USA > Illinois > Cook County > History of Cook County, Illinois : being a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits : from the earliest settlement to the present time, volume II > Part 55
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On October 25, 1868, Horatio Seymour, Democratic candidate for the Presidency, delivered a speech of great power in Chicago. An audience of fully 10,000 people listened to him. The speech was de- livered on the courthouse square. Frank C. Sherman was chairman
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of the meeting. The sentiments of Mr. Seymour received the warm- est commendation of the Democratic press and politicians of this city. It was unquestionably a masterpiece of art, logic and brilliancy.
The campaign closed with brilliant processions and meetings by both Democrats and Republicans. All available halls and theaters in the city were used by the various partisans. The election held November 3, 1868, was noted for its excitement and enthusiasm and for the intense, concerted efforts made by each party to secure the success of their tickets. Even on election day there was much sup- pressed excitement at the polls. The Republicans did not win all of the old soldiers. Many of them joined the ranks of Democracy ; in fact during the campaign it was clearly shown that principles and policies which had controlled public opinion during the war in no way actuated the voters now. New policies and principles had arisen, perhaps as a consequence of the war ; the old soldiers divided on the new propaganda. As a whole, the election was orderly throughout the city and county.
On November 6 the Republicans of Cook county celebrated their success by an immense demonstration, probably one of the most mem- orable and brilliant ever witnessed in the city. The Democrats looked on with complacency, but did not do much shouting.
The total vote for Grant and Colfax in Cook county was 27,527 ; that cast for Seymour and Blair, 19,104. For Governor, Mr. Pal- mer received in this county 27,492, and Mr. Eden 19,141. The vote in Chicago was Grant, 22,300; Seymour, 17,029; Palmer, 22,265, and Eden, 17,064.
In June, 1869, an attempt to organize the People's party was inau- gurated. Among those connected with the movement were J. M. Reynolds, Charles Bates, G. M. Salomon, Colonel Schaffner, Alder- man Carpenter, Justice Summerfield, Dr. Wickersham, Henry M. Smith and Mr. Eddy. The latter was elected chairman. He said, "I am tired of that condition of things where two or three men have ruled this city and county for their own pecuniary benefit for several years past and have declared it their intentions to rule it so long as they live. The people of this city and county are sick and tired of this dynasty. It has ruled with an iron hand and ignorant rod for the last five, six or seven years-a blatherskiting, lick-spittal class of men who will enter into an alliance with any political organization which will afford them offices and emoluments."
At the election held in November the Citizen's ticket received the votes of a majority of the Democrats and Republicans of Chicago. The result was an unparalleled triumph for reform. It was a sting- ing rebuke to the corrupt ringsters and the incurable primary system which had ruled the city and county for nearly ten years. The elec- tion was orderly, but there was much fêting, and a great deal of beer and whiskey was consumed. On the evening of election day crowds assembled at headquarters to listen to the returns. The
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Citizen's ticket supporters assembled at Farwell hall and were ad- dressed by the various candidates amid much enthusiasm. When it became known that the Citizens' ticket had swept the county the supporters of that ticket were overjoyed and prepared an elaborate demonstration.
The total vote cast for mayor was 31,259. Mr. Mason of the Citi- zens' ticket received 19,878 and George W. Gage, Republican, 11,- 381, Mason's majority being 8,497 votes. About the same majority elected the other candidates of the Citizens' ticket. That party like- wise elected a majority of aldermen. The county vote was shown approximately by that cast for county treasurer. Mr. Rexford of the Citizens' ticket received for county treasurer 22,796 and Mr. Ham, Cook county in October, 1870, was greater than at any time in the history of the city. They were as follows: Three State senators, twenty-two assemblymen, fifty-two town supervisors, twenty alder- men, thirty town clerks, thirty county assessors; thirty tax collectors, one sheriff, one coroner, town constables, highwaymen, city assessors, city collectors, etc. In addition there were numerous deputies, bail- iffs, clerks and fuglemen, all of whom had to be provided for by the Republican, 13,147.
