USA > Illinois > Cook County > History of Cook County, Illinois : being a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits : from the earliest settlement to the present time, volume II > Part 68
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Mayor Dunne should reassume the reigns of government. After two years partisans pointed out that not only had he done nothing to accomplish municipal ownership, but a large portion of his party had come to regard that movement as a myth to be dreamed about but never realized. The lakes to the gulf waterway plan was before the people prominently at this time. The basis of Mr. Busse's speeches during March, 1907, was to this effect : "We need less talk and more action in the city's business. We need more everyday common sense and less theory. We need business methods and re- sults." These remarks met the approval of the Republicans of Chi- cago. They declared that the administration of Mayor Dunne was one of broken promises, shattered ideals and decadent hopes. The total number of names on the unrevised registry in March, 1907, was 418,305. The total city list as revised was 392,923. Perhaps the principal issue in the spring of 1907 was the traction ordinance. The Republicans favored it and the Democrats opposed it. Large registry showed that the Chicago people were taking much interest in this election probably owing to their desire to see the traction question settled. The principal charge against Mayor Dunne was the inertness of his administration. The School Board particularly was rent with dissensions and rendered largely inefficient. There was shown an unusual absence of order, system and business capa- city. During the last two weeks just before election the campaign was exciting, enthusiastic and determined. Messrs. Busse and Dunne thoroughly canvassed the city. All parties prepared full lists of candidates for aldermen. There were sharp fights in the various wards. The Independence League made its nominations about the 19th of the month. It is doubtful if any candidate for mayor ever received severer criticism than did Mayor Dunne at this time. It was shown in numerous instances that he had utterly failed to carry out his political and ante-election promises. Many of the ablest Democratic and Republican speakers of the city assisted the candidates for mayor during this spirited and critical campaign. After revision by the City Council the annual appropriation bill as passed on March 21, 1907, amounted to $49,756,316. At the bar primary early in 1907 the two Republican candidates for judge of the Superior court-Smith and McSurely-were named by large majorities. Governor Deneen appeared in Chicago in several speeches in favor of Busse. Near the close of the campaign Mayor Dunne's speeches were exceedingly keen, critical, sarcastic, evasive, eloquent and brilliant. He ridiculed and denounced the pretensions of the Republicans in vigorous English. One of the best speeches of the campaign was delivered by Edward J. Brundage at the Great Nor- thern theater on March 28. He completely refuted the charges made against Mr. Busse. It was declared that Mayor Dunne was the tool of Mr. Hearst, was the weather vane which pointed any way the Hearst wind blew. This more than any campaign of re-
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cent years can properly be termed a campaign of vilification and slander. Both of the old parties and also the Independence League were guilty of inexcusable misrepresentation and distortion of truth. They made little pretense of stating facts concerning their opponents, but with studied depravity sought out every real or fan- cied objection in the career of opposing candidates. Particularly did the Republicans outrageously misrepresent the personal charac- ter and public intentions and performances of Mayor Dunne. It was declared that the campaign methods used at this time were brought from New York.
At this time the question of annexation of Morgan Park to the city was voted upon. The Citizens' Non-Partisan Traction Set- tlement association was one of the results of the struggle and dis- pute over the traction problem. It apparently sprang up in the night like Jonas' gourd and kept on growing. At the last Repub- lican meeting of the compaign held at the Auditorium on April 1, there were present Governor Deneen, William E. Mason, John M. Harlan, Henry S. Boutell, Emil C. Wetten, and many others. These men all delivered short, pithy and brilliant speeches in be- half of the candidacy of Mr. Busse. This election meant more than appeared on the surface. It was really a test of what the people wanted done concerning the traction question. The reelection of Mayor Dunne meant in all probability municipal ownership carried out during the next dozen years to almost every branch of the pub- lic service. His defeat and the election of Mr. Busse meant at least the temporary postponement of municipal ownership and probably meant its final and absolute abandonment. It also decided whether the people wanted an immediate settlement or still further delay of the traction question. As a matter of fact the Democrats themselves were more or less disappointed with the two years' administration by Mayor Dunne and with his failure to carry out in a substantial man- ner the principal promises made by him during his campaign. They accordingly were not as enthusiastic as they were under ordinary cir- cumstances. The Republican newspapers vigorously, continuously and almost frantically called for the people to rescue the city from what they denominated the maladministration of Mayor Dunne. His reelection meant still further continuance for another four years of his insincere and hollow administration.
