History of Cook County, Illinois : being a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits : from the earliest settlement to the present time, volume II, Part 56

Author: Goodspeed, Weston Arthur, 1852-1926; Goodspeed Publishing Co; Healy, Daniel David, 1847-
Publication date: c1909
Publisher: Chicago : Goodspeed Historical Association
Number of Pages: 802


USA > Illinois > Cook County > History of Cook County, Illinois : being a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits : from the earliest settlement to the present time, volume II > Part 56


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The Citizens' association was active and was supposed to be influ- enced solely by the public welfare. It started out to reform politics during the fall campaign of 1874, but like many other reforms it did not accomplish all it undertook. There was now manifested a strong disposition to disregard the new factions and to follow old mandates and policies. The alleged reform movements were not believed to be all that was claimed for them. The Opposition party was considered to embrace all opposed to the existing city administration. Particu- larly the Republicans determined to nominate and support their reg- ular ticket. Ward meetings held throughout the city showed by the sentiments expressed that Republicanism, after all, was believed by members of that party to be best for city and county management. At this time the communistic element in Chicago was so strong as not only to influence elections, but to dictate policies of the cam- paign. Now for the first time they took an independent stand and threatened violence if their demands were not satisfied. Early in October the Republicans were thoroughly organized. All other factions united under the head of "Opposition." Meetings of the Opposition party were held throughout the county and a thorough organization was effected. The principle consideration was over the offices of sheriff and coroner. William Onahan was chairman of the county executive committee of the Opposition party. Frank Ag- new was nominated by them for sheriff. J. D. Ward was nominated for Congress by the Republicans and Carter H. Harrison by the Democrats. Timothy W. Bradley was nominated for sheriff by the Republicans.


This campaign was much more along old party lines than was that of 1873. Then all was confusion. Now to some extent na- tional policies ruled and guided the voters to their old party stan- dards. Every faction in the city was thoroughly canvassed and urged to side with the Republican or the Opposition. The Times stated that two-thirds, probably three-fourths, of all the candidates in Chicago for seats in the State Legislature were persons wholly unfit to be trusted in any legislative capacity whatever. It said that, "Most of them are political ignoramuses as well as scavenger politicians-men without culture, experience or even fair informa- tion in any branch or subject of public polity." This condition was the result of that volcanic period. The grand total registration was


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announced as 53,966 a few days before the election. The three Re- publican candidates for Congress from Cook county were Sidney Smith, Jasper D. Ward and Charles B. Farwell. The Opposition candidates for Congress were Bernard G. Caulfield, Carter H. Har- rison and John V. LeMoyne. The result of this election was favor- able to Democracy, but there were many close contests. The Oppo- sition made a better showing than had been expected.


In 1875 an important political question was whether the Chicago city charter should be replaced with a new and better one. At this date Hesing, Carl Clings and Alderman Campbell were proposed for the mayoralty. Under the proposed new charter the mayor could appoint the controller, corporation counsel, and commission- ers of Public Works, Fire, Police and Health. The Tribune said, "The action of the Common Council in passing a resolution com- mendatory of the bill now pending before the Legislature for amending the general incorporation act in its application to Chi- cago was to be anticipated. It ought to be the best possible recom- mendation which the bill could receive either before the Legislature or when it comes before the people for adoption. The Common Council is the fountain head of all the corruption that has disgraced the city of Chicago for years, and it has been impossible under the present city charter for the people to protect themselves against the ring which has been formed." The fact that the Common Coun- cil was habitually chosen under the disreputable ward system of pot- house politics caused by the people of Chicago to demand a change. The question of ring rule was taken into politics and controlled party movements during 1875. The Citizens' association at this date did most excellent work.


The original bill for the new charter of Chicago was prepared by the Citizens' association. Early in April, 1875, it passed the Legis- lature and was signed by the governor. It went into force on July 1 of the same year. The Tribune of April 4 said, "The opposition to the passage of this law has been an extraordinary one. It has been bitter, malicious, defamous and mendacious." There were strange and artful combinations against it. The bill had for its ob- ject the reorganization of the city government upon a responsible and honest basis. It was designed to lift the city government out of the rut into which it had been sinking deeper every year. It dis- pensed with the various independent executive boards and estab- lished one executive and responsible head. At first the Staats Zeitung, of which Mr. Hesing was. chief proprietor, opposed the charter, but later supported it. The Times caustically opposed it and declared it was planned in order to make Mr. Hesing mayor. The Journal and the Inter-Ocean opposed the new charter.


