USA > Illinois > Cook County > History of Cook County, Illinois : being a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits : from the earliest settlement to the present time, volume II > Part 63
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In the spring of 1894 the press of the city declared that for sev- eral years the Board of Aldermen had been the worst, if possible, in the history of the city. Papers said that a majority of the alder- men were at all times open to bribery for franchises of every de- scription. Their business was to rob both great and small, collect thousands of dollars for a gas ordinance, hundreds for the laying of a switch track, and less amounts for smaller favors. Many were professional plunderers and graduates of rum holes and slums. They went into the City Council for no other purpose than graft and dishonesty generally, so said the newspapers. The election of thirty-four new aldermen in April was declared to be very impor- tant and all good citizens were urged to register and vote. The cry from the press, the rostrum, the clubs, and the associations was for municipal purity and the permanent retirement of the boodlers. Both parties accordingly made earnest efforts to secure the nomina- tion of good men, but in spite of their exertions several objection-
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able candidates were named by each. This could not be avoided if party success was to be the result. It was a partisan necessity, so it was declared, to make concessions to objectionable elements in order to secure their patronage. This has ever been the bane of politics. Partisans, in order to achieve success, must concede im- munity to vice.
Both Republicans and Democrats about the middle of March, 1894, nominated full aldermanic tickets of thirty-four numbers. As a whole, the selections were good. Under the new ballot law there were several Independent candidates by petition. Of the twenty- nine aldermen nominated by the Democrats, nine were liquor sellers. As it was the experience of Chicago that such men made the worst aldermen, this fact was dwelt upon by the newspapers during this campaign. Many local questions were involved, such as track ele- vation, the saloons, free silver, the labor question, gambling, nickel in the slot machines, clean streets, honest registration, cheap gas, prize fighting, overhead wires, a new courthouse, electric lighting and encroachments on sidewalk space. Both parties particularly desired the election of their candidates for assessor in the various towns within the city limits, and accordingly made a spirited cam- paign to secure that prize. The contests in the various wards were sharp in the extreme. Politics gave way in a large measure to pulls, graft and personal considerations. The newspapers declared that it was a dangerous election, owing to the desperate raid at- tempted by political ringsters upon the taxpayers. At the April election, 1894, the Republicans were generally successful. Their majority in the council was increased by three. The Republicans elected twenty-two out of the thirty-four candidates for aldermen, and also elected the town tickets in five of the seven towns consti- tuting the city. The Republicans elected their entire ticket in the North town by a majority ranging from 2,000 to 6,000. They car- ried Hyde Park, Lake View and Jefferson by substantial majorities. The Democratic ticket won in Lake and the West town. The Re- publicans carried Cicero and Evanston. The election of April, 1894, was considered highly favorable to the Republicans. In the De- cember preceding, the Democrats had elected Mayor Hopkins by a majority of nearly 1,300. Now the results were so much the other way as to give great encouragement to the Republicans.
The violent labor agitations and strikes during 1894 rendered the political campaign in the fall. of that year extremely interesting and exciting. The attitude of Mr. MacVeagh in regard to the Debs boycott was commented upon with great severity in September. He denounced Cleveland in supporting the United States courts when the latter asked relief in that emergency. He declared that the na- tional government had taken an important part in local affairs which should have been left to local governments. However, neither Governor Altgeld nor Mayor Hopkins, both Democrats, were able
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to enforce law and order during the strike. The attitude of Gov- ernor Altgeld in support of the strikers was an important considera- tion at this time. All of these questions rendered the campaign a memorable and exciting one. It was a period when there was much gush, hypocrisy and misrepresentation to secure the support of the laboring people. Mr. MacVeagh continued in a series of strong speeches from the standpoint of the strikers. William E. Mason said that Mr. MacVeagh reminded him of "the Colossus of Rhodes, not so much on account of his greatness as his ability to straddle the silver question," and that Mr. MacVeagh called "industrial controversies one between law and order on the one side and vio- lence, arson and murder on the other." Senator Cullom, in a logi- cal speech, delivered September 12, answered Mr. MacVeagh's arguments against Republican rule. The fall campaign of 1894 was considered important, because the complexion of the General Assembly, which was to decide the United States senatorship, was to be determined. At this election also was to be decided the ques- tion whether Republicans or Democrats should rule the County Board. The congressional campaign was bitterly contested. The Trade and Labor party of Chicago took the position that the state militia had been diverted from its original purposes as guardian of the peace of the commonwealth and been used to do the duty of private corporations. This attitude opened up the whole subject of the merits and demerits of the strike during the preceding summer.
