USA > Illinois > Cook County > History of Cook County, Illinois : being a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits : from the earliest settlement to the present time, volume II > Part 65
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Even before 1899, while the power of Mr. Lorimer over the Re- publican party in Illinois was admitted it was recognized even among the members of that party that his dictatorship was extremely objectionable principally because he had carried his authority to ex- treme measures. Enemies among his own party had disputed his right to be political autocrat of Cook county or the state. Already the party suffered through his connection with it as dictator. In 1896, Chicago gave Mckinley a plurality of 56,000 votes. In the spring of 1897, when Judge Sears ran for the Republicans as can- didate for mayor it was found that owing to the feeling against Mr. Lorimer the Republican candidate received but 59,542 votes while the Democratic candidate received 148,880 votes. It is true that the Independent candidate received 69,730 votes, but the fact was for- cibly presented that owing to Lorimer's objectionable dictatorship the Republicans themselves knifed their own candidate in order to stab Lorimer in the back. The pathway of the political boss was not altogether strewn with roses. Again in 1898, Mr. Carter, the Re-
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publican candidate for the mayoralty, though an unexceptionable man, was badly defeated by Mr. Harrison, the Democratic candidate, owing, it was admitted, to the fact that Mr. Lorimer dominated the candidate and the campaign. Thus even stronger than before the sentiment against political bossism had become so strong as to threaten the overthrow of any party that attempted to carry such a system to extremes. The opposition made the most of Mr. Lori- mer's control of the Republican party machinery. The silliest and most extravagant statements concerning his dictation were spread throughout this portion of the state. The Republicans began to see the writing on the wall. If they kept Lorimer in his exalted position it might mean the destruction of the party. Therefore in the minds of clear-headed and independent Republicans it became an impor- , tant question whether or not Mr. Lorimer's dictatorship should not be summarily ended. It thus came to pass that a strong faction of the Republican party determined to make the attempt to overthrow Lorimer and it was deemed a matter of wisdom to attack him first in his own district.
The result of the November election, 1899, contained a number of surprises. One was the defeat of William Lorimer by a majority of over 2,000. He had been denominated boss of the Tenth ward; boss of Cook county ; boss of Illinois and other high standing and euphonious titles, but now his glory had departed. He was shame- fully beaten by a man comparatively unknown and his retirement was regarded by his enemies with joy and by his friends with dis- may and sorrow. His defeat was construed as a rebuke to his as- sumed dictatorship and a blow to the coterie of men who had fought so valiently for his reelection. His defeat the Democrats alleged was to be expected in a district which normally had a decided Dem- ocratic majority. It was realized that his commanding position thus shorn of his influence and presence might mean important changes not only in the political status of Cook county but throughout the state as well. It also meant that the appointees of Lorimer would be dropped by the machine from public service and their places be filled by men who were subservient to the new order of affairs. His rise in the political world was meteoric ; his fall was like that of a burned out, disfigured rocket stick. His czar-like tactics, his imperious and dictatorial management of the machine, his unscrupulous success in gaining power were now nothing but a memory. People did not realize that a man with the ability, sagacity and power of making friends such as Lorimer was, might become rehabilitated and might again mount the dizzy heights of political fame and popularity.
The Republican national ticket was carried in Cook county by a plurality of 17,567. Samuel Alschuler, the Democratic candidate for governor, carried the county by a plurality of 7,573. Charles S. Deneen, the Republican candidate for state's attorney, carried the county by a plurality of 26,013. Fred W. Upham, Republican
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candidate for Board of Review, carried the county by a plurality of 26,699. The bond issue of $500,000 was lost by a majority of 122,- 412. These results and others equally as good all along the line sat- isfied the Republicans. The poor showing of Mr. Yates had been anticipated. He lacked the strength, ability and magnetism of his opponent and this fact was shown when the returns of the election came in. Mr. Altgeld, from whose prophetic lips ever was heard the cry of fraud, announced immediately after the election that the success of the Republican party "means a triumph of bitterness and corruption." It was realized and due apology was made therefor that Mr. Altgeld's nature was one of bitterness, malice and vituper- ation. His imagination was redundant if not absolutely under- mined. His reforms were therefore considered with due respect to his infirmity. Immediately after the November election the in- justice of the late gerrymander was duly considered by the Repub- licans but denied by the Democrats. The Republicans claimed that Republican wards and towns had been lumped together with over- whelming confusion rendering it possible for the Democrats to carry the remainder of the county with great ease and certainty. The local newspapers demanded reform in this regard.
