USA > Illinois > Cook County > History of Cook County, Illinois : being a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits : from the earliest settlement to the present time, volume II > Part 69
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HISTORY OF COOK COUNTY
to Springfield. There is no doubt that had he been defeated the state would have fallen into the hands of the worst local and parti- san elements.
In this city and county the principal issue was to place honest and capable men in office. Important laws were needed, therefore the Senate and House should be composed of the best material obtain- able. The Municipal court judges, occupying as they did positions of great importance, should be able, conscientious and practical jurists. It was necessary and highly important also to keep up the standard of the sanitary board. The state's attorney, member of the Board of Review and president of the County Board were also highly important officers, and the merits of the candidates were fully and elaborately announced. It was an important election carried forward with great energy, sagacity, acrimony, artifice and bril- liancy by the ablest politicians of the city, county and state. With a registration of 411,120 it was realized that an immense vote would be polled. Having this in view the leaders of the parties from the start thoroughly informed the public of the character and fitness of all candidates. The result of the November election, 1908, was as follows: Total for Taft, 230,400; Bryan, 152,990; Chafin, Prohi- bitionist, 5,965; Debs, Socialist, 18,842; Watson, People's, 73; Gil- house, Socialist Labor, 649; Hisgen, Independence, 5,994; Turney, U. C., 178. For Governor Deneen, 192,937; Stevenson, 192,871. The Republican majority on the Cook county principal offices varied from 23,741 to 80,580. The Republican candidates for Municipal court judges won by large majorities. All the Republican candi- dates for county commissioners were elected. Large majorities were polled for the "little ballot," which embraced a constitutional amendment, a banking law, and an issue of bonds. The vote for the bonds meant the early construction of the deep waterway to the gulf. The steps to be taken were: First, the passage of the deep water- way bill by the Illinois General Assembly; second, the appointment of a commission to have charge of the actual construction work; third, prohibition of the Federal government for such improvements as were outside of Illinois. The amendment to the general banking law mentioned above provided: First that a director must be the owner of ten shares of the capital stock of his bank; second, that the power of officers and directors to borrow and the amount borrowed should be limited ; third, that the auditor should have the same power to close the bank that the controller of the currency has with national banks.
Immediately after the election of November, 1908, investigation showed that numerous election frauds had been practiced through- out the county. The grand jury investigated and by the 21st of November returned indictments against twenty-three men, several of whom were officials and prominent men. In all, forty-six true bills were returned. The most of the charges were violations of the
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primary law, principally aiding and abetting illegal voting. Numer- ous judges of election were thus indicted. William G. Hermann, chief deputy clerk of the Municipal court, and Republican state cen- tral committeeman from the Eighth Congressional district and a West side boss, was among those indicted.
In January, 1909, the Municipal Voters' League called attention to the fact that thirty-five aldermen were to be elected in the com- ing April. The importance of this election was duly weighed and noted. It began an analysis of the character and performances of the existing council, named those who were believed fit to be re- elected and condemned others and advised their permanent retire- ment from the city board. The league urged the elevation of the aldermanic average of integrity and efficiency. Many important questions would have to be considered and acted upon during the coming year. Excellent aldermen therefore should be elected. Al- ready the names of new candidates were proposed and investigated. As usual, some wards were certain to elect bad men, but the impor- tance of keeping them in the minority was realized and acted upon. The experience of the past had shown how to evade the defects in the new primary law. It was therefore believed that the primaries during 1909 would be much more honest, clean and satisfactory. The people generally had demanded direct primaries and were anxious now to perfect the law, continue its use and secure from it the great- est possible benefit.
The Illinois Equal Suffrage association previous to the election sent letters to the Republican and Democratic candidates for Con- gress and the State Legislature asking for an expression of their attitude on the question of extending suffrage to women. From the replies they selected a list of candidates for whom they recom- mended citizens to vote.