The result of the election was the success of Fred A. Busse as the first four-year mayor of Chicago. The traction ordinances were approved by a majority of more than 33,000. The Tribune said, "The rebuke of radicalism. Chicago the most radical city in the world, the hotbed of isms, has repudiated carpet-bag government, puppet government, petticoat government and pipe-dream govern- ment. It has rejected Hearst with his imported and native mud- slingers and slanderers, Dunne the mechanical doll; Post, the sin- gle tax, with anarchy on the side; Haley, De Bey, and the whole
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crew of female politicians and other long-haired freaks. Chicago is a radical city and has made a radical change. The voters of the city have voiced their protests against the debauchery of the public schools, the prostitution of the police department and the wrecking of the fire department. They have set the definite seal of their dis- approval on immediate municipal ownership of the Dunne variety. Chicago has successfully repealed the invasion of the Hooligans, the yellow kids and the rest of the motley array that came to bury Chi- cago under their volleys of filth. There never had been such a cam- paign before. There will never be such a campaign again. No candidate ever will be so foolish as to surrender his platform, pro- gram and his honor into the keeping of William Randolph Hearst. Mayor Dunne is a harmless person in himself, but he is a pendulum and when joined to the mechanism of the Hearst wheels the com- bination is capable of mischief. It then becomes an infernal ma- chine." The Independence League nominated fifteen candidates in the thirty-five aldermanic wards of the city. In one ward it had two nominees. The aggregate vote for the League candidates in these wards was 7,126, while in the same wards the vote of all other parties was 125,738. Thus the "Hearst league ticket," as it was called, received an inconsiderable portion of the total vote polled. At this election many voting machines were used throughout the city. The Republicans elected twenty-one of the thirty-six new aldermen, but the council was Democratic by a majority of two, owing to the fact that twenty-one of the hold-over aldermen were Democrats and thirteen Republicans. The Democrats elected the city treasurer, J. E. Traeger, and the Republicans elected the city clerk, J. R. McCabe. Smith and McSurely, Republicans, were elected to the Superior bench, Mr. Novak, Republican, was elected by a large plurality to fill a vacancy on the Sanitary Board. The majority in favor of direct primaries was over 33,000. The ma- jority for the South park bonds was over 27,000, for the North park bonds over 8,000 and for the Morgan Park annexation over 92,000.
In 1901 Harrison, Democrat, received a plurality of 28,343 over Hanecy, Republican, for mayor. In 1903 Harrison, Democrat, re- ceived a plurality of 7,679 over Stewart, Republican. In April, 1905, Dunne, Democrat, received a plurality of 24,518 over Har- lan, Republican, and in April, 1907, Busse, Republican, received a plurality of 13,016 over Dunne, Democrat. The total vote cast for mayor was nearly 336,000 out of a total registration of 392,923. This was an unusually heavy vote for the registration. Two years before it had been 323,000 out of a total of 417,000.
On October 2, 1907, the Supreme court rendered a decision annul- ling the primary law of 1906. This placed the elections under the law of 1898. It was resolved immediately thereafter to commence pressure at once to secure a new and better primary law. Direct primaries were demanded generally by the newspapers, the leagues and the federations late in 1908.