In the spring of 1900 Judge Hanecy and his supporters disclaimed any connection with the Republican machine conducted and domi- nated by Lorimer, Tanner, Jameson, et. al. This declaration, though reiterated throughout the campaign by Hanecy and his immediate followers, was not believed in view of the fact that so far as the public could see the whole Hanecy coterie were cheek by jowl with Lorimer and his lieutenants. The Republicans had learned an ex- pensive lesson from the Tanner gubernatorial fiasco. It soon came to be believed by many voters in Cook county that the nomination of Hanecy for governor meant that the Tanner fetters would again be riveted around the wrists of the Republican party in this state. In the view of the Republican masses in this county, Hanecy's nom- ination would represent the self-glorification and aggrandizement of the bosses of a Republican faction and not the promotion of party principles or the public welfare. The "Machine" gave Hanecy solid and enthusiastic support. His defeat was therefore demanded by the Republican masses. It was claimed that Hanecy did not rep- resent Republican principles, because he opposed the Civil service law and favored the spoils system.
Under the head of "The Mis-government of the Modern City" Mayor Harrison stated in July, 1899, in the columns of the Saturday Evening Post that "after more than two years' management of the affairs of the most rapidly growing municipality in this country. I fear for the character of future municipal government if education of the masses does not progress more rapidly than it has." In his judgment the primary cause of corruption was in the indifference of the voters. History-discriminating, analytical, comprehensive his-
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tory-must take issue with him and with all other superficial think- ers. The real cause of corruption is that quality of modern civil- ization which under the guise of competition permits one man to misrepresent his business and take unfair advantage of his fellows. Mayor Harrison was not a student of economic causes and condi- tions. His views were those of the average ward boss who has gone no deeper into moral philosophy than to adopt the sophistry that the sharpest man has a right to get the better of his neighbors. The higher qualities of what is fair between man and man were un- dreamed of in his philosophy. What but corruption in varying de- grees could be expected of men who from childhood had been taught as clerks to lie concerning the goods they sold, their business attain- ments, and their fitness for responsibility? The real cause of cor- ruption was and is due to the fact that a large proportion of men will not hesitate to take the money of others if no penalty be attached thereto or if they be not found out, just as many men today will vio- late every law in the statutes if such law should be repealed. Pre- ventive measures, not corrective ones, were needed. Arrange govern- mental affairs so that society will be protected against the municipal thief just as certainly and efficaciously as against a murderer. When that is done and not till then, will municipal stealing be as rare as murder. Trust no man absolutely, because, in spite of all platitudes, a considerable percentage of the so-called best men will prove un- trustworthy. Compel them to give monetary bonds and security and punish them with stripes if guilty of malfeasance.
Judge O. N. Carter's candidacy for the gubernatorial nomination, it was declared, embraced the following changes and reforms: Both parties to hold their primaries on the same day and at the same place ; non-partisan judges to be in control of the voting booths; independ- ence of any party machine ; every voter should be free to vote for the man of his choice. The principal plank of his platform of principals was the one against party bosses. Opposed to him was Judge Hanecy and the Lorimer battalions. Judge Hanecy declared that though he was supported by the machine he had become a can- didate before that body thought of supporting him. This campaign was primarily against the bosses. The latter looked with equanim- ity upon their enemies and alleged detractors and announced that no party could be conducted without leaders and that any other leaders than themselves would likewise be called bosses and be mis- represented and abused. But the answer was returned that leaders merely carried out the wishes of their constituents, while bosses carried out their own designs regardless of their constituents.