The town elections in April, 1875, were denounced in the sever- est terms by the newspapers. There was no registration and no check upon illegal voting. Loafers, gamblers, thieves, ward bum-


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HISTORY OF COOK COUNTY


mers, saloon-keepers and generally the most disreputable class of the city managed these town elections and ruled matters with a rod of iron. The tax-payers of the city paid accordingly by not attend- ing ; the gangs were at liberty to fleece them and did not hesitate to do so. In the three towns large salary grabs were successfully car- ried into execution by the ring elements and the criminals.


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Candidates for mayor in the fall of 1875 were in suspense until the Supreme court should decide whether the old charter or the new one was in force. This election of mayor depended upon the de- cision of the Supreme court. Accordingly all candidates were in doubt and so were all parties until after the decision was rendered. If the charter of 1872 ruled there would be no necessity of an elec- tion. A special election would be necessary under the new charter. The decision finally received postponed the election. The bulk of the ' city officials, including the aldermen, held over until the spring of 1876. This finality had been anticipated and had been vigorously sought by the city administration under Mayor Colvin. In fact be- fore the opinion was rendered by the Supreme court the mayor and his friends in some mysterious manner became aware of what the decision would be and celebrated their victory before it was official- ly announced.


The new county courthouse became a partisan structure in 1875. The first contract for masonry was given to professional politicians and not to a mason. Two other lower bids from practical and ex- perienced contractors were rejected. The foul condition of local politics and city government in the fall of 1875 occasioned the grav- est apprehensions. The city was in the hands of a merciless gang that threatened it with the same shameful fate suffered by New York under Tweed. It made no difference whether the new charter was retained or not, the old, wolfish gang was sure to control the city. So outrageous, brazen and barefaced had been the frauds committed at the ballot box and so numerous were the instances of flagrant corruption in the administration of city and county affairs, that the people and the press felt the oppression and questioned whether it would not be better to break summarily the rule of the rascals and place the city again under the control of honesty and decency. The Tribune said, "We are not crying wolf before the wolves are here. They are already busily engaged in devouring the substance of honest taxpayers. It will be easier to throttle them now than a year, two years, ten years hence. Must we suffer as New York did before we clap our rulers in jail and administer our own affairs a's she has done?"


The principal issue at the election of November, 1875, was the honest, decent and economical administration of city and county affairs. The Supreme court's charter decision rendered unneces- sary a city election, but the county ticket and officials were regarded as no less important than those of the city. A ring controlled the Vol. II-33.


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Board of, Commissioners and plundered the taxpayers at every op- portunity. The construction of the courthouse would give the ring a splendid opportunity to display its cunning and rapacity. Five new county commissioners and a county treasurer were to be elect- ed. The opposition convention nominated Judge Gary and Judge McAllister for judgships and A. C. Hesing for county treasurer. The nomination of Judge Gary was nonpartisan and no one of either party objected to Judge McAllister. The Republicans nominated Louis Huck for county treasurer and Gary and McAllister for judges. It was noted at the Republican convention that there was a determination on the part of all who participated to name the best possible men for the positions regardless of factions. There was a remarkable absence of wire pulling, log rolling, trading, partisan- ship, etc. Rousing meetings were held in all parts of the county. At no time since 1872 were the Republicans and Democrats so thor- oughly awake to the necessities of the hour as at this time. They were determined to defeat the city and county rings.


The Jefferson club, a faction of the Democracy, concluded at first to place a ticket in the field. They did not like the opposition party which was managed by Mr. Hesing and was made up mainly of Democrats. The election committee of the County Board refused the demand of the Republicans for the appointment of a Republican inspector in each voting precinct. The Jeffersonian club likewise demanded to be so represented. On October 25 an immense meet- ing of the Republicans was held at Central hall, Twenty-second street and Wabash avenue. Gen. John A. Logan delivered a speech on national issues. The Republican candidates were present and likewise addressed the audience. When it came to a finality the Jeffersonians joined the opposition party and did not nominate an independent ticket. Thomas Hoyne was one of the leaders of the Jeffersonians. Late in October a mass meeting of business men de- nounced the action of the County Commissioners in refusing to give each of the political parties a proper representation at the polls. Under pressure the board finally granted the request.


