Of late, Spanish passports had been repeatedly forged and even the seal of office and exequaturs of the Spanish consuls in Phil- adelphia, Baltimore, and New York had been counterfeited. And there had come into his possession a copy of a letter from De Onis forged by the French revolutionary party in the United States. 1
George W. Erving, who was our chargé at Madrid, owing to the war and chaotic condition of affairs in Spain, quit that country in May, 1810, and went to England. The United States had no direct intercourse with the Spanish nation during the terms of the cortes and regency, but throughout these years this country was unofficially represented by Anthony Morris, and Thomas L. Brent who had been secretary of legation.
1. Barnabue to secretary of state, Vol. II, p. 3, July, 1811.
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Affairs had not progressed smoothly even before Erving's departure in 1810, for we find him complaining that the papers and letters of the legation were being searched and scrutinized by Spanish officials. On some charge, it is not clear just what, the Reverend Thomas Gough, agent and chancellor of the legation, had been arrested. And Erving found cause to felicitate himself upon foiling an attempt made in 1808, by one Ravarra, to assassinate him.
After Erving left Madrid there seems to have been much friction, much scheming, much working at cross purposes in the American legation. Thomas Brent and Anthony Morris and Thomas Gough, among the three, generated an over-supply of friction. Brent in his letters to the United States spoke always in most disparaging and contemptuous terms of Morris whom he accused of seeking the appointment of minister to Spain. Mr. Morris advanced his knowledge of the Spanish language as an inducement for his nomination to the coveted post. But Gough, failing to be properly impressed, wrote: "Mr. Morris may talk of his proficiency in the Spanish language and his diplomatic career, but of both I think as highly as of the progress of Cato in the Greek who began to learn this tongue at the age of sixty."1 At any rate Morris was party to a discred- itable intrigue, in which figured certain Spanish officials, to make himself minister - one feature of which was to discredit Erving with the ministry of Spain who would protest against his appointment. In 1814 the government of Spain was re-established and Ferdinand seated on the throne with the consent of the nation. In August of that year Erving was named as our minister to that country.
Cevallos, the Spanish minister of foreign affairs, how- ever, announced that certain wrongs committed by the United States must be redressed before a minister from this country could be received. De Onis, who, as we have
1. Thomas Gough to Thomas Brent, Feb. 29, 1816.
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seen, was personally disagreeable to our president, was to be received, the posts in both Floridas were to be re- turned to the Spanish officials, and due satisfaction made for their seizure. 1 De Onis moreover was to be recognized under and by virtue of his appointment and letters of 1809, when, from the position taken by the United States, the gov- ernment of Spain was practically in abeyance. The United States declined to enter into any discussion of the events in the Floridas during the recent war, until ministers had been reciprocally received, when these affairs might be made the subject of diplomatic interchanges. As for the refusal to receive De Onis under the appointment of 1809, that, it was insisted, was imputable to the state of Spain at that time, her territory being in the possession of contending armies nearly equal, victory sometimes favoring both and the result altogether precarious. It was the interest of the United States to take no part in that controversy and they were under no obligation to do so. Had they acknowledged either party, as would have been done by the acceptance of a minister, just cause of offense would have been given to the other. As soon as Ferdinand was recognized and received as the sovereign of Spain the president had appointed a minister to him, instructed to explain why that measure had not been sooner adopted.
There were serious objections to De Onis personally but "in a spirit of amity," it was declared that, "if his Catholic Majesty after knowing them should request your recognition as an act of accommodation to himself it would be complied with." Much was made of the fact that the Chevalier de Onis had produced no letter of credence from Ferdinand, and that his appointment by the central junta was in itself not a sufficient authority. Monroe was indig- nant at the repeated requests for the acceptance of De Onis
1. George W. Erving to Monroe, Paris, Dec. 4, 1814, Vol. XIII.
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"not as an act of accommodation to your sovereign but of concession on the part of the United States," and further took occasion to communicate to De Onis certain of his views upon the course of one power pressing another, equally independent, to recognize against its will a minister to whom objections of a personal nature were entertained. 1
A vast amount of undignified quibbling, alike discredi- table to both nations, was indulged in over this question of the recognition of ministers and renewal of diplomatic intercourse. Each nation insisted upon the acceptance of its minister as the condition precedent to its reception of the representative of the other. And when, in June of 1815, De Onis received new letters of credence from Ferdinand the United States still refused to receive him until Ferdinand should expressly state that he desired his acceptance as a personal favor to himself. Ferdinand having at length complied with this condition, that gentleman was received by the president, December 19, 1815, as a "distinguished proof of his high consideration" for the Spanish monarch. Diplomatic intercourse was thus at length renewed after · irritating higgling and splitting of hairs, partaking too much of the child's method of quarreling.
