USA > Illinois > Cook County > History of Cook County, Illinois : being a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits : from the earliest settlement to the present time, volume II > Part 64
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Vol. II-37.
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HISTORY OF COOK COUNTY
Both parties in Cook county, in fact all parties, prepared for a vigorous and stirring campaign, not only on local but on national issues. During September the lawful number of voters petitioned the County Board to submit the question of abolishing township government to a vote of the people at the November election.
Mr. Altgeld was nominated by the Democracy for governor of Illinois. In few elections were national questions so thoroughly analyzed, discussed and considered as during the campaign of 1896. The silver question particularly was made a matter of public education. Populism, the labor question and the rights and privi- leges of strikers and employes were discussed as never before. In all of these questions Cook county, and particularly Chicago, was vitally interested, and the inhabitants generally studied the subjects in detail. A notable speech was delivered by Governor Altgeld at Central Music hall on September 19. He addressed his remarks particularly to the arguments made here by Carl Schurz a short time before. His speech was dignified and lacked the usual rabid anarchist sentiments. He dwelt particularly upon the "crime of 73." The Republican newspapers called Governor Altgeld the Popocratic candidate for governor. The Republicans nominated John R. Tan- ner, who, as well as Mr. Altgeld, stumped the state.
On October 9, 1896, the "sound money" representatives held one of the largest demonstrations ever assembled in Chicago. It was stated that 68,307 persons, by actual count, marched through the heart of the city. The procession was witnessed by 750,000. The Free Silver people also held immense meetings and conducted a pro- cession almost as large. These were pronounced the most dazzling pageants in the history of Chicago. It was at this time that the expression "government by injunction" was used as a party slogan. The parade of railroad men on October 24, in the interests of sound money to sustain the candidacy of Mr. Mckinley, was a memorable event of this remarkable campaign. Fifteen thousand railroad em- ployes were in line. The press throughout the campaign in issue after issue denounced Mr. Altgeld personally, politically and other- wise.
The first day's registration in October, 1896, surpassed all expec- tations. The total was 293,182 and exceeded the registration of 1894 by 47,402. There was a total of 347,574 in 1894. The total registration was announced on October 21 as 383,515. This num- ber included Cicero. This was over 52,000 more than the New York city registration.
There were in the field the following national tickets: Republi- can, Mckinley and Hobart; Democratic, Bryan and Sewall; Pro- hibition, Levering and Johnson; People's, Bryan and Watson; Gold Democrats, Palmer and Buckner; Socialistic Labor, Matchett and Maguire; National, Bentley and Southgate; Middle of the Road Democrats, Bryan and Watson. These parties all put out more or
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less complete tickets in Cook county. . There were to be elected a state's attorney, coroner, clerk of Circuit court, clerk of Superior court, recorder, surveyor, and eleven members of the County Board. The county was also required to vote upon issuing $600,000 in bonds to be used in erecting an additional story or stories to the old courthouse. Late in October Mr. Bryan appeared in Chicago in a series of brilliant speeches.
At the November election, 1896, Chicago polled 46,055 more votes for President than did New York. In Cook county the Re- publicans elected two state senators and twenty-seven House mem- bers. The Democrats elected one senator and eighteen members of the House. The candidates for the Presidency received the fol- lowing vote in Chicago and Cicero: Mckinley, 204,734; Bryan, 145,740; Levering (Prohibitionist) 1,906; Palmer (Gold Demo- crat), 2,385; Matchett (Socialist Labor), 712; Bentley (National), 141; Bryan and Watson (M. R.), 210. In the whole of Cook county Mckinley received 221,823; Bryan, 151,911; Palmer, 2,600; Bryan and Watson, 236. The plurality of Governor Tanner in Cook county was 41,682. The Constitutional amendment was carried, but the bond issue was lost. The Republicans swept the entire county ticket. The pluralities ranged from 43,000 to 56,000. Deneen, for state's attorney, defeated Kern by a plurality of over 56,000. The County Board was solidly Republican. The Republicans and Gold Democrats ratified the election and celebrated their joy by an immense meeting at the Auditorium on November 6.