The Civic Federation made unusual efforts to obliterate public gambling in the city. It was shown to be the partisan policy to grant immunity to the gambling interests, and further to favor vice and crime as an adjunct of gambling and liquor selling. At this date the iniquities of the old justice system were revealed and shown to be little better than an accompaniment of vice, and there- fore a serious blot on the integrity of judges, the justices and their courts. It was openly and repeatedly asked by the Civic Federation and by the citizens whether the people were willing to sumbit to the domination of gamblers, boodlers and criminals. Mayor Hopkins, in answer to the Civic Federation, declared that there was no gam- bling in Chicago. In a second speech he amended this declaration by declaring that "gambling could not be suppressed in Chicago." Committees of the Civic Federation pointed out numerous instances where open gambling and vice ruled and flourished. The committee found 109 places where there were open gambling, and of these thirty were within a stone's throw of the city hall. Accordingly the better element of both parties denounced Hopkins and his ad- ministration in the severest terms. The Civic Federation ascer- tained that there were in the city nearly 2,000 professional gamblers who made their living by fleecing the unwary sheep who fell into their clutches. This was one of the chief objects of this campaign -the suppression of public gambling. Never before had the citi-
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zens, particularly in the suburbs, taken so much interest in this question. Mass meetings to influence voters to suppress this dan- gerous vice were held in every ward. The worst feature was that the justices and the disreputable dens were the allies of the gamblers during this compaign. It was decided by the County Board in Oc- tober to submit to the vote of the people of the county the question of issuing $4,000,000 in county bonds with which to erect a new courthouse and jail. .
The election of November, 1894, embraced a judge of the County court, judge of the Probate court, county treasurer, sheriff, county clerk, clerk of Probate court, clerk of Criminal court, county super- intendent of schools, president of the County Board, and fifteen county commissioners. The Republicans, Democrats, People's party, Populist party, Prohibitionists and Independent American citizens nominated more or less complete tickets. All parties con- ducted a vigorous campaign. A Republican Legislature would be called upon to elect a United States senator in the place of Mr. MacVeagh. Judge Trumbull was the champion of the Populists and Socialists during this campaign. He favored all the sophistries and inconsistencies during this memorable period of misrepresenta- tion, misinformation and demagogism. Owing to the fact that the gambling element was vigorously attacked during this campaign they raised an immense corruption fund, hoping thus to win success. Money was used unsparingly throughout the county. Every effort known to intrigue, artifice and chicanery was practiced by them. They shuffled their cards well and in the end turned up many a knave. Among other subjects discussed were income tax, single tax and no tax. The first day's registration about the middle of October was unusually heavy. The total was over 234,000. At the close of the second day's registration the unrevised list showed a total of over 300,000 and a total female registration of over 23,- 000. The appearance of Thomas B. Reed, speaker of the House of Representatives, in Chicago in October, 1894, was an important political event. At the First Regiment armory he discussed with great power the political issues of the day.
About October 31, 1894, John P. Hopkins swore out a warrant for the arrest of John R. Tanner, chairman of the Republican State Central committee, charging him with criminal libel. This action stirred up a tempest. Mr. Hopkins had charge of the Democratic county campaign. The Populists put a full ticket for Congress in the field. The Republican candidates for Congress were Aldrich, Lorimer, Belknap, Woodman, White, Cooke and Foss, and the Democratic candidates were Dembufsky, Hannahan, McGann, Ryan, Noonan, Goldzier and Lange. Outwardly both parties thoroughly investigated the registration lists and lodging houses, and exhausted every known plan to prevent a dishonest election. Notwithstanding that this was a county election and that the mayoralty campaign
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would not take place until the coming spring, the Republicans now attacked with great persistency and fury the administration of Mr. Hopkins as mayor and generally the acts of the city hall gang. Early in November Mr. Altgeld delivered a speech on the West side that attracted general attention. He openly favored license to anarchy, and even sanctioned rioting in some cases. He denounced Mr. Cleveland for interfering in the strike of the preceding summer. He also sustained Debs in his course during the strikes. He de- clared that the Republicans were responsible for the large number of workingmen out of employment.
