USA > Illinois > Cook County > History of Cook County, Illinois : being a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits : from the earliest settlement to the present time, volume II > Part 67
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The Democrats shrewdly incorporated the word "immediate," in the campaign slogan and throughout the campaign called for "immediate municipal ownership." Their meetings were of great enthusiasm, determination and intensity. A feature of the campaign were the speeches delivered in favor of the Democratic candidates by Murray F. Tuley who was nearly four score years of age. He urged with his usual adroitness the election of Judge Dunne to the mayoralty and pictured his high character, inflexible integrity and commanding ability. He took occasion to criticise the purposes and political principles of John M. Harlan. The truth is the Républi- cans as a whole did not favor municipal ownership. It was a popu- lar fad adopted in toto by the Democrats in order to catch popular sentiment and support. The Republicans not to be outdone were also compelled in a measure to advocate its adoption. As a matter of fact the Republicans were in favor of a franchise policy and the Democrats presumably of municipal ownership. It has since trans- pired that the franchise policy has been adopted and the municipal ownership heresy has been consigned to the tomb of the Capulets.
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As a matter of fact neither Harlan nor Dunne if elected could settle the traction question. That power rested with the City Coun- cil, therefore non-partisanship in that body was desirable and the election of honest aldermen all important. Scarcely ever was there a time in the history of the city when aldermanic gray wolves were more dangerous than at this period. The immense questions pend- ing and to be settled during the next two or three years rendered it of the utmost importance to secure non-partisan, incorruptible al- dermen. Immediate municipal ownership was seen by all intelli- gent thinkers to be impracticable and utterly out of the question, ow- ing to the enormous cost which would be entailed upon the city by such a step. At the best, gradual municipal ownership was the only solution along that line. To buy the street railways of the city would mean the practical suicide of the civic organization. The confusion and injustice certain to result from immediate municipal ownership was held up in powerful colors by newspapers particularly and speak- ers generally. It might take one year or twenty years to settle the question of municipal ownership. The tentative ordinance and meth- od proposed to commute all existing ordinances to a single term and then give the city the right before the expiration of that term to assume control of the roads by paying the actual physical value. In case of municipal ownership it was shown that the new subways should likewise be owned and operated by the city. This meant an immense additional outlay.
While the campaign generally was in a large measure non-par- tisan and dealt in public policies the contests in the various wards were decidedly partisan in character. There prudential policies were not considered and accordingly voters were appealed to along partisan lines. These contests were of course at the instigation of the party machines. At this election citizens were called upon to vote for or against an issue of $5,000,000 in county bonds with which to build a new courthouse.
The two principal tickets were as follows: Republicans, John M. Harlan, mayor; John F. Smulski, city attorney; N. E. Greene- baum, city treasurer ; Francis P. Brady, city clerk. The Democratic ticket was as follows: Edward F. Dunne, mayor; W. B. Moak, city attorney; F. W. Blocki, city treasurer ; Adrian C. Anson, city clerk. On Monday full lists of recommendations were published by the newspapers and the leagues.
During this campaign the Socialists were active and determined. A division in their ranks caused the formation of two factions enti- tled the Dominants and the Sub-dominants. The Socialists were particularly in their element during this campaign owing to the prominence given their pet heresy of "municipal ownership." Pub- lic ownership as a matter of fact was only a manifestation of Social- ism.