The election was hotly contested and resulted in the defeat of the opposition ticket. The entire Republican ticket was elected with the exception of two candidates. The Tribune said: "The city and county are at last redeemed from the burden of corruption which has so long weighed them down. This is glory enough for one day. For two years the city of Chicago has groaned under a government which has been administered largely under the patronage of the professional politicians, and which, putting public opinion at defiance, has catered to the interests of the criminal class. The worst feature of this whole business has been the attempted combi- nation of all citizens of foreign birth and the criminal class in open and direct antagonism to the general public. This combination has possession of the city and county governments, and Mr. Hesing,


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placing himself at its head, sought to make the domination perpet- ual and himself dictator." The Republicans elected their ticket by about 4,000 majority. The vote in Chicago was the largest ever cast in the city. Huck, Republican, received 25,237 ; Hesing, Oppo- sition, 23,063 ; Keeley, Independent, 7,288; total vote cast for county treasurer in Chicago, 55,588. The Opposition was a coalition of the Irish and Germans who were bent on plunder and spoils.


The election of city officers in the spring of 1876 was considered important. Both parties decided to control the City Council. On the other hand the ring which had managed it for years did not propose to permit either of the old parties to remove them from their scene of plunder and power. Complete town tickets were put out by all parties in April. At town elections in the spring of 1876 there was cast a larger vote than ever before in the history of the county. Desperate attempts to stuff ballot boxes and otherwise per- petrate fraud were made at the polls by the bummer element. The election was so critical and so important that the best citizens of both parties joined hands to defeat the old wolves, rings and gangs. The outrages committed by the ringsters in the First and Second wards of the South division roused the people of the city. This was done under the eyes of the mayor and the city marshal. Sev- eral of the old gang succeeded in electing themselves to office for another year, to the disgust of honest Democrats and Republicans. They triumphed by reason of the most infamous frauds at the polls. Ballot boxes were stuffed, and honest voters were prevented from casting their ballot. On April 6, 1876, the Republicans nominated Clark Lipe for city treasurer and Caspar Butz for city clerk.


The Democratic convention was held at McCormick hall on April 8. M. W. Fuller was chairman. The convention nominated Clin- ton Briggs for city treasurer and Hans Haerting for city clerk. It is notable that the Republican and Democratic conventions passed resolutions condemning in the strongest terms ballot box frauds and demanding from the citizens of the county an honest vote.


The friends of Harvey D. Colvin made desperate efforts to re- elect him mayor, but the Democrats and Republicans alike who were honest determined otherwise. Mr. Colvin pretended to be a Demo- crat, but was supported by the worst element of all parties. The Democratic city convention and the Republican city convention re- pudiated Mr. Colvin and his hungry and unprincipled crowd. A mass meeting of Democrats and Republicans was called to meet at the Exposition building on April 11, and the newspapers of both parties suggested that Thomas Hoyne should be nominated for mayor on that occasion. Mayor Colvin, however, was resolved to hold over another year. The Tribune said, "The next step to con- sider is how the people shall proceed so as to rid the city of Colvin's official presence and at the same time keep within the law. This is one of the questions to be decided by the mass meeting called for