The number of officials to be chosen for the various positions in successful party. No wonder this was considered an important elec- tion. Both Democrats and Republicans exerted themselves as never before to elect their tickets. The Democrats, owing to recent defec- tions from the ranks of the Republicans, believed they had an excel- lent chance to win. The Republicans, though disheartened, neverthe- less entered the campaign vigorously and thoroughly organized throughout the whole county. The Times called it the "Tax-eater's campaign." It said, "The people of the county behold an army, or rather two armies, one city and one county, of official tax-eaters preying upon their substance, because 90 per cent of them are not needed." Although the new constitution provided for a Board of County commissioners numbering fifteen, it was necessary to elect supervisors under the old order until the constitution should be adopted or put into effect.
The Republican party of Cook county declared in October, 1870, that the candidates of its party for the state Legislature must be citi- zens "equal in ability and integrity to the Cook county delegation in the Constitutional convention." The reason was that the work to be done by the first Legislature under the new constitution was scarcely less important than the proceedings of the convention itself had been. The Chicago Times declared that Chicago and Cook county could furnish any number of men equal in ability and integrity to the dele- gates to the Constitutional convention. It cited the few following names to prove its statement: Charles Hitchcock, Clinton Briggs, Thomas Hoyne, Samuel W. Fuller, Aaron Haven, Wirt Dexter, M. W. Fuller, Mark Kimball, John B. Calhoun, E. B. McCagg, William
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B. Ogden, Elliot Anthony, Grant Goodrich, Daniel Cameron, George L. Dunlap, S. S. Hayes, Joseph Medill, John Owsley, Richard T. Crane, John C. Haines, Carter H. Harrison, Charles C. Bonney and George A. Ingalls. Among the men mentioned in connection with the Democratic nomination for Congress were: W. F. Coolbaugh, James H. McVickar, David A. Gage, Wirt Dexter, James R. Doo- little, Thomas Hoyne, Samuel W. Fuller, and William B. Ogden. Here certainly was good material if the party could elect one of them.
As a whole, both parties presented strong tickets. Men of unusual ability, probity and integrity were placed before the people for their votes. Immediately after the conventions both parties entered upon a spirited campaign, putting more speakers out, probably, than ever before. The local interest was intense. The Times of October 27 said, "When the Citizens' ticket was elected in Chicago in opposition to the Barnacle ring the candidates were pledged openly or implicitly to such reform in the city and county offices as would secure their enormous fees to the people to whom they rightfully belonged. This was the main issue of the campaign. The gentlemen who went to the Constitutional convention were elected on this platform and gave the spirit of the purpose a practical embodiment in the instrument which was afterwards so enthusiastically adopted by the people. The Citi- zens' ticket, composed of Democrats and Republicans, joined in their agreement to the reform doctrine and appealed commonly to the Peo- ple's suffrage on that basis."
The Times of November 7 said concerning the November election : "To the inhabitants of Chicago and Cook county it is of peculiar im- portance. It is an event that will determine the second stage in the popular revolution against political corruption that was initiated in this county last fall. The decision at the ballot box tomorrow will decide whether the good people of Cook county shall realize the bene- fits of your revolution or be remitted to the domination of political scalawags that manipulate the machinery of the party caucus, not to serve the public good, but to put themselves in official situations where they can grow rich at the public cost. The central idea of the citizens' movement last fall was that we want capable and faithful men in office more than we want Democrats or Republicans. The fact that some scalawags were elected to office last fall in spite of the popular effort to purge the public offices from such vermin detracts nothing from the vast amount of good which that movement accom- plished. It placed in the Constitutional convention the ablest and best delegation that has ever represented Cook county at the state capital; it gave to Illinois the best organic law ever framed in Amer- ica ; it secured a basis for the most important reforms in our country and municipal organizations; it secured the future reduction in the vast emoluments of the county officeholders; it established the basis of future economy in our county administration ; it saved $100,000 in one year in a single fee office; it cut off a multitude of gross and
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costly official abuses ; and it established the foundation upon which a host of other gross and costly abuses will be cured. The central idea of the citizens' movement is as valid and as important now as it was then. We want capable and trustworthy men in office more than we . want Democrats and Republicans. We want trustworthy men in town offices, city offices, county offices and the Legislature."