With confidence all parties approached election day. The result
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was a Democratic victory. Dunne, Blocki and Anson all Democrats were elected. John F. Smulski was the only successful Republican on the city ticket. The new Council consisted of thirty-seven Re- publicans, thirty-two Democrats and one Independent. Of these seventy aldermen, twenty-five holdovers were indorsed by the Mu- nicipal Voters' League. Twenty-one newly elected candidates were indorsed, nine holdovers were not indorsed and seven newly elected were condemned. Thus in the new City Council were twenty-three aldermen not indorsed by the League and one neither indorsed nor condemned. The result of the election in the Council was to leave that body politically about the same as it was before. There would presumably be a check placed upon Mayor Dunne's policy of imme- diate municipal ownership. The unpopularity of Mr. Harlan even with the Republicans was shown by the fact that he ran behind his ticket. The Proliibition vote did not amount to much, but the Socialist vote was the highest ever shown at a purely city election. During the preceding fall 45,000 votes were polled for Debs the Socialist candidate for President. Ordinarily the Socialist vote was from 10,000 to 12,000. Now, however, in April, 1905, it was over 23,000. This result no doubt was occasioned by the impulse given to municipal ownership of public utilities. Immediately after the election Mayor Dunne upon being interrogated stated that he expected municipal ownership would be accomplished within two years. Alas! the futility of human hopes! The vote for the $5,000 .- 000 bond issue showed a majority in its favor of about 35,000. For South park bonds of $2,500,000 the majority was over 14,000. There was also an immense majority against any franchise to the city railways. The total vote was about 310,000. The vote for Mayor Dunne was 163,189 and for Mr. Harlan 138,671 as reported the next day after election. Mr. Stewart, the Prohibition candi- date for mayor, received a total of 3,297 and Mr. Collins, Socialist, received 23,034.
During the fall campaign, 1905, the question of immediate muni- cipal ownership was prominently before the people. Mayor Dunne declared his intentions of putting it in execution. Lines in the trac- tion fight were sharply drawn. The City Council faced the refer- endum issue. The settlement of the Ninety-nine year franchise problem was pending in October. Mayor Dunne's contract plan for municipal ownership was defeated in the City Council. The papers pronounced the meeting of the Council when that measure was de- . feated as the most sensational known in the history of the city, ex- cept when the two contesting parties fought over the election of the mayor to fill the unexpired term caused by the death of the elder Harrison. The mayor's object was to procure from the Council an order to the committee on local transportation instructing it to stop consideration of the franchise extension ordinances of the Chi- cago City and Union Traction companies and at once report the
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contract plan ordinance to the Council for its debate and determina- tion. Twenty-two voted in favor of the mayor's plan and forty- one against it. The second plan of Mayor Dunne was for the city to acquire all lines covering the entire street car systems of the municipality to be paid for in Mueller law certificates. This was known as the city plan as against the contract plan previously de- feated in the City Council.
At the bar primaries about the middle of October, 1905, the four sitting judges Kavanagh, Gary, McEwen and Ball, all Republicans, were given preference over their opponents. This was taken to mean that the Republican candidates were considered superior to their Democratic opponents. The bar was presumed to be non-par- tisan. On October 16, the mayor's city plan was defeated by a vote of thirty-seven to twenty-seven. It amounted to a rejection of mu- nicipal ownership. There were to be voted on in November judi- cial and sanitary tickets, four important questions on the little ballot, bonds for parks and other important measures. About the middle of October the fight on the judicial and drainage tickets was begun in earnest by all parties. Meetings were held in all wards through- out the city. In October, 1905, the sanitary trustees made a report which showed that the drainage canal had cost to date $48,227,073. President Carter of the Board announced that every cent had been honestly spent and fully accounted for. One of the strongest issues of the campaign in October was the character of drainage trustees and of judges. An investigation of every step recently taken by the drainage board was one of the results of this campaign. The im- portance of having sound, honest and able men for drainage trustees was realized and acted upon. There were to be submitted at the November election, 1905, two measures relating to the parks, one provided for the issue of $2,000,000 of bonds for improvements of parks in the West district and the other for an issue of $1,000,000 in bonds for the purchase of small parks and play grounds in the same district.
It was noted during the October campaign, 1905, that although Mayor Dunne had been in office about seven months he had failed utterly to fulfill any of the vital promises he had made during his campaign. The Council turned against him and turned him down in every proposition looking to municipal ownership which he had submitted to its jurisdiction. As a matter of fact his promises had been altogether too extravagant and far in advance of public opinion and judgment. This was realized by the Council with the result that his theories, recommendations and pet policies were defeated as fast as presented.