Judge Carter adopted similar tactics to those selected by Judge Hanecy. He secured a large endorsement to begin with. Over 200 prominent citizens were his backers. He announced his platform publicly and it is to be presumed that his policies were endorsed by his backers. It must be admitted that this method of going before
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the public with a powerful endorsement of prominent men had great weight with the voters, who paid but little attention to the qualifica- tions of candidates and to the policies which they supported.
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The result of the Municipal election in April, 1900, showed that the two old parties had about maintained their former strength. Six- teen new Republican candidates were elected and 16 new Democrats were elected. There were 23 Republican hold-overs, 11 Democratic hold-overs, and 3 Independents. The new City Council had 27 Democrats, 39 Republicans and 4 Independents. This gave the Republicans a majority of 8 in the Council. As a whole the pub- licity which the newspapers, clubs and leagues gave to the election, caused a large vote in the interests of pure politics. A singular, if unimportant, feature of this election was the immense vote polled in favor of issuing refunding bonds. It was not so much the size of the vote cast in favor of the issue as it was in the fact that voters took the pains to vote for the issue at all. The election was quiet and uneventful.
An important fact connected with the spring election of 1900 was that many objectionable persons were permanently retired to private life. Several boodlers with records of the worst character had en- deavored to break into the City Council but were defeated by the efforts of the press and the Leagues. The Republicans were more successful than the Democrats in placing reliable men in official positions. In the North town and West town the Democrats elect- ed their tickets, and in the South town and Lake View, Lake, Hyde Park and Jefferson the Republicans carried off the honors. The result in the South town was taken to indicate that the people were tired of the policies of the town officials and desired a change.
At the November election, 1900, there was to be chosen a new ,County Board, five judges, a State's attorney, a recorder, two court clerks, two members of the Board of Review, a coroner and a Coun- ty surveyor. Aside from the national features of the campaign the Cook county interests, therefore, were of sufficient importance to demand the support of the citizens. The newspapers were singular- ly fair at this juncture. Democratic and Republican papers alike insisted, degardless of party considerations, that the best man should by all means be chosen for these responsible positions. Not only should the men be of proved, reliable and upright character, but so far as possible, they also should be men of experience, breadth and sagacity-men who had the welfare of the public at heart and had proved themselves the friend of public welfare in official positions or otherwise. In more than one instance, newspapers of one party denounced the nominee of their own party machine and openly and earnestly advocated the election of the candidate of the opposing party. The papers regretfully admitted that their own party had nominated candidates who were utterly unfit to hold responsible official positions. Naturally, where the conditions were equal the
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newspapers and the public supported the nominees of their own party, but it should be noticed to the credit of all concerned that at this election almost as never before, there was a stern, determined disregard of party if necessary to secure election of honest and capa- ble men. At the November election, 1900, Lorimer, who had been elected to Congress three successive times, felt no anxiety lest he should not be reelected the fourth time. The outlook was encourag- ing for Republicans. They had the best of the argument on the Na- tional policies and Mr. Lorimer expected to be continued in power, if not through his own just deserts, at least by the flood of the ex- pected Republican landslide. Accordingly he faced the election with confidence. It was considered that he had the advantage of his Dem- ocratic opponent. John J. Feeley had thus far not especially distin- guished himself above the average useful and intelligent citizen. It was not to be expected, therefore, that his prominence or the hostility to Mr. Lorimer would result otherwise than in the reelection of the latter and in the retirement of the former.