In March, 1897, Alfred S. Trude contested with Carter H. Har- rison before the Democratic convention for the mayoralty nomina- tion. Mayoralty candidates, if elected, were asked to pledge them- selves to close the saloons on Sunday. This demand was made de- spite the fact that the mayor had no such power. Civil service re- form and clean streets were thoroughly discussed. The bill for im- proving the special assessment system was before the Legislature. The question of granting a franchise to the Cook County Subway and Terminal company was criticised by the people and discussed by the newspapers. A. S. Trude finally withdrew from the mayor- alty race. He did not believe in free silver, which was announced to be a vital issue of the approaching municipal election. His withdrawal was occasioned by the attitude of Governor Altgeld on that question. The previous year Mr. Trude supported both Bryan and Altgeld, who represented free silver. This year he refused to run on a ticket having that subject as its fundamental plank. It was announced that "16 to 1" would rule this election. At the Dem- ocratic convention, held on March 11, Mr. Altgeld dictated the plat- form and in a large measure named the candidates. The platform made the free silver question the paramount issue. The platform further supported an economical administration of city affairs and the merit system. At this convention the Democrats nominated
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Carter H. Harrison for mayor. Mr. Trude nominated Mr. Harri- son. The Chronicle opposed the nomination and election of Mr. Harrison. It assailed his former administration with great vio- lence. About the middle of March it said, "The alleged Democratic machinery in Chicago is controlled by crooks, dead-beats, bunko steerers, confidence men, and grafters who look upon the city hall as a place for easy money if control of the municipality is delegated to them. It cast about for a candidate who would possess three indispensable qualities-first, money ; second, popularity, and third, pliancy. They hit upon Carter H. Harrison, and, the more easily to compel his nomination in what they would call a Democratic convention, they assembled Populists who declared for every ism under the sun not Democratic, and placed him in the field. Mr. Harrison's election would be a popular calamity. It would de- stroy merit system of public employment. It would place Mr. Deuce Ace at the head of the police machinery. It would establish in the city hall a close corporation of plundering contractors. It would deplete the treasury and would make Chicago among all cities of the Union a hissing and by-word."
Judge Nathaniel C. Sears was nominated for mayor by the Re- publicans. Washington Hesing and John M. Harlan were candi- dates for mayor. All questions concerning the city administration were thoroughly discussed during this vigorous campaign. The newspapers declared that the election of Mr. Harrison meant the same condition of affairs that existed under the elder Harrison's administration. The hard money Democrats were not satisfied with the free silver Democratic platform. They therefore determined to nominate their own candidates for mayor. In one of his speeches Mr. Harrison said, "Judge Sears stands for a puritanical govern- ment of this municipality, while we Democrats believe in liberty of individual action. This is a fight between the people and the puri- tanical classes." Harrison openly promised the wide open policy if elected. This gave him an immense following from the floating and disreputable elements. He took the position that personal lib- erty demanded that saloon keepers should be permitted to keep open all night. The People's party South town convention indorsed the entire Democratic ticket. The South town Republicans in a mass meeting indorsed the entire Republican ticket. John M. Harlan was a candidate of the Citizens' Independent ticket. Washington Hesing was an Independent candidate for the mayoralty.
The address of the Municipal Voter's League to the citizens of Chicago was an important document. It analyzed the local situa- tion and did not hesitate to condemn as well as commend.
At this time the so-called Humphrey bills were before the Legis- 'ature and were discussed by the Chicago people. One of the bills extended the franchise of street railroads for fifty years-the city to receive 3 per cent of the gross profits. The other bill provided
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for taking out of the hands of the city the regulation of its common carriers and turn them over to a state commission to be appointed by the governor. These bills cut an important figure in this elec- tion. They were thoroughly discussed. The issues of this campaign were as follows: The rigid enforcement of the civil service law; suitable compensation for public franchises ; the honest and econom- ical administration of public trusts. The cry of the Democracy during this campaign was "Down with the civil service law." The repeal of that law was favored by the vicious element en masse throughout the city. Of the four candidates for mayor, two (Sears and Harrison) were regular nominees and the other two (John M. Harlan and Washington Hesing) posed as reformers. It was im- possible for either of the latter to be elected. It was claimed that their candidacy was purely political and not in the interests of re- form. They were induced to run for no other purpose than to dam- age the two old party regular tickets.