The value of Chicago manufactures in 1895 was $788,400,000; in 1905 it was $1,576,800,000; in 1895 the volume of the wholesale trade was $1,168,600,000; in 1905 it was $2,137,200,000. At this election the question of a four year term for the mayor was voted
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on. The talk of an $8,000,000 loop or link between the North and South side park systems was discussed at this date. The question of a Municipal court was voted on in November, 1905. Many per- sons interested fought the new project. Constables, justices and their assistants unitedly opposed the new measure. The newspapers urged voters to vote in favor of the proposed Municipal courts. The question of a forest preserve district was considered and voted on at the November election. Strange to say there were many opponents of this measure which provided for an outer belt or park encircling the entire city. One object was to take advantage of all natural forests within the limits of the district. By placing the district un- der the forest law it would be preserved for the future. A new taxing body called a forest commission consisting of six members with power to levy taxes, issue bonds and create pleasure drives and boulevards was proposed. As the forest preserve district was planned to lie outside of the city limits it could not be merged with the park boards.
Nine trustees of the sanitary district, four judges of the superior · court, one judge of the Circuit court to fill a vacancy and one judge of the Superior court to fill a vacancy were elected in November, 1905. Both of the old parties nominated as a whole excellent men for these important positions. The revised registration was about 360,000. It was estimated that of these about 225,000 would be polled. In the Republican ranks at this time were two distinct fac- tions (Deneen and Lorimer) more or less opposed to each other. As a whole the campaign was listless with violent outbreaks on special occasions in certain sections. The newspapers and leagues as usual made their recommendations as to the proper men to be voted for. Split tickets were predicted and were realized. On November 7, 1905, the Republicans carried the election. Both parties were apa- thetic and the Republicans managed to elect all their candidates on the judicial and the sanitary tickets. On the little ballot the forest preserve carried in the county by over 28,000 majority. The four year mayoralty term was carried by approximately 55,000 majority. The Municipal court won by about 78,000 majority. The Gas Reg- ulation act was carried by over 100,000 majority. Both of the West park bond issues were carried by substantial margins. The election was close and the Republicans did not have much to boast of. The forest preserve proposition did not receive a majority of all the votes in the proposed district. It was left to the Supreme court to decide whether the act carried. The vote was-For the charter proposition 102,360, against it .43,851; for the Municipal court 99,092, against it 18,335; for the gas rates 127,656 against them 21,099.
Early in March, 1906, it was stated that the Democrats had eight candidates for the shrievalty. They named that number for most of the other offices to be filled this spring. There were to be
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elected a sheriff, county clerk, clerk of Criminal court, clerk of Municipal court, sanitary trustees, president of County Board, chief bailiff of Municipal court, full list of county commissioners, judge of Probate court, clerk of Probate court, etc. This campaign was of sufficient importance to warrant active efforts on the part of all par- ties to elect their candidates. The determined effort on the part of the good citizens of Chicago had effected the passage of the 1,000 saloon license. This was cited as an example of the power of pub- lic opinion.
City Attorney John F. Smulski publicly expressed the opinion early in March, 1906, that in case the city should adopt municipal ownership of traction lines there would result a vast increase in per- sonal injury litigation. He pointed out that against the street rail- ways of Chicago every year there were filed about 10,000 cases. These would be filed against the city were the latter to adopt the policy of municipal ownership. During 1905, in round numbers, 700 of such suits were filed against the city. This opinion may have contributed to the growing belief that nmunicipal ownership was unwise. It was at this time that the Supreme court denied that the ninety-nine year act granted the street car companies rights in any streets for that length of time. This left the railway companies but the shadow of a right to any street. The total registration an- nounced about the middle of March, 1906, was 409,855. The ques- tion of traction consolidation was discussed during this campaign. It was favored by Mavor Dune because he believed it would, if carried out, fulfill his promises to the public during the campaign which elected him. It was declared that the worst grafter was the man who did not vote. This aphorism was so true and new that it attracted general attention and was called to the attention of voters throughont the city and county. The pure food question was dis- cussed during his campaign. A further demand for an election ini- tiative was demanded. It was believed such a measure would im- prove the new primary law. The principal issues during the cam- paign of 1906 were as follows: Shall the city operate the street railways? Shall the ordinance making provision for the issue of street railway certificates not to exceed $75,000,000 be approved?