Diplomatic relations having been resumed. the ques- tions of years' standing were again taken up. Anthony Morris, during that gentleman's sojourn at Madrid, having authority to receive "informal communications" from the Spanish government, as early as 1814, expressed the opinion that East and West Florida could be purchased. He inti- mated that $10,000 for douceurs would be indispensable as the different departments of the Spanish government were not sufficiently "regenerated" to allow great hopes of suc- cess without the use of such means. Spain was at that time practically bankrupt and corruption was rampant in public office. The suggestion of Morris seems to have
1. Vol. II, Foreign Letters, p. 86, Monroe to De Onis, May 5, 1815.
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elicited neither consideration nor reply from this govern- ment. In the fall of 1815 it was persistently rumored in Europe that the Floridas had been ceded to England but, in response to a pointed inquiry from Morris, Cevallos as- serted in the most positive terms that no such cession had been made. 1
After his reception in December, 1815, De Onis entered feelingly into a series of protests against our course in the Floridas during the war of 1812, and our relations with the revolted Spanish provinces, in permitting filibustering ex- peditions to be fitted out in this country. He first impera- tively demanded that West Florida be returned before any discussion as to its ownership could be considered. He bitterly and repeatedly protested against that "gang of sedi- tious, incendiary profligates who were carrying on with impunity, in the state of Louisiana and New Orleans espec- ially, an uninterrupted system of raising and arming troops for the purpose of lighting the torch of revolution in the kingdom of New Spain (Mexico)." All the state of Louisiana had witnessed, he declared, those armaments, the public recruitings, the transportation of arms, the meetings of the seditious and their hostile and warlike march from the territory of this republic against the dominions of their friendly and neighboring power.
Joseph Alvarez de Toledo and Joseph Manuel de Her- rera, the latter calling himself "minister near the United States" of the self styled Mexican congress, were the ring- leaders in these recruiting expeditions. De Onis requested that orders be issued to the collectors of the custom houses prohibiting the admission into our ports of vessels sailing under the insurgent flag of Cartagena, the Mexican con- gress, Buenos Ayres or any other place in insurrection against Spanish authority. Vessels, flying the flags of these revolted colonies, were constantly armed in our harbors
1. Vol. II, Foreign Letters, p. 86, Monroe to De Onis, May 5, 1815.
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with the object of destroying and plundering Spanish ves- sels, and then returning to our ports to find a mart for the spoils of their piracies. 1
Without doubt a serious breach of international law was committed by the United States during these years, although this nation exercised what it declared to be great diligence against these abuses. To the impartial critic there seems to have been a highly damaging and incriminat- ing amount of connivance and blindness on the part of many of the government officials. These so-called revolutionary governments could have no communication with any power in amity with Spain for neither that government nor any other had acknowledged their independence. That a stronger, more virile nation than Spain would have taken more decisive measures than recourse to mere diplomatic protests, we cannot doubt. As it was, the United States might well have been liable for damages and spoliations on the very principle by which we enforced the Alabama claims against England half a century later. The Spanish com- plaints against the filibustering expeditions and armaments fitted out in our ports covered a period of ten years from 1812.
In a vigorous protest, which followed closely upon the heels of his first, De Onis announced to Monroe that he had received positive information that two bodies of troops of one thousand men from Kentucky and three hundred from Tennessee, commanded by American citizens holding Mexican commissions, were about to set out for Mexico to enlist in the revolutionary service. Toledo, Humbert, Amaya, Bernado, Gutierres, Urtui, Dr. Robinson, and Ma- jors Peive and Priere were the leaders against whom the Spanish minister sought executive action, Unless the in- surgent activity in this country be immediately suppressed, "the king, my master," declared De Onis, "will have reason
1. Vol. III, De Onis to Monroe, Dec. 30, 1815.
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to suspect that if those meetings are not authorized by the government, they are at least tolerated; all the assurances I may give to my sovereign of the friendly disposition of the president will not stand any competence when compared with the evident proofs I had the honor to communicate in this and my former note; particularly when his Majesty is well convinced of the resources and authority of the federal government and the promptitude with which their orders are strictly observed in the whole Union." 1
This he followed with an explanation of the violation
1. Vol. III, De Onis to secretary of state, p. 2, Jan., 1816.
In this letter De Onis seeks to show the short-sightedness of the people of our southern and western states in helping to secure the freedom of New Spain, or Mexico, and helping to there build up a new and independent nation. The statements and conclusions of the Spanish minister are most interesting in view of our later history, and the present condition of Mexico. "Grant that the new government and constitution would be all that could be desired: the climate of Mex- ico is more temperate than that of the United States, the soil richer and more productive; the productions and fruits more abundant, wealthy and of a superior quality, and that provisions, hand work, wood, houses, clothing, etc., are in consequence of the mildness and regularity of the climate exceeding cheaper than in this country. If this event should take place do you not think, sir, as I do, that so many alluring prospects and so many evident advantages would deprive this republic of the successive emigrations from Europe and, what is more, of a very considerable part of the most useful and industrious inhabitants of this confederation who would carry with them to Mex- ixo their flour and saw mills, machines, manufactures, their enter- prising genius, in a word their general instruction and all the means that actually promote and vivify the commerce of these states. I flat- ter myself that this event will not happen; but I am fully convinced that all the consequences of this hypothesis can be demonstrated almost with a mathematical certainty; and that if the citizens of Kentucky, Louisiana and Georgia should reflect deeply on this sub- ject, far from giving any aid to these incendiaries, thirsty of gold and regardless of the happiness of their country, would unite themselves with the authorities of the king, my master, to punish that gang of perfidious traitors that hide themselves in their territory with the criminal design of devastating their country."
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