The importance of not permitting the National campaign to overshadow political questions of a local character was called to the attention of the people in October. The candidates for the Board of Reviews and the Board of Assessors were particularly held up for public inspection and criticism. The Revenue Law Campaign committee issued a report calling particular attention to the neces- sity of honest and efficient men for members of these two boards. This committee had been appointed by a largely attended meeting of the citizens of Cook county at the Sherman House in October, 1898. The object of the appointment was to secure an honest, non-parti- san campaign in order that the best man possible, regardless of party affiliations, could be placed in official positions of great mo- ment and responsibility. One object of the committee was to in- vestigate thoroughly the character and standing of every candidate for office. This committee openly declared that several of the candi- dates for these responsible positions were wholly unworthy of public confidence. They called attention to the fact that the danger existed of overlooking the importance of selecting the proper men for these positions during the excitement incident to the national campaign. The committee, therefore, recommended the following candidates : Fred W. Upham, Republican, for member of Board of Review, Peter Kiolbassa, August W. Miller and Charles E. Randall, candi- dates for members of the Board of Assessors.
During the fall of 1900 the national campaign and the local cam- paign were probably the most elaborately and systematically con- ducted of any ever witnessed in Cook county. The campaign just before election was brilliant in the extreme. Every phase of the great questions before the people was discussed in detail and held up to the light of public investigation and comment. Congressmen Lorimer, who headed the Republican committee and Robert E.
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Burke, the Democratic leader, were particularly active and particu- larly bold in methods and in claims that would bring victory. There was not a ward in the city that did not witness numerous meetings where the subjects at issue were thoroughly discussed.
The total vote cast in the city of Chicago in November, 1900, for presidential electors was 372,451. That number exceeded by 1900 the vote of governor.
About the middle of February, 1901, all parties began to be active in Cook county over the spring campaign. Clubs were organized in every ward and the party machine was put in working condition ready for the primaries. The Republican county committee and the Municipal Voters' League were particularly active during the bal- ance of February. All candidates for office were asked to appear and make statements concerning themselves. The new ward boun- daries and conditions were duly considered by both parties. Steps to centralize or unite on a single candidate for mayor were taken before the primaries, but without result. Mr. Lorimer had for some time been directing his attention to the congressional apportionment plans.
The contests of the Democrats at the primaries in the spring of 1901 were without important features or excitement. The party had united on the candidacy of Mr. Harrison for mayor. His re- nomination was demanded by the party and had no opposition. However, there was a contest over the delegates to the aldermanic conventions. Judge Hanecy, as the candidate of the Republicans, announced that, if elected, his administration would support the civil service law ; would curtail and control crime and immorality ; would sustain the policy of demanding reasonable compensation for public franchises; would inaugurate new systems of keeping books in city departments; would improve the special assessment departments; would conduct a defense in all personal damage suits ; would elim- inate from all payrolls all unnecessary employes; would clean out the city hall thoroughly, literally and morally; would conduct the city administration along business lines and would institute reforms in all municipal departments. Mayor Harrison's policy as an- nounced was in many respects similar. He announced that he would endeavor to enforce the municipal ownership of public utilities; would grant limited franchises upon the payment of reasonable com- pensation ; would create reforms in street-car service; would carry out the existing policy of compelling railways to elevate their tracks; would enforce civil service law ; would favor increasing the valuation of city property in order that greater revenue could be secured; would advocate the removal of the tunnels under the Chicago river and the substitution of bascule bridges and would carry out all re- forms which had been adopted and enforced by his previous admin- istration.
Early in March, 1901, Judge Hanecy opened the spring campaign
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by a strong speech before the Marquette club. He stated, among other things, "The present campaign is not only between individuals, it is a campaign between responsibility and good citizenship and corruption, robbery, shame and vice. If elected mayor of Chicago, I pledge you that I shall clean out that pest-hole of corruption which now exists in the city hall. The present administration has prosti- tuted therein all that is held high and sacred by a good community. I will not call the city officials Democrats. This is not a contest between the Democrats and Republicans. It is a con- test between the good citizens and taxpayers and the city hall gang who has been preying upon the public. They have hesitated at nothing. They have debauched the city schools; have stolen from the special assessment fund; have levied blackmail on every vice; have increased the expenses of the city schools more than $3,000,000 in the last three years without benefits, and they have increased the cost of the administration of the city over $7,000,000 in the last four years."