One of the features of this campaign was a non-partisan appeal for a pure ballot, signed by many leading Republicans, Democrats and others. The various political clubs and associations were very active. Tariff reform, free trade and protection were considered. The newspapers spoke of this campaign as one of the "most tricky" ever held in the city. Party managers used every artifice known to modern political warfare. The result of the election in November was the success of the Republican ticket. Every candidate of that party was elected and a solid delegation was sent to Congress .. The three parties most in evidence during the campaign and at the elec- tion were the Republican, Democrat and People's. The Republicans elected all members of the County Board, with Daniel D. Healy as president. The Republican majority in the county varied from 25,000 to nearly 50,000. For state treasurer, Wulff, Republican, received 152,729; Claggett, Democrat, 101,031 ; Randolph, People's party, 34,025. The proposition to issue $4,000,000 in county bonds for a new courthouse was lost by a majority of nearly 25,000. The proposed constitutional amendment was carried by over 35,000 ma- jority.
In the spring of 1895, previous to the election, the council passed two boodle ordinances-the Cosmopolitan Electric and the Ogden Gas. The passage of these two ordinances kindled the wrath of the best citizens of both parties and of the press generally throughout the city. The newspapers begged the mayor to veto the ordinances. The Civic Federation called an immense indignation meeting at Central Music hall at 3 o'clock P. M., March 3, 1895. Lyman J. Gage presided. An overflow meeting was held at the Second Regi- ment armory. The speakers at these meetings used the severest language ever heard on Chicago rostrums. The Republican and Democratic councilmen who had voted for the above boodle ordi- nances were denounced with such terms as scoundrels, hyenas, para- sites, thieves, sand-baggers, blood-suckers, vultures, boodlers, wolves, vampires and a dozen others. Instead of vetoing the bills, Mayor Hopkins promptly signed the Ogden Gas ordinance and a little later the Cosmopolitan Electric ordinance, with a few amend- ments. This act thoroughly roused the anger and indignation of the city. All the best citizens prepared to defeat the schemes of the
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boodlers. The Democrats nominated by acclamation Frank Wenter for mayor; the Republicans nominated George B. Swift. The cam- paign was personal, bitter, abusive and active. Swift and Wenter stumped the entire city. Many demanded a civil service law. "Hon- est aldermen" was the cry. Bryan's free silver advocacy attracted attention. "Coin" Harvey's financial school doctrines were studied and criticised. The merits and demerits of the Humphrey bill which licensed gambling were discussed and compared. It was declared that for years the council had gone from bad to worse until now it was absolutely unbearable. Appeals for the selection of good men came from rostrum, pulpit, committees, clubs and the press. The result was the election of Mr. Swift by an immense majority. The entire Republican ticket swept the field. Everything, including the towns, went Republican. If an occasional Democrat crept in he was overlooked in the landslide. Mr. Swift's plurality was more than 41,000.
In 1885 Harrison's plurality was 375; in 1887 Roche's plurality was 27,406; in 1889 Cregier's plurality was 12,012; in 1891 Wash- burne's plurality was 379, in 1893 Harrison's plurality was 21,089, in 1893 Hopkins' plurality was 1,290 and now in 1895 Swift's plu- rality was 41,121. The citizens were overjoyed at the prospect of an improved if not a perfect council. Civil service, which had been voted upon, was adopted by a majority of 45,000. The new council consisted of fifty Republicans and eighteen Democrats. There was a clear majority of honest men of both parties. In the old council® the majority were bad, regardless of party affiliations.