The result of the election in April, 1906, was the election of fit- teen Republicans and twenty-one Democrats to the City Council. giving that body for the new year thirty-four Republicans and thirty-six Democrats. Of the aldermen, twenty-eight favored mu- nicipal ownership, thirty-two were against it and ten were doubtful. Thirty-seven were in favor of the $1.000 license for saloons, thirty were against it and three were doubtful. The vote for the Mueller certificates was as follows: For their issue, 110,008; against their issue, 106,669. It was left to the discretion of the council to deter- mine how many certificates, if any, should be used and sold. The result of the election was the defeat of the plans of Mayor Dunne.
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Out of 261,575 votes cast the Socialists polled 27,716. On April 5 the Supreme court of the state handed down an opinion declaring the new Illinois primary law unconstitutional. Within six hours thereafter Governor Deneen called an extra session of the Legisla- ture to frame a new primary act that should be constitutional.
The Democrats and Republicans held their primaries late in April or early in May, and nominated full tickets for the various vacan- cies in judgeships. It was noted that the Democratic judicial con- ventions were distinctly anti-Dunne, and the newspapers declared it indicated that Mayor Dunne could not secure a renomination.
Early in October both parties began preparations for an active campaign. They decided to hold meetings once a week in each ward during the campaign. At the same time all made preparations to secure a full registration. During October meetings of Chicago's charter convention were resumed the first time for eight months. The November election was one of great importance to the county and city. A County Judge, Probate judge, and twenty-eight judges of the new Municipal court were to be elected. Both the old parties had full tickets in the field and generally the nominees were ex- cellent men. In 1902 the first day's registration was 175,612 names ; in 1904, 262,675; in 1906, 206,612. The latter was considered a large number for an off year. The state campaign interested the people of Cook county at this time. The newspapers, leagues, and political associations during the fall of 1906 declared that voters should not adhere to party nominations for municipal judgships. All were asked to scrutinize the names of candidates and then to vote regardless of party for the best men. There should be no par- tisanship in the administration of the duties of the Municipal courts. This had been the policy here from time immemorial. Both parties occasionally departed from this time-honored and wise custom, but generally in Cook county the rule had been and was to nominate and vote for the best men for judges regardless of partisan consid- erations. So far as possible it had been the custom to remove judi- cial contests from the domain of politics. Democrats, Republicans and others had held mass meetings, had decided on certain candi- dates and then had elected them. Occasionally, where there was dispute and private considerations involved, this time honored cus- tom had been departed from, but usually with the result of elect- ing judges men who not only could not but did not conceal their par- tisanship while on the bench. Now, therefore, the papers generally and the public entirely asked to have a non-partisan Municipal bench. At the bar primaries held on October 19, 1906, fifteen Republicans, four Democrats and eleven Independence League candidates were indorsed. Presumably politics was disregarded. Candidates were named for the six-year, the four-year and the two-year terms. The Australian ballot sheet used in November, 1906, was two feet long by more than one foot and a half wide and contained a total of 577 Vol. II-39.
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names. It was presumed this ticket would prove a Chinese puzzle to voters. There were 154 county candidates, 137 Municipal court candidates, 199 legislative candidates, 27 state candidates, 42 con- gressional candidates and 18 sanitary candidates. All parties con- ducted most vigorous and brilliant campaigns. Many personalities marred the contest, and the character, qualifications and antecedents of candidates were investigated with great care and revealed to the public. The state campaign was particularly active. Governor De- neen stumped the state with great effect. The Federation of Labor recommended candidates about the middle of October. The Inde- pendence League did likewise. It was noted during this campaign that there was a vast difference between the methods of conducting election campaigns now and what they were thirty, forty or fifty years earlier. Never before was the character, qualifications and bi- ography of candidates so held up to public inspection as at this time. A dozen different organizations riddled the pretensions, ambitions, purposes and character of each candidate and reported their findings and made their recommendations to the public. There had been evolved a wonderful system of securing thorough, fit and competent men for public office. Formerly bad men with a little patience and secrecy could easily secure a nomination and an election, but now investigation and publicity revealed their true characters to the public in advance. Formerly voters adhered closely to party nominations, having no other criterion by which to judge of a can- didate's merits. Now there was much independent voting. It was far more difficult for a candidate to secure a nomination and elec- tion than ever before in the history of county or city.