At the election of November 8, 1870, the regular Republican ticket was chosen generally throughout the county. Mr. Farwell for Con- gress defeated Mr. Wentworth by over 5,300 majority. For state treasurer, Mr. Ridgely, Democrat, received 14,232, and Mr. Bates, Republican, 21,264 votes. County Sheriff Kean, Democrat, received 14,970 and Mr. Bradley, Republican, 20,925 votes. That was about the majority for the balance of the ticket throughout the county.
The press declared that Republicans or Democrats were not want- ed, but that able, conscientious and honest men were desired for mu- nicipal offices. There were to be elected in November, 1871, twenty aldermen and the mayor. The upbuilding of the city, it was realized, depended upon the character of the men thus selected. All wards were urged to choose honest and capable men for all important posi- tions. Rice and Mason were candidates for mayor. It was insisted that there should be no change in the officials who had proved faith -. ful thus far.
The Republican central committee conferred with the Democratic central committee with the object of naming a fusion ticket to secure in this fire emergency a non-partisan council and administration. Hundreds favored the combination ticket. The meeting adjourned to reassemble after hearing from the Democratic central committee. They spent an entire day in vain effort to agree on a fusion ticket. Accordingly the Republicans nominated their candidates for half of the offices as usual. Governor Palmer, who was here at the time, recommended strongly unity of action. Negotiations for a fusion ticket were continued. The Republicans were ready, but the De- mocracy desired further time for deliberation. On October 26 the Democratic central committee, having practically come to terms, nominated the other portion of the fusion ticket. On October 27 this ticket was completed by both parties and seemed satisfactory to the candidates, the people and the political organizations. The Tribune said, "It is the best ticket ever presented to the city and county." Joseph Medill received the nomination for mayor on the fusion ticket. On October 27 the Democratic and Republican cen- tral committees met to consider jointly the new ticket. The list of nominees was ready and the ticket as a whole was adopted. The committees issued a joint statement to the voters of the county, stat- ing their reasons for thus uniting, and calling upon the people to witness the rectitude of their intentions. Both committees signed this address to the public.
However, all members of both parties were not satisfied with the
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fusion ticket. Accordingly a Republican Cook county convention assembled at Rice & Jackson hall and were called to order by Mr. Dalton. The Cook county Democratic convention of malcontents also held a meeting on October 30. J. B. Atwood was chairman. They went through much of the same proceedings that the alleged Republican convention did. They effected a complete organization, and the two malcontent factions finally decided to operate together against the fusion or "fire" ticket.
For Congress Mr. Beveridge, Republican, received a total of 17,- 300 votes and Mr. Hayes, Democrat, 11,883. The majority for the "fireproof" ticket in the city was, in round numbers, 10,000. It was a sweeping victory and presumably meant good government and reform.
In the spring of 1872 the cry was, "Anything to beat Grant." On April 25 a large mass meeting assembled at Turner hall and was addressed by Herman Leib, General Stiles and Leonard Swett. The Democracy of Cook county was in a quandary as to the nominee of the Liberal Republicans at Cincinnati. When Mr. Greeley was final- ly nominated the. Cook County Democracy, though red in the face and considerably confused, made the best of the nomination and pre- pared to support the candidates. The renomination of Mr. Oglesby for governor and the nomination of Mr. Beveridge for lieutenant governor of Illinois on May 22, 1872, met the approval of the Re- publicans of Cook county. J. Y. Scammon was chairman of the committee on resolutions of the Republican state convention. Hor- ace White and D. H. Hammond of Cook county were members of the Liberal party ticket. A. C. Hesing was prominently mentioned in connection with the nomination for lieutenant governor.
On September 30, 1872, the Republicans of Chicago were ad- dressed by General Hawley of Connecticut at Burlington hall. A large crowd was present and Lumbard's Glee club supplied the cam- paign music. He denounced Mr. Greeley in the most scathing terms and declared that he was a renegade Republican who, without prin- ciple, had gone over to the Democracy for personal gain.