The new civil service law was duly considered during the fall campaign of 1895. The application of civil service to the employes at the poorhouse, county hospital and insane asylum was suggested first by Daniel D. Healy, more in the nature of a joke than with any serious intention in view. Mr. Healy appointed the commissioners and presumed their duties would be carried out at Dunning and the county hospital only. But John S. Miller, corporation counsel, expressed the opinion that the law was applicable to all departments of the city and county. No matter what the intentions of the legis- lature were, the bill spoke for itself and unquestionably was applica- ble to both city and county. Alderman Madden introduced in the council a resolution against putting the civil service law into effect in the city departments. The reason why Mr. Healy applied civil service to the county institutions was to prevent abuses of power and authority. One or two patients at the insane asylum had been killed by brutal attendants and Mr. Healy's object was to prevent the recurrence of such barbarity.
In September, 1895, there were sharp factional fights in party ranks to secure control of the nominations. Particularly was there a bitter fight made to secure control of the Republican County Cen- tral committee. The city faction opposed the county faction. The
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primaries were held early in October under the new Crawford law. This law prevented the casting of any votes except by members of the party holding the primary. The county faction finally secured control of the convention. At this date the advisory board of the county commissioners was strongly in evidence. An important fact during this campaign was the unquestioned honesty of the Drain- age board which had spent nearly $19,000,000 without graft or corruption. The tariff question and the free coinage of silver prob- lem were discussed in detail. The Democrats boldly claimed that existing prosperity was due to the Democratic national administra- tion. The Republicans pointed to the discontent existing and to Re- publican success in the fall of 1894 and the spring of 1895. The ownership of the land occupied by the city hall was called in ques- tion at this time. City finances were in bad condition and the sub- ject was taken into politics. There was an immense floating debt and the current revenue was insufficient for its liquidation. All parties urged the selection of honest and able drainage trustees and the adoption of the Torrens law. Large meetings were held by the two leading parties in all parts of the city. The Republicans put in the field such speakers as Mason, Roche, Mann, O'Donnell, Schoonmaker, Boldenweck, Eckhart, Lorimer and others, and the Democrats such as Wenter, Trude, Smyth, Kiolbassa, Sabath, De- vine, Morrison, Jones, etc. Lorimer was chairman of the Republi- can Central committee. The registration in November, 1895, was about 46,000 less than that of April, 1895. Honest drainage trus- tees was the principal issue. The result was the success of the Re- publicans. Mr. Lorimer was given credit for the victory. Eckhart, Carter, Braden, Mallett and Boldenweck, Republicans, and Wenter, Smyth, Kelley and Jones, Democrats, were elected drainage trus- tees. This gave the Republicans a majority in that body. The total registration at this election was 309,068, of whom about 25,- 000 were women. Cicero voted against incorporation. The Tor- rens land title system was carried by an immense majority. Judge Ball, Republican, was elected over Judge Morrison, Democrat, by about 35,000 plurality.
In the spring of 1896 the silver question confronted all parties. On March 17 the Municipal Voter's League held a large mass meet- ing at Central Music hall. Municipal reform was the topic of dis- cussion. The character of aldermanic candidates, it was declared, must be improved. Members of the City Council who had recently voted for the General Electric ordinance were not wanted for re- election. Thirty-six aldermen were to be elected in April, of whom two were to fill vacancies.
One of the speakers at the Central Music hall mass meeting said, "There was a clerk on the North side once, who earned $1,500 a year salary. He was elected alderman. After four years' service in the council he began to build great blocks of stone-front houses.