At this election thirty-four aldermen, or half of the whole coun- cil, were to be chosen. All parties nominated a full list of candidates and vigorously fought for success. The Municipal Voter's League did excellent service in pointing out a number of bad men who had been proposed as candidates. The Tribune pronounced Mr. Harlan a demagogue and declared that he was insincere. Although many questions were discussed during this campaign, including gold basis, free coinage of silver and high tariff, after all the real question was a clean, honest city government, which was of interest to all citi- zens regardless of politics. The question was, "What candidate for mayor and what alderman would be most likely to give the city such administration?" The result of this contest was that almost the entire Democratic vote was cast for Mr. Harrison, while the Re- publican vote was nearly equally split between Judge Sears and Mr. Harlan. The latter thus was responsible for the defeat of the Re- publican candidate. Mr. Harlan was announced as a candidate for mayor before the Republican convention. He made this announce- ment expecting to capture the nomination. Failing to do so he de- termined so to split the party vote that the Republican candidates would be defeated. This he accomplished. The three old towns were carried by the Democrats. The council was also Democratic. It was throughout a victory for Democracy. The new council con- sisted of fifteen hold-over Democrats, sixteen hold-over Republicans and three hold-over Independents. The Democrats elected were 25; Republicans elected, 2; Independents elected, 3, and Democratic majority, 16. Mr. Harrison received 141,882, Harlan 66,448, Sears, 58,450 and Hesing 15,349. This was a remarkable success for young Mr. Harrison. No mayor ever before received so great a plurality. As a matter of fact many Republicans voted for Mr. Harrison.
According to his friends, the real reason why Mr. Harlan ran
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independently for mayor was because he was opposed to the machine of the Republican party. This machine was managed by Lorimer, Pease, Hertz, Dr. Jamieson, et al.
The spring election of 1898 was important-the right alder- men were to be elected. The street railway franchise enigma was on the tapis. Should the city be robbed of its streets? was the question. The Chicago Federation of Labor resolved in March, 1898, to support for the Council only such candidates as would vote for municipal ownership of street railways. The primaries of March, 1898, were held under the new law. The Municipal Voters' League was prominently engaged on this contest-the object being to elect aldermen who would protect the city from street franchise grabbers.
In June, 1897, eleven senators and thirty-one representatives from Cook county had voted for the Allen Law-voted in favor of grant- ing fifty year franchises to traction companies. This law deprived the city annually of at least three million dollars of revenue to be derived from the use of over six hundred miles of streets by the traction companies. The law made the office of alderman more im- portant than ever by investing it with greater power to dispose of franchises. It thus came to pass that individuals, bosses, parties, traction companies and "prominent citizens out of jobs" engaged in a desperate struggle to elect aldermen fitted for their various pur- poses. It was an auspicious time for wolves to break into the City Council and they prepared to do so with howls of delight. Prior to the voting day the election commissioners issued nearly one hundred thousand suspect notices in an effort to prevent illegal voting.
The new Council elected in April, 1898, stood as follows: Demo- crats, 40; Republicans, 22; Independents, 6. At this election the Democrats secured 17 aldermen, the Republicans 16 and the Inde- pendents 2. Thus the battle was drawn. The traction companies seemed at least within sight of the fifty year franchise. The people saw a possibility of franchise without compensation. As a whole the Democrats made greater gains than the Republicans. The traction companies however, did not have strength enough to secure the pas- sage of a franchise ordinance over the mayor's veto. There the safety of the public rested.
During this campaign it became known that the traction compa- nies were willing to pay 3 per cent of their earnings to the city for the use of the streets. After the election their willingness had in- creased, but the people demanded greater compensation.
Next the public demanded the retirement of those members of the Legislature who had voted in favor of the Allen law. This demand was made, even though they had voted for that law in good faith. The fate of these men must be settled at the primaries, was the statement or fiat.
The Republicans opened the fall campaign in 1898, at a banquet
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given by the Hamilton club. Speeches were made by Messrs. Cul- lom, Mason, Turner, Kavanagh, Bidwell and Depew and the topic of expansion was considered by each speaker. The following men of Cook county who voted for the Allen law were renominated for the Legislature; the press of the city generally demanded their de- feat : Republicans-John Humphrey, J. J. Morrison, E. J. Dwyer, William Thiemann, J. P. Cavanagh, P. J. Meany and A. Glade ; Democrats-P. F. Gilligan, John C. Sterchie, W. Carmody, D. V. McDonaugh, J. H. Farrell and B. M. Mitchell. A very large regis- tration in the fall of 1898, despite bad weather, showed that unus- ual interest in the coming election was taken. However, it was less by 50,000 than in 1896 when Mckinley carried Chicago and Cicero by about 58,000 majority.