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HISTORY OF COOK COUNTY


Tuesday evening at the Exposition building. There will be 20,000 people at the meeting. There will be but a single sentiment, the time having passed for calling an election for mayor as required by the present charter, and the council ring having insolently re- fused to afford a lawful opportunity for the expression of the popu- lar will, there seems to be authority provided by the charter for holding the election. The ring judges in some precincts may possi- bly refuse to count the votes for mayor." The mass meeting of April 11 was declared to have been attended by 40,000 citizens. It was one of the most notable gatherings ever held in Chicago. It was a spontaneous, courageous and effective movement against the outrageous administration of Mayor' Colvin and against all ring rule and gang methods and fraudulent practices of every descrip- tion. The meeting was called to order by Elliott Anthony. John Wentworth was chosen chairman. He ddelivered a strong speech explaining the object of the meeting and calling upon the citizens to redeem themselves from the rule of the plunderers. The commit- tee on resolutions reported a series of the most stirring appeals ever made here in time of peace. The resolutions did not mince terms, but called robbers and plunderers by their right names. . Thomas Hoyne, who was previously selected as the nominee for mayor, was called out and delivered a strong speech in favor of reform. Elliott Anthony also addressed the meeting. Thomas A. Moran, Leonard Swett, Arthur Mitchell, Mark Sheridan, Colonel Van Arman, Rob- ert Collier, Judge Otis and many others delivered speeches either at this meeting or at one of the many branch gatherings held on this memorable occasion. The Tribune said editorially: "In point of numbers it far exceeded any assemblage ever witnessed in the West. The monstrous hall when the meeting organized contained not less than 25,000 persons. Though there were two stands, one at each end, a large part of the multitude could not hear and retired; still for two hours there was a constant stream of persons entering the hall taking the places of those passing out. It is safe to say that during the evening 40,000 persons, almost without exception voters, attended the meeting." The assemblage demanded the resignation of four objectionable members of the City Board. A committee was appointed to demand of Mayor Colvin his resignation. The meeting designated Thomas Hoyne to be voted for at the Tuesday election for mayor. Another committee was appointed to demand of the Common Council the appointment of honest election officers. Four men who it was declared had usurped town offices were re- quested to resign. Under pressure the Common Council partially revised the list of election judges. The Democrats and Republicans both nominated Thomas Hoyne for mayor, but kept intact the re- mainder of their tickets. Mr. Hoyne was elected mayor by almost a unanimous vote. Clinton Briggs, Democrat, was elected city treas- urer, but the other offices of the city were filled by the Republicans.


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B. G. Caulfield was elected to Congress by a majority of 408; C. H. Harrison by a majority of 8; C. B. Farwell by a majority of 186. The election was a surprise to everybody. Old party lines to a large extent were obliterated. The Republicans in Cook county unquestionably suffered more than they ever had at any previous election.


At the November election, 1876, three senators, two representa- tives from each of the seven districts, state's attorney, clerk of the Circuit court, recorder, sheriff, coroner, and five county commis- sioners were to be chosen. This ticket was sufficiently important to justify great effort by all parties to elect it. In addition the national campaign furnished unusual excitement and the two combined served to spur the partisan enthusiasm of all citizens. In October, 1876, the Democratic county convention named Egbert Jamieson for state's attorney; Charles Kern, sheriff; Dr. Quirk, coroner; John Comiskey, recorder, and Edward Rummel, clerk of the Circuit court, etc. This list of nominees was severely criticised by Repub- lican newspapers. Nearly every one had made enemies, was more or less unpopular, and not a few of them had bad records as public officials. The Republican county convention nominated John H. Clough for sheriff; Luther Laflin Mills, state's attorney; Jacob Gross, clerk of the Circuit court ; Emil Dietsch, coroner ; Capt. J. W. Brockway, recorder, and named candidates for other offices. The men, as a whole, nominated by the Republican party were well known, untainted by charges of fraud and presumably honest and incorruptible. The Democrats divided their ticket almost equally between the Irish and the Germans, with two positions given to native Americans. The Republican convention gave the Germans a Congressman, the coroner, and clerk of the Circuit court. The Scandinavians were represented on the ticket, but Americans pre- dominated.


For many years the citizens of cook county had been dissatisfied with the County Board. It was too often controlled by dishonest men, an immense debt had been created when it was thought wholly unnecessary, and it had vast power over the destiny and property of the whole county. Hence it was rightfully concluded in the fall of 1876 that a great effort to secure honest men for that body should be made. It was conceded that the existing board was ruled by a majority that was corrupt and that sought the position in order to make money through graft, presumably. As the new courthouse was in process of erection, honest men should dominate the County Board, it was argued. The candidates for both parties of the Legis- lature were about equal in point of merit and honesty.