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The Municipal Voters' League in March, 1908, stated that the coming primary would be the last under the existing system. The new primary law would go into effect on the succeeding July 1. Thereafter nominations would be made by the direct vote of the people. The League made its recommendations concerning candi- dates in the various wards. Notwithstanding the near approach of the new primary law voters still accepted the candidates presented by the organization heads. The boss still picked the candidate and the voter was expected to accept. The hopelessness of fighting the partisan heads enabled ward leaders to force people to accept the candidates selected by the organization. More than ever it thus became a war against party bosses and more than ever was the im- portance of the primary law realized. In the primary contests in almost every ward there were sharp, bitter and personal contests with varying and sometimes grotesque and questionable results. As a whole good men were selected. The mayors' conference and the Aldrich bill were duly considered by the citizens. On March 5 the Democrats in their ward conventions nominated twenty-four candidates for the City Council. Voters were asked at this election to authorize the issuance of $2,000,000 of county bonds to provide a new infirmary and consumptive hospital. The Republicans held their aldermanic primaries on March 6. The consolidation of the City Railway and the Chicago Railways companies was strongly urged during this campaign. The Commonwealth-Edison ordi- nance and the electrification of railway terminals were subjects dis- cussed. The executive committee of the Democratic organization condemned the budget voted by the City Council. The committee declared that the aldermen displayed "utter disregard of the right of the taxpayers." They therefore asked voters to elect aldermen who would conduct a more economical administration. This action was ridiculed by the Republican newspapers and speakers. The election commissioners barred the Sunday closing question from the ballots. Their decision was resisted by the United Societies and others. Independent candidates were prominent features of this campaign. The newspapers published full lists of candidates of all parties, with critical comments as to their qualifications. Already contests for the gubernatorial nomination were commenced by the citizens of this city. Mr. Yates disputed Mr. Deneen's right to be renominated. Much interest in the registration was manifested. It was conceded that a heavy registration meant that the people really wished to participate directly in the nomination of candidates. A light registration indicated that the people were not interested in the new primary law. About this time Congressman Mann intro- duced a joint resolution authorizing a survey by the Secretary of War of the rivers and harbors of Chicago and vicinity. The object of this bill was commended by the public press. On March 18, the total unrevised registration was 426,521. This was heavier than
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had been expected. The public generally approved the opinion ex- pressed by Municipal Chief Justice Olson to the effect that Munici- pal judges should not be politically active-should not serve as managers, committees, delegates, officials, speakers, for party ad- vantages during campaigns or otherwise. He expressed the opin- ion that such work was incompatible with the duties of a municipal or other judicial officer. Judge Cleland's parole procedure was sharply criticised at this time. During this campaign to an extent never before seen here were aldermanic candidates if elected asked to pledge themselves as to their attitude toward various proposed reforms. It was the object of the people to ascertain as near as possible what the men who were elected to that responsible position were likely to do. The Municipal Voters' League stated that the council needed an accretion of ability, more efficient, aggressive members and a general raising of the level of practical competency and a larger nucleus of high class, straight business men as leaders. The gray wolves several years before had nearly all been ejected from the council. Voters were urged not to become apathetic now, but to be on their guard because the wolves were again approaching the fold hungrier than ever.
By March 23, 48,888 names had been removed from the registry rolls. There were thus left 381,406 available for the aldermanic elections. Late in March Judge Walker decided that the Sunday closing question should be submitted to the voters at the approaching April election. Graft of an extensive, continuous and wicked charac- ter was disclosed in the water office late in March and thencefor- ward became a feature of the campaign. It was charged that for several years graft had likewise existed in paving contracts through- out the city. Late in March the Chicago Law and Order League endeavored to unite the voters throughout the city and county re- gardless of parties in the interest of good government. This non- partisan attitude of the League was criticised by the newspapers.
Already the coming presidential campaign was making itself felt in Cook county. On March 28, the United Societies made public its report on the various aldermanic candidates. Thirty-nine were indorsed, seven condemned and a few wards were passed over with- out any recommendations. In March, 1908, the Business Men's Association of Chicago Heights proposed the creation of a new county to be composed of certain towns of Cook and Will counties, all containing a population of about 50,000, with the village of Chi- cago Heights as the county seat. In the spring of 1908 the news- papers published lists of aldermen who it was alleged failed to report to the assessors the correct value of their personal property. The lists contained the names of many men of comparative wealth who paid an insignificant tax. The Democrats charged the Republicans with levying, collecting and spending too high a tax both in city and county governments. Early in April and just before election
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the newspapers and leagues published details, criticisms and state- ments concerning the aldermanic candidates. The report and list of the Municipal Voters' league had greater weight than those of any other prepared or published.
The Prohibition party, owing to the fact that the saloon question- was to be voted on, was extremely active late in March and early in April. They made preparation to poll the largest vote ever given. their nominees in Chicago. Regardless of the fact that the local option people had failed to perfect their petition and the United Societies might fail to get their question on the ballot, the alder- manic campaign was made a test of strength between the saloon and anti-saloon elements. Chicago in a measure was exempted from the liquor fight which was conducted with such vigor and de- termination throughout the rest of the state. Never before in the history of Chicago did so many organizations investigate so thor- oughly the character of aldermanic candidates. The Law and Order League and Temperance organization was promoted to oppose the United Societies, which was favorable to the liquor interest. The latter favored the open saloon on Sunday. There were several bitter independent aldermanic contests.