Early in January, 1909, the Iroquois club, Hamilton club, Union League club, Marquette club, Legislative Voters' League, Munici- pal Voters' League, Citizens' association, Chicago Law and Order League, City club, Jewish Civic League and the organizations of the Republican, Democratic, Socialist and Prohibition parties as- sembled in Judge Rinaker's courtroom for the purpose of suggest- 'ing measures that would secure honesty and accuracy in future elections in Chicago. During the meeting it was disclosed that or- dinarily the very important positions of judges and clerks of election were held by irresponsibles and nonentities appointed for political reasons by precinct captains. It was determined to make an effort to secure in the future for such important positions men of well known responsibility and character. It was ascertained during this meeting that many judges were not familiar with the rules as to how split tickets in many cases should be counted. It was stated during the meeting that in 1908 thirty-four election officials were charged with alleged violations of the law and in nearly every instance the mistakes
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proved to be the result of ignorance. It was therefore pointed out that the elections held in Chicago were reasonably honest and not as fraudulent as many thought. The minor parties at this meeting in- sisted that they should be represented on the election boards. This meeting was important, as it led to investigations along important paths which had been neglected.
The Municipal Voters' League made its final report concerning sixty-two candidates for aldermanic nominations a week or two be- fore the primary election. All the candidates were catalogued, classified, tabulated and criticised. In twenty-four wards the league commended thirty-three candidates in both of the old parties and seven were reported not qualified, eleven were found objectionable for various reasons and eleven others were condemned. The league had little to say concerning the candidates for other offices. The important contests were in the Seventh, Ninth, Tenth, Eleventh, Twelfth, Fourteenth, Twenty-fourth, Twenty-sixth, Twenty-sev- enth, Thirty-third and Thirty-fifth wards. Under the new primary law the voters themselves could have settled the contests. In several of the wards the primary election was considered more important than the general election. Many citizens during 1908 and the first part of 1909 advocated the measure known as the "recall." It pro- posed to give the citizens the right to annul the election of any offi- cial who was deemed undesirable by retiring him to private life.
An important event in March, 1909, was the completion of the work of the charter convention. When the last provision was in- serted and the long work of the convention was ended, it possibly meant a great deal to the future of Chicago. It remained with the Legislature to determine whether the measures so long struggled over should become law.
About the middle of February, 1909, all parties began prepara- tions for the municipal aldermanic primary elections to be held on February 23. All candidates were announced and all began an active canvass. The Board of Election commissioners issued speci- men ballots. There were to be chosen a city treasurer, city clerk and a full list of aldermen. At the primary election the party ma- chines were victorious. The slate candidates for clerk and regulars in council nominations swept the city. This was one of the first times when voters in any considerable number ignored the recom- mendations of the Municipal Voters' League. The Republicans generally were triumphant. The total vote cast was 95,045. De- ducting the Socialist and Prohibition vote there was 93,959 for the Republicans and Democrats. There were bitter fights in many wards. The liquor interests singled out for defeat men who had supported the $1,000 saloon license ordinance in the council, but their efforts failed signally. In nearly every instance where the liquor forces endeavored to defeat aldermen, the latter apparently scored an easy victory. The Prohibition and Socialist vote was so small as scarcely to be worth counting.
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Late in March, 1909, Chicago's Eleven Charter bill was intro- duced in the Legislature. Embraced in this bill were the following propositions: For the consolidation of powers then vested in the local authorities of this city to provide for revenue and to increase the bonding and other powers; to enable the City Council to adopt a method of recall; for the regulation of public utilities; for an amendment to the law governing municipal elections; for the refer- ence of public policy questions to the voters; to require publication of campaign expenses and to provide a corrupt practices act ; for the amendment of the city civil service law; to amend the acts govern- ing the Board of Education and to reduce its membership to fifteen; to confer the right of municipal suffrage on women; to change the date at which justices and officials of the Municipal courts should be elected; to provide for the regulation of Sunday observance.
A feature of the spring campaign, 1909, was the attack made upon the Municipal Voters' League by aldermen who it was alleged had been unjustly criticised by that organization. However, little was presented by them to show that the league had done otherwise than to work for the best interests of the people.