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He has his Florida plantation and has made his trip to Europe. Now he is trying to break into the council again and he has $10,000 to pay for his nomination." It must be acknowledged that this de- scription practically fitted hundreds of men who had served in past years in the City Council. Many frauds were practiced in the regis- tration of March, 1896. The Civic Federation and the Municipal Voters' League sent agents to watch the registration. On the first day over 61,000 names were placed on the books. As there was to be no mayoralty election in April, 1896, the entire attention of the citizens and voters was called to the charcter of the aldermen to be selected. Henry Hertz was prominently mentioned in connection with the nomination for state treasurer. John R. Tanner was a strong candidate for the governorship. Mckinley was mentioned in connection with the nomination for the Presidency. The Trib- une severely opposed him, principally owing to his protection doc- trines. Civil service on the police force was discussed. The real fight of this campaign was made in the wards. There were sharp contests in every section of the city to secure honest men. In nu- merous wards the boodlers were out in strong force with money and intrigue in order to divert the voters from the path of rectitude. As a whole, the two old parties nominated excellent men for the coun- cil. The newspapers and the different clubs and federations rec- ommended their particular tickets for election. The towns of South, West and North Chicago, Hyde Park, Lake, Lake View and Jef- ferson nominated town tickets. The newspapers particularly con- demned the following men and advised the citizens to vote against them: Martin, Rohde, Ryan, O'Connor, Mahoney, Powers, Col- vin, Ackerman and Howell. Owing to the vigorous system of in- vestigation and purging there was a smaller percentage of bogus names on the lists than ever before. The Civic Federation offered a reward of $100 for the arrest and conviction of any person vot- ing illegally or of any election judge, clerk or challenger who should violate the law.
The Republicans elected their entire tickets in all of the towns within the city limits. The result of the aldermanic election was as follows: Holdover Republicans, 27; holdover Democrats, 5; Re- publicans elected, 22; Democrats elected, 14; total Republicans in the new council, 49; total Democrats, 19. There were many sur- prises at this election. The energy, determination and hard work of the honest citizens secured an unusually strong and honest council. The previous council contained fully two-thirds of corrupt members. There were some wards that always elected bad men. Honesty in those wards was not expected. The Republican majorities at this election were not quite as heavy as they were one year before. It was noted that this election was one of the quietest, most orderly and most lawful that had been conducted here for many years. The Republicans carried the city by about 27,000 majority.
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Mr. Altgeld was a prominent candidate for the gubernatorial nomination in 1896. The Democracy of Cook county, like that throughout the country, was divided into the Free Silver wing and the Gold wing. Every effort to carry the Democratic national con- vention at Chicago for free silver was made by the advocates of that measure. The cry was "16 to 1." The struggle for free sil- ver was begun in this city several weeks before the opening day. It was known that the Silverites would have a two-thirds majority in the convention. It was therefore anticipated what position that body would assume. The Gold Democrats on July 4 held an immense meeting at the Auditorium. It was their last united attempt to pre- vent the adoption of a free silver plank by the convention. 'The Populist-Democratic delegation, at the instigation of Mr. Altgeld, supported Mr. Bland. It was announced at the commencement of the convention that if a free silver plank should be adopted the Gold men probably would bolt the ticket, hold a separate convention, and nominate independent candidates. The opening proceedings were characterized by desperate fighting between the Free Silver and Gold factions. The silverites won in the contest for temporary chairmanship. It was now clear that the Free Silverites were nu- merically so strong that they were independent and would concede nothing to the Gold wing. It was not until the second day of the convention that Mr. Bryan appeared as a candidate in the character of a dark horse. The great convention was brilliant in the extreme during the nominating speeches. The great orators of Democracy were here and the contests over free silver brought out the latest brilliancy of the distinguished speakers. The nomination of Mr. Bryan was made by Delegate Lewis of Georgia. Quietly he led up by degrees and finally named and nominated that gentlemen. In- stantly the entire convention went wild. The delegates began marching around with banners, up and down the aisles of the great hall, paying no attention to the raps of the chairman for order. One state after another, particularly from the South, joined the movement and continued the pandemonium for a long time. Dur- ing this demonstration the convention came very close to nominat- ing the distinguished Nebraskan by acclamation. Mr. Bryan de- livered a speech of unusual eloquence and power and the convention at its conclusion again went wild. The delegations arose and, with their standards advanced, stood around the Nebraska delegation. Three-fourths of the delegates stood upon their chairs, swinging their handkerchiefs, hats, umbrellas, coats and canes .. The next day Mr. Bryan received the nomination on the fifth ballot. Illinois started the stampede for Mr. Bryan. The nomination was no sooner made than the Gold Democrats inaugurated a bolt against the nom- inees of the convention. The Gold wing of the Democracy in Sep- tember, 1896, held a convention and nominated an Independent ticket. They nominated John M. Palmer of Chicago for President and Simon B. Buckner of Kentucky for Vice President.
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