At the election in April the city was swept by the Republicans. The majorities on the council ticket were larger than they had been for thirty years. Thirty-five aldermen were elected, of whom twenty- four were Republicans. The new aldermen elected were: Repub- licans, twenty-three; Democrats, eleven, and Independent Repub- licans 1. The new council contained forty-three Republicans, twenty-six Democrats and one Independent Republican. There were 254,964 votes polled. The Republicans received 107,646, the Democrats 92,128, the Socialists 16,715, the Independence League 14,908, Prohibitionists 9,938, and scattering 13,630. As before in previous elections the Municipal Voters' League candidates were largely voted for and elected. The majority in favor of the issue of bonds for the new infirmary was over 100,000. This election completely overturned the political balance in the City Council. The new council was strongly Republican. It was taken to mean the approval of the city administration of Mayor Busse.
In the spring of 1908 local option was one of the issues in thirteen Cook county village elections, and in all except two the liquor in- terests were victorious. In Barrington and Morgan Park the anti- saloon adherents won. The villages thus voting were as follows : Barrington, Bellwood, Blue Island, Des Plaines, Gary, Gross Point, Forest Park (Harlem), Lyons, Melrose Park, Morgan Park, Spring Forest, Summit and Riverdale.
At the primary election in August, 1908, the Legislative Voters' League made many important recommendations concerning can- didates, but for the first time its advice was in a large measure dis- regarded. It planned to retire several objectionable members of the
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Legislature and partly succeeded. The usefulness of the league was generally acknowledged. However, at this election it perhaps was too exacting, extra officious and indiscreet. It prescribed a standard of political excellence not likely to be reached by any candidate. But the league went further than the personnel of the Legislature. It unwisely made other recommendations upon which there could be an honest difference of opinion. It did not seem to think that if a man was honest and could be trusted, much could be left to his judgment without his being bound down by iron-clad promises in advance of election.
At the primary election in August, 1908, Deneen, Republican candidate for governor, received in Chicago 70,380 votes and Yates 65,551. Deneen received in the whole county 80,490 votes and Yates 72,429. For state's attorney, John J. Healy received in the county 64,266 and J. E. W. Wayman 65,205. At the Democratic primary for state's attorney, Jacob J. Kern received a plurality over Messrs. Dever, Hoyne and Mckinley. Immediately after the Au- gust primary, 1908, evidence of extensive frauds was produced. Men of considerable prominence and officeholders were implicated.
The result of the direct primary election in August, 1908, proved that the people desired such a law. It was pronounced satisfactory by many, though defective in some important respects. This had been anticipated and steps were taken at once to correct the defects, Its merits and demerits were thoroughly discussed. The results were compared with those under the old law. All admitted there was much improvement. However, many citizens were opposed to the law. It was regarded with suspicion by many who proceeded to criticise its operations. The chief objections to the measure were as follows: The great expense which made it impossible for a poor man to run for office ; the advantage given certain candidates whose names were printed first on the ballot ; the unwieldiness of the new county sanitary committee prevented independent voting ; expenses of committee meetings; judges of the elections could easily be cor- rupt ; Democrats vote Republican ticket and vice versa; inability of the voters to express their preferences suitably, owing to the great number of candidates; it operated against candidates, forbidding them from having challengers at the polling places. Probably the principal objection was that it shut out poor men from becoming candidates. Such men as Brundage, Hanberg, Busse and others found objections with the law. However, it was believed that with amendments it could be made satisfactory.
Late in July, in this city at Orchestra hall, the new Independence party held its first national convention and placed it's first ticket in the field-Hisgen and Graves. Mr. Hisgen was nominated on the third ballot and Mr. Graves by acclamation. Mr. Hearst's name was placed in nomination, but without his consent. This party named McCaskrin for governor and otherwise named a full ticket.
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An annoying feature of the fall campaign of 1908 was the bitter fight made by Messrs. Lorimer, Yates, Small and others against the reëlection of Mr. Deneen to the governorship. There was no doubt that Mr. Deneen's administration had been an excellent one and that little, if any, fault could properly be found with it. The Lorimer- Yates coalition resorted to the most unwarranted and objectionable statements concerning mismanagement, particularly of state insti- tutions, during his administration. The most outrageous misrep- resentations and distortions were made with a degree of bitterness, malice and revenge rarely ever witnessed in this state. The coali- tion was a powerful one, as shown by the fact that Mr. Deneen at the election received a greatly reduced vote. That he did not de- serve this treatment was the view of all right-thinking people re- gardless of party affiliations.