The State campaign of 1898 involved the questions of sound money, national expansion, Tanner's administration, Allen law, etc. The attack on Governor Tanner was violent and unjust in the extreme, despite the fact that his administration was disliked by everybody except his subordinate office holders. The free silver- ites distributed cards on the streets conveying the information that "the paramount issue in the Cook county campaign in the fall of 1898 is the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1." The campaign in the fall of 1898 was remarkable for the abuse bestowed upon the Civil Service law. The merit system was derided by every ward boss and every wolf hungry for mutton. The riff- raff cared nothing for free silver, territorial expansion, Allen law, free trade, or economic reforms. Like wolves after a moose they were yelping at the heels of partisan spoils. What significance to them had the terms Democrat, Republican, Populist, etc., unless ac- companied by "rewards." All parties, when necessary to gain their ends at the polls, did not hesitate to adopt unblushing methods of campaign work.
The result of the election of November, 1898, in Cook county might have been expected. Neither party, as a matter of fact, had any high stake at issue. The scarecrow of the Allen law, the buga- boo of territorial expansion and the hellabaloo of mud slinging at trivialities were about equalized by the superficial efforts of party leaders aided by a sensational press. The Republicans carried the county by a few thousand votes, but did not do so on the high and mighty grounds of civic probity and virtue. The Democrats had even less to brag about, and the third, fourth and ragtag and bob- tail parties, as usual, urged impracticable results from impossible causes, and as usual succeeded merely in making a miserable show- ing. The vaunted and self-heralded perfection claimed for each party before election became a closed incident until resurrected for convenience and profit at a subsequent election. Republicans, Dem- ocrats, Populists, Socialists and Prohibitionists were in one red burial blent. As a whole, while the Democrats succeeded here and
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there, the Republicans swept the county by small majorities or plu- ralities.
The small Republican majorities throughout Cook county and particularly throughout Chicago were due to Governor Tanner's act in preventing a strong plank against the Allen law to be intro- duced into the state platform. Chicago of all places in the state was the most interested in the repeal of the Allen law. When it became known that the Republican state platform straddled the Allen law and that the Democratic state platform came out strong against it, thousands of votes in this city became lost to the Repub- lican party. The great loss would have extended into a pronounced defeat had not the Democrats made as great a mistake in advocat- ing the 16 to 1 heresy and in raising the silly cry of imperialism and non-expansion. After the election, even more than before, the course of Governor Tanner became a political issue. A bitter feeling against him continued to foment and sour in the ranks of the Repub- licans. The latter, however, rejoiced at their general success in the county, state, and nation. Despite Tanner they had carried Cook county by a majority of nearly 20,000. Mr. Altgeld said, "one more such a Republican victory will destroy that party."
It required thirteen days in November, 1898, for the Canvassing Board to complete the work of counting the ballots cast on Novem- ber 8. The result showed much scratching of tickets. A fair esti- mate of the county vote was that for county treasurer as follows: Raymond, (R.), 146,014; Gahan, (D), 131,515; Myer, (People's), 2,649; Spencer, (Prohibitionist), 1,316; Williams, (Socialist- Labor), 2,725. For the general banking law, 42,756; against it, 14,589. For twenty-year courthouse bonds,44,880; against them, 18,933. For twenty-year refunding gold bonds, 41,613; against them, 20,340. For the annexation of Austin, 46,585; against it, 18,064. Of the seven congressional districts in the county, the Re- publicans carried four and the Democrats three.
The mayoralty campaign in the spring of 1899 was opened by the Republicans at the Hamilton club on March 11, on which occa- sion their candidates addressed the public. The speakers denounced the attitude of the Harrison administration toward the Civil Service system, but found no fault with its course concerning the Allen law. Therefore the Republicans prepared to expose the inner workings of the administration as to the Civil Service law. With a united Republicanism against a divided Democracy it was thought that the Republicans could win. But Harrison's attitude on the traction question had endeared him to many honest Republicans who saw little good in the Civil Service law. Stay-at-home Republicans were appealed to and ward workers were spurred to greater en- deavors.