Late in March, 1909, owing to the importance of the coming aldermanic elections the newspapers, clubs, associations and leagues warned all voters to beware of the gray wolves who were ravenous to break into the City Council. This warning caused one of the most vigorous and searching investigations as to the character and qualifications of candidates ever instituted in this city. An attack by the gray wolves upon the Municipal Voters' League proved to the voters throughout the city not only that undesirables were en- deavoring to capture and sack the City Council, but that in all prob- ability the attack was made as a counter to ward suspicion from such attempts. The aldermen by a vote of 40 to 19 refused to adopt Al- derman McInerney's resolution to divorce the council from the Municipal Voters' League. This was the first blow in the council against the gray wolf pack.
The newspapers argued that the majority for a non-partisan or- ganization of the council. was too small. It was observed that the city was entering upon a great constructive period. Events of im- mense importance to future Chicago were before the people. It was thought that public interest should not be compelled to depend upon a margin so narrow. The gray wolves and their new recruits in the City Council were classed as "the gang." The caustic report of the Municipal Voters' League was published in full in the news- papers and otherwise. Reports on every ward and on every candi- date were made. There can be no doubt, however, that men who were recommended by the Municipal Voters' League and the news- papers should have been condemned, or at least should not have been recommended, as for instance the candidates for aldermen from the Third ward.
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The league warned voters that another and a covert line-up of gray wolves menaced Chicago. To meet and countercheck the wolfish pack the league made full examinations and recommenda- tions. Several were urged for election ; in other cases no preference was expressed. Several were called totally unfit and others were classed as undesirables. The report condemned the nineteen alder- men who precipitated the McInerney rebellion. The league was fighting for honest men and for a non-partisan organization of the council. The leaders of the gray wolf gang were named as follows : Kenna, Powers, Brennan, Kunz, Cullerton and McInerney. To the list of the gray wolf gang the league added names of men who had favored several objectionable ordinances recently proposed in the City Council.
Late in March, 1909, the United Societies announced their can- didates for the City Council. The Societies gave unqualified in- dorsement to seventeen aldermanic candidates and marked twenty- four as acceptable. In seven wards the Societies did not discrimi- nate between Republican and Democratic nominees. In eight wards they did not make any recommendations. This report was made by the Liberty League of the United Societies.
In March, 1909, many thought that as the Municipal League had succeeded in reducing the gray wolf gang to a small minority in the council, its purpose had been accomplished and it might be permitted to retire on honors and laurels well won. Others argued that this should not be permitted, because at all times the wolves were pre- pared to leap into the council and the perpetuation of the league was necessary to prevent such a calamity. Its work was declared to be continuous and everlasting just as eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. This was a question not of theory but of fact which faced all citizens desiring an economical, honest and satisfactory adminis- tration of city affairs.
The result of the election of April, 1909, was the complete defeat of the gray wolf pack. The control of the City Council was placed in the hands of the respectable element of that body. Each of the old parties elected eighteen aldermen in the new council. There were thirty-nine Republicans and twenty-nine Democrats, one Inde- pendent, and one vacancy. The total vote for city treasurer was 242,865. Powell, Republican candidate for treasurer, was elected. Connery, Democratic candidate for city clerk, was successful. There were four tickets in the field, Republican, Democratic, Prohibition and Socialist. As a whole, the election was close. None of the majorities or pluralities reached 8,000 and very few exceeded 5,000. As a whole, voters and the leagues were satisfied with the person- nel of the new city Legislature. The Municipal Voters' League was largely instrumental in securing this good and happy result. Only five candidates marked as undesirables by the league were sent back to the council. The big six of the alleged gray wolf tribe (Kenna,
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Cullerton, Kunz, Brennan, Powers and McInerney) were success- ful. The league at this election thoroughly classified the candidates under the heads of "desirable," "unfit," "undesirable," etc. The Liberty League of the United Societies upon the Sunday closing issue had a list of candidates either indorsed or marked acceptable. Thirteen of the candidates thus indorsed were elected and twelve acceptable candidates were successful. Large majorities were polled in favor of the annexation of Evanston and Cicero. The Republican ticket was successful in Cicero township, the Citizens' ticket won at Winnetka and also at Oak Park. A non-partisan ticket won at Proviso. Berwyn voted against the saloon. The Re- publicans carried Calumet. Evanston cast a large majority against annexation ; so did Cicero. The proposition to levy a tax of $200,- 000 with which to build a consumptive hospital was carried by an immense majority of about four to one. New Trier township voted out the saloon.