An important event in October, 1908, was the convention of the Lakes-to-the-Gulf Waterway association. The meeting was held at the Coliseum and was largely attended and enthusiastic. More than 5,000 enthusiastic friends of the project were present. There were here men from all parts of the Mississippi valley interested in the project. Many able, instructive and eloquent speeches concern- ing the benefits certain to result from the completion of such a waterway were eagerly listened to and enthusiastically applauded by the great convention. Messrs Taft and Bryan were both present at the immense banquet given at the Auditorium.
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The Anti-Saloon League early in October published its recom- mendations as to candidates to be voted for at the approaching election. The League particularly desired to elect its candidates to the Legislature. The local option law was before the people and the character and standing of legislators were regarded as very im- portant. This League, after a secret conference, decided that neither of the old party candidates nor those of the Independence party were satisfactory to their interests. They therefore named a full ticket of their own. The United Societies took similar action in their own interests. In several instances they indorsed the can- didates of the Republicans and Democrats. In naming candidates they paid little attention to party affiliations, but based their actions upon what candidates would do for their cause.
There was considerable complaint throughout the country gener- ally in October, 1908, of the apathy shown concerning the approach- ing election. Such was not the case, however, in Chicago. The registration figures were unusually high and showed that the citi- zens were interested in the outcome. While Chicago was a city of political surprises it was thought, however, that a large registra- tion was more favorable to the Republicans than to the Democrats.
The Citizens' association asked all the candidates for state's at- torney whether, if elected, they would prohibit gambling at race tracks in Cook county. All the candidates answered in the affirma-
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tive. During October many interesting speeches were delivered throughout Cook county by Messrs. Deneen, Stevenson, Yates and their assistants. Late in October Senator Beveridge of Indiana delivered here one of the most powerful and logical addresses ever heard in Chicago. He discussed the national issues before an im- mense crowd at Orchestra hall under the auspices of the Taft and Sherman Business Men's club.
The last few days of the national campaign showed Chicago at its best. In all parts of the city meetings of the various partisans were held, eloquent addresses delivered and voters urged to support par- tisan principles and candidates. Every newspaper, association, league and club selected its particular ticket which voters were in- vited to support. There were presidential, state, and county, tickets ; Municipal court, Senate, and House candidates, and many special candidates and tickets. It was estimated just previous to election that probably 90 per cent of the registration would be polled. It was in reality a whirlwind finish by all parties with all principles. Mr. Deneen particularly was extremely active during the last few days of the campaign. Mr. Wayman conducted a vigorous and able campaign. A feature was the canvass of William Street, the Prohibition candidate for state's attorney. He attacked vigorously both Wayman and Kern, candidates of the two old parties for the same office. It was predicted that Mr. Deneen would run behind his ticket. His enemies had conducted a vigorous, relentless. and effective campaign. The Democrats had the greatest confidence in carrying Cook county for Bryan. They likewise hoped that Steven- son would be elected governor. They believed that the division in the Republican ranks and the hostility to Deneen would throw many votes to Mr. Stevenson with the result of his success. Just previous to election Democratic sporting men bet that Cook county would be carried by Stevenson. During the campaign the Republican speak- ers and press denounced as an outrage upon honesty and decency the candidacy of Mr. Kern for state's attorney. His record, it was declared, was so bad that the Democratic party should never have nominated him, and in doing so insulted the sense of right and jus- · tice of all people. Personalities vindictive, revengeful, untruthful and continuous, ran like a sewer through this whole campaign. Mr. Deneen's statement of what had been accomplished during his ad- ministration was straightforward, comprehensive and accurate. Had it not been for his vigorous campaign and his elaborate expla- nation of his administration he would probably have been defeated at the subsequent election. Never before had there been created so many alleged issues and political fictions as during this campaign. Never before had a campaign been conducted so entirely upon false pretenses and with such unparalleled mendacity as this against Gov- ernor Deneen. Luckily for the Republicans, voters overthrew the plans of his enemies and enough remained friendly to return him
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