The principal planks in the Altgeld platform were municipal ownership of public utilities and advocacy of the monetary plank of
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the Chicago platform which declared for silver at a ratio of 16 to 1. No doubt his candidacy was partly due to the fact that scant cour- tesy had been paid to his ideas or demands by the Harrison admin- istration. But his candidacy was not based upon any vital problems which his election should settle. Municipal ownership was new and experimental. The monetary doctrines of the Democracy had been roundly discredited. His candidacy was expected to rock the Har- rison administration like an earthquake, deflect from its support thousands of Socialists and their kindred spirits, and perhaps be- fore election force a compromise to the advantage and glory of Mr. Altgeld himself. The anarchistic teachings of Debs, Darrow and others of that class were placed in strong colors before the peo- ple in 1898.
A strong appeal for honest men for aldermen was made by all parties in the spring of 1899. The apathy of good men was criti- cised and condemned. The primary election in March showed a lukewarmness that might result later in a revelry of boodlers. After much travail the Republicans put in nomination Zina R. Carter for mayor; advocated on paper the merit system; demanded the rigid enforcement of the Civil Service law; favored not to exceed twenty year franchises to traction companies ; insisted on full compensation therefor and for lower fares; and demanded a better administration of city affairs. Real and apparent faults of the Harrison adminis- tration gave the Republicans considerable advantage; besides the Democracy was split by the candidacy of John P. Altgeld for mayor on a platform of his own promulgation.
Notwithstanding the fact that the Harrison administration had largely disregarded the Civil Service law, the platform of the Democracy, in March, 1899, endorsed that law and the merit sys- tem and Harrison was renominated for mayor. But while the plat- form was thus invested with dignity and attractiveness Mr. Harri- son refused to commit himself in favor of Civil Service and thus won to his ranks many Republicans who opposed that law. There were as many spoilsmen among the Republicans as among the Dem- ocrats. Despite the high and sounding phrases and promises of the platforms the real question among professional politicians and men of easy conscience out of a job was, how much is there in it for me? Accordingly many men disregarded the clap-trap of party pledges and learned by the shortest cut what perquisites they were to get for their votes and support. The platforms and other party pledges were the umbrella to turn off the hail of public censure and indigna- tion from the contentment with spoils underneath. By his maneu- vers Mr. Harrison managed to obtain the support of more Repub- licans than there were Democrats who left him to support Mr. Alt- geld. Mr. Carter, the Republican candidate, though a good man, was unable, as was his party, to inject into the campaign the hot blood of a vital and paramount reason why he should be elected.
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The contest resulted in the reelection of Carter H. Harrison for mayor. He received 149,158 votes; Carter-107,225; Altgeld- 45,938. In the contest were tickets or partial tickets of the Repub- lican, Democratic, Municipal Ownership, Prohibition, Socialist- Labor, Social Democratic and Independent parties. The vote for mayor in 1897 had been-Harrison-148,596; Sears-58,533; Harlan-60,637 ; Hesing-14,780. A Democratic council was also elected.
Mayor Harrison's reëlection was due mainly to his opposition to the Allen law and to street franchise grabbing generally. The Re- publicans were not so undivorceably wedded to Civil Service that they are unwilling to see him reelected. Late in the campaign he had partially promised to carry out Civil Service regulations. He promised just enough to get their votes without binding himself ir- revocably to carry out Civil Service. The large vote he received was construed as a rebuke to the vampire forces represented by Mr. Yerkes. Mr. Harrison received the support of the wide-open policy people also. His course had been so liberal that all people of easy and pliable civic purity flocked to his standard. The lukewarm goody-goody campaign conducted by the Republicans was doomed from the start. Mr. Carter was killed by kindness-was burnt as a sacrifice on the altar of superficial platitudes of his newspaper and other supporters-was damned from the start with faint praise. Mr. Altgeld said, after the election "it was evident all along the Republican machine did not care to have Mr. Carter elected and it made practically no effort to elect him." It turned out that many Republicans feared that Mr. Carter, if elected, would become the tool of the machine of Republicanism. Bosses would own him, it was thought by many. Already the machine had become odious. Messrs. Lorimer and Hertz were regarded with dread.
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