The death of Judge Joseph E. Gary on October 31, 1906, was earnestly mourned by the entire bar and many of the citizens of Cook county. He had sat continuously on the bench since 1863 and no whisper of incompetency or dishonesty concerning his official acts or otherwise was ever heard. More than any other judge he had been the non-partisan nominee in almost every campaign in which he was induced to enter for reelection. The Municipal Vot- ers' League recommended a non-partisan judicial ticket late in Oc- tober-five Republicans, four Democrats and five Independents for the six-year term; six Republicans, three Democrats and three In- dependents for the four-year term; and seven Republicans, two Democrats and three Independents for the two-year term. It was believed that the Independence League candidates represented that faction of all parties founded and sustained by Mr. Hearst. There were other lists recommended, but probably none better than the above. Candidates for sheriff, treasurer, County judge, county clerk, Probate judge, member Board of Review, president of Coun- ty Board, clerk of Circuit court and others were voted for at the November election, 1906. There were four tickets in the field-Re- publicans, Democrats, Independence League and Socialist. This
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campaign was dignified compared with those ordinarily conducted in Cook county. There was less personal abuse, vilification and slander. There was sharp fighting for Municipal judges, but these fights were conducted with decorum and dignity. The result of the election of November, 1906, was the success of the Republican ticket by a large plurality. In fact the Republicans made a clean sweep of the Cook county offices. It was called a landslide. The plurality varied from 40,000 to 50,000. There were many surprises at this election. Perhaps the greatest was that the Republicans elected every candidate. Certain candidates made record runs and secured record votes. This was one of the most interesting, one of the pleasantest and at the same time one of the most exciting and mo- mentous political contests ever held in Cook county. Rarely was greater interest ever shown. The personnel of candidates cut a greater figure than almost any other consideration; still as a whole voters adhered to party lines because there was no object in doing otherwise, owing to the fact that with scarcely an exception good men had been nominated. It is doubtful if Cook county and Chi- cago ever had a cleaner and more satisfactory election than this.
The draft for the new city charter was fully complete on March 1, 1907, after fifteen months' steady work thereon. The convention voted as follows on the draft: Thirty-two for and eight against. This charter was sent to the Legislature immediately. In April, 1907, the Republicans selected Judges Smith and McSurely for candidates for the Superior court bench and the Democrats selected Judges Witty and Dever. During this campaign the Republican voters informally nominated Fred A. Busse for mayor in advance of the city convention. He therefore was the deliberate choice of the Republican party. The Democrats renominated Mr. Dunne. Both parties prepared for and conducted an active, vigorous and enthusiastic campaign. The comparative merits of the men were held up to public gaze. The Republicans favored the immediate settlement of the traction question on the basis of the pending coun- cil ordinance. The Democrats opposed the ordinance. The Repub- licans declared for a businesslike, constructive and common sense city administration. The Democrats advocated the same and point- ed with pride to the administration of Mayor Dunne thus far. The Democratic platform called for municipal ownership of all public utilities. The Republicans ridiculed the pretensions of the Demo- cratic city administration and denounced it in unsparing terms. The police department was particularly declared to be inefficient and cor- rupt. They declared that Mayor Dunne "had utterly failed to carry out the promises made during the campaign which elected him, and that municipal ownership was more of a dream than it had ever been before Mayor Dunne took his seat." During the campaign every Republican speaker and every Republican paper dwelt upon the condemnation proceedings that would be instituted as soon as
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