While the contest for Cook county offices in November, 1872, was not extremely important, still both parties prepared to make the nominations and actively to contest the result at the polls. The local offices to be filled were those of state's attorney, sheriff, cir- cuit clerk, recorder, county clerk, coroner, six county commission- ers, seven state senators and fourteen representatives.
During the Presidential campaign of 1872 the Times openly op- posed the election of Mr. Greeley to the Presidency. At all times that paper ridiculed and abused the Liberal Republican candidates. It denounced the leading supporters of the Liberal Republican ticket, and particularly did it roast Messrs. McCormick, Harrison, Suth- erland and Tuley. That newspaper declared that such men had sold out the Democratic party and hopelessly divided it so that success
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at the polls was impossible. During this campaign Lyman Trum- bull supported the Liberal Republican ticket.
For governor, Oglesby received in the city 25,510 and the Liberal ticket 16,196 votes. An important factor in local politics during this compaign was the movement known as the Personal Liberty league, supported and instigated by the saloon-keepers of the city. The city of Chicago gave Grant and Wilson 24,054 votes, Greeley and Brown 17,016, Grant's plurality being 8,038. Cook county gave Grant and Wilson a total of 31,318 votes and Greeley 18,836, the total being 50,154, and Grant's majority being 12,482. Oglesby, Republican candidate for governor, received 28,781 and his oppo- nent, Coerner, 21,508.
The election of April, 1873, was a peculiar one. It was a victory of the Irish population of Chicago over the native Americans and the Germans. In the three towns composing Chicago the Irish carried the elections by substantial majorities. The victory in North Chicago was particularly gratifying to that nativity, because that division was the stronghold of the German element. In the South town and in the West town the results were equally marked by the success of the so-called Irish candidates. This was not the first nor the last time when the question of nativity was the deciding factor.
The political campaign in the fall of 1873 was confused, erratic, singular and more or less irregular. The Democratic and Republi- can parties appeared in strength, and at the same time were willing to make concessions to the powerful Irish and German elements that had cut so important a figure in several previous contests, and whose influence and support were desired. It was proposed that the Irish and Germans should unite against both the Democratic and Re- publican parties. Already by September they had practically formed a coalition and were prepared to nominate a complete ticket. The coalition leaders were called Nationalists and were led by Messrs. Hesing, O'Hara, Lieb and others. Previous to this date the Irish usually had been identified with the Democratic party. When the coalition was formed they desired that the old name, in part at least, should be retained and suggested the "Liberal Democratic Party" as the title of the new organization. On the other hand the German element, which had generally been identified with the Republicans, desired the new name to be the "Liberal Conservative Party."
The coalition organization was called by the Times the "Beer and Whisky party," the beer representing the Germans and the whisky the Irish. The coalition party assembled about the middle of Sep- tember and nominated a complete ticket and adopted a platform or resolutions expressive of the principles and purposes of the new organization. Generally the resolutions denounced the administra- tion of public affairs throughout Cook county and demanded a change in governmental affairs. The resolutions were a strange
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commingling of Irish and German sentiments, aspirations, purposes and maudlin Americanism. Sentiments which were clearly antag- onistic were adopted under a platform of alleged principles. Par- ticularly did the coalition party denounce the management of the police department. A. C. Hesing was the holy father and savior of this incongruous movement.
About the middle of October all factions became active. The offices to be filled at the November election, 1873, were as follows : Judge Superior court, judge County court, clerk of Criminal court, county treasurer, clerk of County court, several county commis- sioners, superintendent of schools, and in the city, mayor, treasurer, collector, attorney, clerk of the police court and several aldermen. The spoils were worth fighting for, hence as there were no political principles involved, many factions appeared with banners and proc- lamations demanding the support of the public.
By October 24, 1873, local politics surged, effervesced and boiled. The feeling throughout the city was intense, owing to the sharp rivalry of the various cabals. Numerous conventions representing every shade of evanescent opinion and alleged principle were held, candidates were announced and an active canvass of voices was in startling progress. The greatest interest, of course, centered in the offices of the city government.