That the Democrats were in earnest in their efforts to secure good and incorruptible men was shown by their selection of a com- mittee of 100 citizens of Chicago, whose duty it was to purify the Democratic nominations for the Legislature and for county com-


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missioners. The Democrats themselves admitted that their Legis- lative ticket was inferior if not worse. The Republicans also ad- mitted that their Legislative ticket could be improved. Both par- ties made concessions to the disreputable element. Thus on the face of the returns both parties trifled with the public welfare by nomi- nating inferior men. It was urged that the Republicans likewise should appoint a large committee to purify its ticket and present Chicago with a body of officials fit to be voted for. They did so.


On October 21, 1876, an immense meeting of the Republicans at the Exposition building was addressed by Col. Robert G. Ingersoll in his usual eloquent and brilliant style. The Tribune stated that at least 50,000 people were packed in the Exposition building and that this was the second time the building was filled. Frank Lumbard's famous Glee club furnished the music. They sang "Old Shady" and "The Battle Hymn of the Republic" with splendid effect. Andrew Shuman introduced Mr. Ingersoll. As the distinguished orator arose to address the vast audience he was greeted with tumultuous applause that lasted for ten minutes. Frequently he attempted to speak, but was interrupted by the applause which burst forth again and again. His speech was audacious, argumentative, logical, picturesque and higly ornate. He held the vast audience entranced for an hour and a half. His speech was published in full in the newspapers and used as a campaign document during the rest of the season.


On October 17, 1876, Gen. Benjamin Harrison of Indiana ad- dressed a large audience at Farwell hall. His fame had preceded him and one of the most enthusiastic assemblages of the campaign listened to his ringing words. On the platform were John Went- worth, Elliot Anthony, James P. Root, and George P. Bogue. In point of logic, patriotism and wisdom this speech was not surpassed in this city during the campaign. It was published in full by the newspapers.


The Democratic legislative nominations were given to the Bum- mer element as it was then called, to repay them and win their as- sistance and cooperation. When the committee of 100 was appoint- ed to cleanse this ticket, the action immediately encountered opposi- tion from the faction represented by those men. Very little change was made, because any alteration meant the withdrawal of that element from the Democratic ranks. The Democratic nominee for Congress, Mr. Hoxie, was not the mental or moral equal of Mr. Aldrich, the Republican candidate.


On October 28, 1876 James G. Blaine addressed an immense au- dience at the Exposition building. The audience was not so large as the one which listened to Mr. Ingersoll. It was estimated that 25,000 people were present. He delivered a masterful address two hours in length.


During October, 1876, Mr. Hendricks of Indiana, the Vice- Presidential nominee, appeared before an immense Chicago audience.


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As many turned out to hear him as went to hear Mr. Blaine. His speech was the best delivered here in the cause of Democracy during the fall.


The vote for state's attorney in April, 1876, was as follows : Tuthill (Republican), 27,348; Adams (Democrat), 23,003. The Greenbackers organized and had a partial ticket in the field, but generally split and usually joined the Democracy for a concession.


At the presidential election on November 7, 1876, the Tilden electors received in Cook county a total of 39,302 votes. The Hayes electors received a total of 36,898 votes. The vote for governor was as follows: Steward, Democratic, 38,178; Cullom, Republican, 37,977. For state's attorney Jamieson received 35,914 and Mills 40.124. For sheriff Kern received 40,832 and Clough 35,099. At this election the following townships cast a majority of votes for the Tilden electors: Lake, Lemont, Niles, Norwood Park and Palos. All the other country towns of the county cast a majority of the Hayes electors.


The result of the election was nearly a clean sweep for the Dem- ocrats. The Republicans accordingly were shrouded in gloom. At first it was reported that the Republican national ticket was lost. The next papers contained hope, and subsequent issues gradually brightened the situation. Then there was the long wait before the result was finally announced. The Tribune of November 12, 1876, said, "Since Grant's campaign of the Wilderness there has not been experienced here a week of such excitement as that through which we have just passed. The vote in the city was the largest ever polled. When news was received of the loss of New York, Hayes' stock fell flat and the Democrats exulted in their triumph."




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