USA > Illinois > Cook County > History of Cook County, Illinois : being a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits : from the earliest settlement to the present time, volume II > Part 57
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The Tribune of December 4, 1876, said, "The Board of County Commissioners is no longer worthy to be dignified by that title. It has come to be simply an organized ring for plunder and has grown so bold that it hesitates at no outrage which is regarded as an auxiliary to its mercenary purposes."
On April 2, 1877, Abner Taylor, candidate for mayor, withdrew from the race. He said, "The first public act leading to a nomina- tion is what is known in modern politics as a primary. These meet- ings .the business element as a whole do not attend. The worst politicians, the idle and criminal classes, all do so, the leaders of tens, twenties, and fifties bring along and deliver their followers for pay, and thus many of the delegates to the conventions are chosen. In theory, Republican primaries are attended by Republicans and Democratic primaries by Democrats, but as a matter of fact the dan- gerous classes double up and attend both primaries and get twice paid. The delegate ticket thus chosen is largely bad and when the conventions are held there are many dangerous and notoriously bad characters thus in conspicuous places. After the nominations are made the better class of voters adhere to their politics in order to maintain a standing and influence with the leaders."
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The city taxes prior to the election of Mayor Heath and the ex- isting city government were about $6,000,000 per year. During his term Mayor Heath and his council introduced retrenchment so as to bring down taxes by 1877 to $4,000,000 a year. In other words, Mayor Heath's administration saved taxpayers $2,000,000 annually. Accordingly the Republicans renominated Mayor Heath and also nominated a list of aldermen who were pledged to support his retrenchment policies. The reëlection of Mayor Heath was de- clared to be much more desirable than the election of Mr. Smith, and it was equally important and desirable that the City Council should be able to act with the mayor. Therefore, Democrats and Republicans were urged to unite and make a clean sweep of the municipal ticket. The Republicans nominated Monroe Heath for mayor; C. R. Larrabee, city treasurer; R. S. Tuthill, city attorney, and Caspar Butz, city clerk. The Democrats nominated for these offices in the order named, Perry H. Smith, Clinton Briggs, William J. Hynes and Rudolph Rhubaum. The Municipal Reform club was active in investigating the character of candidates and in making recommendations to the voters. Aldermen from all the wards were to be elected. Sidney Smith in a speech just before this election said that, "The April election, 1877, is more important to the tax- payers of Chicago than was the election for President last fall." The Chicago Times said, "Of the eighteen aldermen nominated by the Democrats there is but one who is a respectable man and fit to be trusted with the responsibility of serving in the council."
At the election in April, 1877, the Republicans made a clean sweep of all the municipal offices, electing Mayor Heath by a major- ity of about 12,000. The majority in the council was Republican, and in minor offices the Republicans gained considerably. In every precinct of the city, according to newspapers, repeaters were in evi- dence. There being no registry, they were unusually bold. The newspapers contained the names of a score of more of men who were caught in the act of repeating. How many more were guilty was problematical, but must have been very large. As a matter of fact the Democrats suffered severely at the spring election, 1877, not only in the aldermanic contests, but also in the town elections. The town meetings in the South, West and North divisions were controlled by business men and taxpayers, with the result that better officers in these towns were elected than probably ever before. The system of retrenchment adopted by the Heath administration re- ceived the approval of the people at the ballot box. At this time there was pending in the Legislature the Robinson bill, which pro- posed to legislate the present corrupt Board of Cook County Com- missioners out of existence and authorize the people to choose an entire new board. It was recommended that this bill should be pushed through the Legislature at once. Eighteen aldermen were elected. It was stated that twenty-nine or thirty aldermen were
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reputable men and might be depended upon to preserve the interests of the city.
In June, 1877, the grand jury returned fourteen indictments, among which were those against Periolat, Kimberly, O'Donnell, Sweetzer, Johnson, McCaffrey, Carroll, Carpenter, Forsyth, Hins- dale, Mehlick and Walker. They were charged with crimes all the way from conspiracy to perjury.
The election of November, 1877, was important because a new Board of Commissioners was to be chosen to take the place of the rascals who had been turned out. Both parties nominated full tick- ets, but in no instance was proper care taken to secure the best men; partisans put through slated tickets with the usual result. The importance of the election was realized when it was known that the board for the coming year would have the expenditure of an im- mense sum of money, and that the people would be asked to vote $500,000 nominally for courthouse bonds, but really for extras and other ulterior purposes. It was shown by the grand jury investiga- tion that the Board of Commissioners for years had made a corrupt alliance with contracting parties whereby the county was robbed and its poor dependents were deprived of food, clothing and medi- cine paid for by the county. The stolen amounts were used by the ring in the County Board. The facts showed that seven hold-over members of the new County Board were members of the old ring, and that they numbered only one short of a majority to rule. As five new commissioners were to be elected it was necessary that all of them should be upright and honest or the same deplorable and desperate condition of affairs would again be experienced. For the past three years there had been an almost perpetual scandal growing out of the rapacious proceedings of the County Board. Law suits, injunctions, trials, perjury, fraud, indictments, con- tracts, claims, salaries, treble the number of officers, excessive taxa- tion, immense floating debt, public credit nearly gone, were the topics repeated over and over again by the newspapers and orators until people were sick of the terms and the corruption. Every ne- cessity for reform was manifested. The office of county clerk was declared by the press to be a nest of corruption. The election was announced to mean the continuation or the downfall of the county ring. The same reform was now demanded in the county adminis- tration that was accomplished eighteen months before in the city government. The newspapers branded the men who stayed away from the polls enemies of the public welfare. There was every indi- cation that ballot-box stuffing would be practiced and every trick worked upon the people by the unscrupulous ring to secure a new lease of power.