The so-called Eclectic ticket nominated L. L. Bond for mayor, and the coalition ticket, organized by Hesing and O'Hara, nomi- nated H. D. Colvin for mayor. These two tickets were the princi- pal ones before the people. The Times of November 1 said, "Chi- cago has been the center of many exciting political campaigns, but never of one so desperate as this, at least among professional poli- ticians and their dummy retainers. Aside from the issues and stakes involved, this excitement is largely due to the uncertainties that always accompany new formations. Neither has measured the strength of the other. Each side is afraid of the other and both are keeping up their courage. The old parties in existence did not fear innovations and accordingly made a serious mistake. In an evil hour for the regular party lines a mutiny broke out in both camps and for a time there was a beautiful fraternization. By slow degrees political armies were again formed and without regard to previous organization. The leaders were divided, the soldiers were divided, and all of the old discipline went for naught, and now to all intents and purposes both sides are composed of raw recruits. The result will be a guerrilla warfare. The Germans now receive orders from Daniel O'Hara and the Irish obey orders from A. C. Hesing, the German. The same with the other factions of the old parties. All elements are antagonistic, so that the result cannot possibly be foretold." It was noted that on Sunday, November 2, the political excitement was so great that men took their politics to church and discussed measures at the close of the services.
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The final tickets in the field were four: The Eclectic, with L. L. Bond for mayor ; the coalition or Combined Bummer ticket, with H. D. Colvin for mayor ; the Citizens' Union ticket, with L. L. Bond for mayor, but with the balance of the ticket different from that of the Eclectic ticket, and the People's ticket, with H. D. Colvin for mayor, but with different names for the other offices. The registration showed unusual interest for an "off-year" election. One of the speakers called all the tickets "Office Seekers' tickets," and this seemed to express the general opinion of the nominations by the vari- ous coalitions and factions. At the election the People's ticket throughout was elected by a majority ranging from five to ten thou- sand. This was the success of the Irish and German coalition. The Times of November 5 said "Now that the disgraceful and humiliat- ing squabble for the local offices in this city and county is over, it is hoped that the managers on all sides will retire from the public gaze and devote some space of time to meditation upon their own folly and stupidity. There has certainly never been witnessed in Chicago an election contest exhibiting so many phases of gross mismanage- ment, eliciting from the various champions so much damnable non- sense, or provoking among rational and practical men so much gen- uine contempt for men professing devotion to something which they believe, or pretend to believe, to be right." That paper later in. No- vember said, "The excitement over the result of Tuesday's election was more intense on yesterday than it was during the voting day. The result as announced in the morning papers astonished every- body. Victory had been conceded to the People's party early on the previous afternoon, but no one expected that the rout of the other party would be so complete and thorough as the result afterwards showed it to be. On Yesterday morning it was developed that Mr. Colvin's majority was over 10,000 and that Mr. O'Hara's was little more than 100 behind him. The result was received with far greater satisfaction than had been loked for. The fact that a very large American vote was cast for the People's ticket did much toward re- lieving the result from the character of triumph of the powerful for- eign influence. This fact also did much to develop a general confi- dence in the coming administration." The full vote cast for mayor was 47,284, and for city treasurer 47,299. The majority for Colvin was 10,257 and for O'Hara 10,065.
In April, 1874, the advisability of organizing a citizens' committee was considered at the Palmer house. The object of the organization as set forth in the preamble was as follows: To secure a more per- fect administration of municipal affairs; to promote the general wel- fare and prosperity of the city ; to protect citizens against the evil consequences of careless or corrupt legislation ; to effect the prompt enforcement and execution of the laws; to protect and encourage business and commercial interests; to foster and maintain credit; to secure proper ordinances and laws ; to kindle a more extended interest
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in municipal legislation and administration ; to correct existing abuses and prevent their recurrence. These principles, as announced, con- tained many repetitions and could easily have been comprehended in about four. It was another fanciful or factional movement along in- dependent lines unhampered by party doctrines and restrictions. It was openly charged, and many instances were given to prove the statements, that the police department was in collusion with the gam- blers of the city. In the summer of 1874 this fact was taken into politics and cut a considerable figure during the fall campaign.
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