In April, 1909, the Republicans at the primaries elected all of their candidates for Circuit judges by a comparatively large ma- jority. The judges elected were Carpenter, Gibbons, Pinckney, Smith, Baldwin, Tuthill, Alling, Holland, Price, Scanlan, Olson, Schmidt, Tinsman and Petit. The fourteen Democrats receiving the highest votes were Kersten, Honore, Walker, Clifford, Baker, Windes, Brown, Mack, McGoorty, Adams, Burke, Arthur, Morrill, and Murray. All of the sitting Circuit judges (nine Democrats and five Republicans) were renominated. Judge Brentano was nomi- nated for Superior court judge without opposition by the Republi- cans. William Brown was the unanimous choice of the Democrats for the same position. The total vote cast in city and county at this election was under 70,000. The highest vote on the Republican ticket, 52,308, was given to Judge Brentano, running alone. Judge Carpenter received the highest vote on the Democratic ticket, 45,392. The Socialist vote was less than 1,000. Several candidates who were favored by the Chicago Bar association were defeated.
The most important congressional act, so far as Chicago is con- cerned, passed in recent years was the waterways bill which became a law early in 1909. Incorporated in the bill was the Lorimer prop- osition which authorized the government to acquire full ownership of all property, lands and water rights north of the St. Mary's Falls ship canal, lying between such canal and the international boundary, and authorizing the appointment of a national waterways commission consisting of five members of the Senate and seven members of the House, the commission to investigate all questions and to recommend to Congress such action as it might deem advisa- ble. No provision for new improvements was made, but a large number of surveys was authorized for the purpose of serving as a basis of future considerations and appropriations. Among the sur- veys authorized were the following: Harbor and river at or near
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Chicago, including Chicago harbor, Chicago river, Calumet harbor, Grand Calumet and Little Calumet rivers, Lake Calumet and neces- sary connections with Calumet river, and Lake Michigan shore from the mouth of the Chicago river to the city of Gary, Ind., for the pur- pose of reporting a plan for a complete, systematic and comprehen- sive improvement of harbor facilities for Chicago and adjacent terri- tory. The bill also contemplated important improvements of the South branch of the Chicago river.
The contest for the United States senate, with Hopkins opposed by Lorimer and Deneen, was one of the most remarkable and spec- tacular in the history of the state. After a long contest Lorimer was elected on the ninety-fifth joint ballot with 108 votes, fifty-five Re- publicans and fifty-three Democrats voting for him. In the senate he received thirteen Republican and six Democratic votes, and in the house forty-two Republican and forty-seven Democratic votes. Really, from January to May, the Legislature was deadlocked on the question of who should succeed Hopkins as senator. Lorimer could never have succeeded without Democratic votes. How did he get them? Probably the most charitable view is that he was thus re- warded for his advocacy of the deep-waterway project. Many Re- publicans regarded his course as a gross betrayal of party principles. It was generally conceded that he was a better politician than Re- publican.