About the middle of February, 1901, it was alleged that a large public demand required that John M. Harlan should become the Re- publican candidate for mayor. The petition, signed by about 70,000 names, it was alleged, was handed to him requesting him thus to nounce himself as a candidate. It is doubtful whether any such peti- tion were honestly and fairly prepared independent of Mr. Harlan's wishes and cooperation. It is much more probable that he, himself, was the instigator of such petition as had been circulated, either for the purpose of forcing himself upon his party as the sole candidate or of an attempt to so divide the party as to make defeat inevitable unless he should be chosen as the sole candidate. With much cere- mony and acclaim the long petition was heralded and the name of Harlan, no doubt with his cooperation, was duly announced for the mayoralty nomination. It was apparently a trick resorted to by Mr. Harlan to secure the coveted prize or to defeat his party out of re- venge, in case he were not known as the sole party's choice.
As an illustration of the vote cast at the November election, 1900, and the April election, 1901, it was shown that the Hyde Park wards polled in November, 29,935 votes for Mr. Mckinley and 16,000 votes for Mr. Bryan. At the April, 1901, election the same wards cast 18,637 votes for Mr. Hanecy and 15,135 votes for Mr. Harrison. There was thus a falling off of about 37 per cent in the Republican vote and of 5 per cent in the Democratic vote, or a total falling off of 12,000 votes in the Hyde Park region alone. It was somewhat difficult to account for this falling off. Several newspapers declared that it was due to the fact that Mr. Hanecy had been nominated by the machine and was not the candidate ad- vocated by the Republican masses. It was stated that if the Repub- licans had named a man acceptable to the party as a whole, the full vote would have come out. The voters had stayed at home either
Vol. II-38.
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from apathy generally or because they disliked the Republican can- didate.
Politics in March and April, 1902, involved many important problems concerning city and county government. Among these were the assessed valuation of property, improvements on the in- stitutions at Dunning ; the taxation of corporate property ; the duties of the Boards of Review and Assessors, and the harmonious pro- ceedings of the various taxing and municipal bodies.
Early in March the Municipal Voters' League began stringent preliminary investigation concerning the character of aldermanic candidates. The newspapers published lists of such men. The League from time to time made announcements of their findings. The newspapers declared if political parties would do their duty there would be no necessity for a Municipal Voters' League to in- vestigate candidates and reveal their shortcomings. It was declared that so long as town governments existed in Chicago they would need watching. To teach them economy was impossible and to re- form them was to abolish them. The Citizens' association an- nounced that on the South town payrolls were 137 men receiving $3,415 a week.
In April, 1902, there were to be chosen half the entire membership of the City Council. This large number was sufficient to warrant careful and protracted investigation. Particularly were the lodg- ing houses inspected. It was declared that there were in Chicago between 10,000 to 15,000 vagrants, the most of whom were known to the managers of the Municipal Lodging house. It was necessary to see that these men, if not qualified, were not permitted to vote. The Municipal Voters' League, the State Board of Health, the Union League club, the Hamilton club, the Marquette club, the Iroquois club and other organizations became active early in March. The newspapers deplored the light registration about the middle of March. While it exceeded that of March, 1901, by about 14,000, it was still far from being what it should be. Only about 90,000 names were registered the first day. This was at least 60,000 short of what was expected. The death of Mr. Altgeld about the middle of March, 1902, was deplored by his many political and other friends in this city and county. In spite of every precaution party factions succeeded in nominating unfit and undesirable candidates for aldermen. This rendered the work of the Municipal Voters' League doubly difficult. The newspapers during the campaign continually dwelt upon the advisability and wisdom of abolishing the town offices. About the middle of March the names of all al- dermanic candidates were published in the newspapers. On Sun- day, March 30, 1902, the newspapers published their recommenda- tions. Thirty-five new aldermen to serve for two years were to be chosen. The Municipal Voters' League published an independent list which received the greatest consideration of the citizens. The
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