The judicial election in the summer of 1909 was important. Ef- forts to keep this election out of politics failed. The Republican can- didates were introduced to the public at a "smoker" on the North Side in May. The Chicago bar primary endorsed seven Republicans and seven Democrats for circuit judges and one for the superior bench. The Chicago Federation of Labor endorsed fifteen judges of mixed politics in May. The United societies recommended a Re- publican for superior judge and a Democrat and six Republicans for circuit judges. Both Democratic and Republican parties nominated partisan judicial tickets. Newspapers and civic organizations sub- mitted their choice to the public. Powerful appeals to vote for the best judges regardless of parties were made by press, pulpit and purity organizations. Politicians uttered just as strong sentiments in regard to party unity and integrity. The judges did not take the stump, but tons of campaign literature were sent out. The result of the election was to send in eight Republicans and six Democrats to the circuit bench in place of nine Democrats and five Republicans who had held the position. Republican and Democratic party or- ganizations professed to be shocked at the result. Independent vot- ing decided the contest. Brentano, against whom serious charges had been made, was elected to the superior court. Eleven of the circuit judges elected were recommended by the United societies. Only seven of the bar primary candidates were elected. The South Park patronage passed to the Republicans. The Socialists polled
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9,328 votes for their highest man. The total vote in the county was 170,177. The registration of April, 1909, was 404,938.
The supreme court decision that declared unconstitutional the new primary law occasioned much interest. It was thought the old law of 1908 amended in 1901, or perhaps the law of 1885, would rule elections until a new law was enacted. A readjustment of fighting machinery was necessary. There arose a steady and agonizing cry for a new direct primary law, but the enemies of the same shouted defiance. Good lawyers thought the primary law of 1885 might be in force.
In August, 1909, Carl L. Barnes was announced as a candidate for congress to take the place of Mr. Lorimer in the Sixth district. He began an active and trenchant campaign as an independent. William J. Moxley was nominated by the Republicans and Frank S. Ryan by the Democrats. This was one of the bitterest campaigns in the history of the county. Nearly all the newspapers favored Barnes, but Moxley was backed by the power and prestige of Lori- mer and the money of the "machine." Mr. Moxley was elected by a large plurality. His success could not have been accomplished without Democratic votes. These were secured through the influ- ence of Lorimer who, in this case, as in his candidacy for the United States senate, held out the allurement of deep water-way promotion.
BIOGRAPHY AND REMINISCENCE
F RED Downer Countiss, an active and successful business man of Chicago, was born in this city, June 26, 1872, and is a son of Robert and Louise (Eakin) Countiss. He was educated at the public schools here, and began his business career as messenger in the Merchants' National bank. He was ambitious, in- dustrious and honest, and soon had won a good reputation. In 1892 he accepted a position as bookkeeper with the National Bank of the Republic, and a little later, so well had he acquitted himself, he was advanced to the position of teller in the same institution. In May, 1896, desiring to better his prospects and feeling qualified for broader business operations, he entered the employ of S. B. Chapin & Com- pany, bankers and brokers, dealers in stocks, grain, provisions, cotton, coffee, etc. Recognizing his good qualities and efforts, that business house, in July, 1898, admitted him to a partnership and thus he has remained associated until the present time. He is now recognized as one of the best and broadest men in the commercial life of this city. He is a member of the Board of Trade and of the Stock Exchange and has greatly aided both organizations. On June 11, 1909, his prominence and popularity led to his election to the important position of president of the Stock Exchange for a term of one year. He is a Presbyterian and a member of the Chicago, Union League, Mid-Day, Calumet and Bankers' clubs. His office is in the Rookery building and his residence at 2922 Michigan avenue.
Sietz J. DeVries, one of the well-known and substantial business men of Chicago, was born October 29, 1853, at Howerzil, Province of Groningen, Holland, and is a son of Jacob and Minnie ( Bultheus) DeVries. The father was a farmer by occupation and because of his death in 1862, Sietz J. was compelled to help support the family as a day laborer on the farm in the summers though attending local schools in the winters. Thinking better opportunities for making a livelihood existed in America, the family emigrated to the United States, and in the year 1867 located in Chicago. Here the mother died in 1893.
Sietz J. DeVries received but limited educational advantages in youth, such as he had having been secured at the village schools of his nativity. For two years after his arrival in Chicago he worked on a farm, and the succeeding four years was employed in the country by a hay buyer and shipper. When 20 years of age he be-
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