There were to be elected at this date a county treasurer, clerk, judges of the Superior, Circuit and Probate courts, clerk of the Criminal court and five county commissioners. The result of the
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election was the complete success of the Republican ticket. This was taken to mean the deathblow of ring rule in the County Board. The county ring received a deathblow. The Greenbackers and the workingmen were strongly represented during this campaign. There were really four tickets in the field : Republican, Democratic, Green- backer and Communist. The latter made a better showing than was expected. . The Republican majority on the various candidates varied from three to nine thousand. The bond issue was defeated.
The Tribune said : "Thus after a long season of notorious official plunder and robbery, bad municipal government, city and county were rescued from the hands of public enemies. That it cost this fierce struggle to accomplish the change is another proof of the tenacity with which official robbers hold on to office of which they get possession. . It cost two years of desperate struggle to get rid of the Colvin administration. The indifference of so many business men to the power of caucuses strengthened all kinds of corruption in office." The main surprising feature of the local election was that the Communist ticket polled between 6,000 and 7,000 votes in the city. As election day approached it seemed to be forgotten that . there was any such ticket in the field. Newspapers paid no attention whatever to it. The campaign committees ignored it. It was gener- ally supposed that all the strength of the workingmen's movement had been squelched by the Democrats. The result was due to a union of the Industrials with the Communists on general principles and not in details. The convention was held under the name of the Industrials. Finally this faction cemented with the Communist ticket. The vote of the Communists was confined largely to the Fifth, Sixth and Seventh wards where the Irish and Bohemians resided; also to the Fourteenth, Fifteenth and Sixteenth wards where the Germans and Scandinavians dwelt. The total vote cast in Cook county at this election was 57,584. On the question of a state house appropriation tax the vote was as follows: For the appropriation, 12,779; against the appropriation, 44,805.
In the spring of 1878 many disreputables were named for places in the City Council. Never were more stringent and earnest efforts made to get rid of them than at that election. In all of the down town wards the clans and cohorts of the vicious element marshaled their forces and fought desperately for the success of scheming candidates. They depended to a large extent upon the apathy of honest voters. They hoped that upright men, disgusted with their mud-slinging tactics, would permit elections to go by default, and to some extent their judgment was right. However, there never was a more earnest effort made to weed out bad men than on this occasion. Speakers and newspapers urged in glowing terms that citizens should vote for honest men regardless of party affiliations. But the wolves and rascals of every hue were active and vigorous, particularly in the First and Second wards. They did not hesitate
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to name for the council men of known dishonesty. The same was true of the town tickets. The South side Nationals largely joined the Democrats. There was much trading of candidates. One fac- tion, upon consideration of having their candidate supported, prom- ised support to the candidate of another faction. Perhaps more than ever before was this practice indulged at this election. As a whole it was an active, vindictive and aggressive campaign, full of disgusting personalities and squabbles and replete with lurid tales of factional differences patched into respectable shape. It should be said to the credit of the newspapers that they advocatcd the elec- tion of the best men regardless of party considerations. The action of Commissioner Senne of the County Board in an endeavor to re- duce county expenses was taken into politics and its wisdom was thoroughly discussed. The question of a new issue of city scrip was a political subject at this election.
The result of the April election, 1878, was a disappointment to the better element of citizens regardless of party. When the smoke cleared away it was found that scalawag aldermen, disreputable assessors and unscrupulous supervisors were chosen, owing mainly to the apathy and lukewarmness of the voters. The vicious ele- ment showed greater energy and deliberation than ever before and succeeded. The Socialist ticket was well supported. That body had drawn largely from the old parties during the last few years until now a comparatively strong showing was made. It was at this time that their candidates adopted more than ever before the tactics of addressing large crowds of working people on the streets. The ringsters did not hesitate to use large sums of money to cor- rupt voters and the ballot box.
In the South, West and North towns and in Hyde Park prac- tically the same conditions prevailed. As a whole, the election was quiet and the vote comparatively small. The contests were almost wholly local because there were no general city offices to be filled. Four tickets were in the field, Republican, Democrat, National and Socialist. There were several independent candidates for alderman and the Nationals and Democrats generally united. In the South town the Republicans elected their ticket with one exception. In the West town the Democrats elected all of their candidates, and in the North town two Republicans were elected and all the others were Democratic. The Socialists were jubilant over their election of one candidate and their further success in nearly electing two more. The Greenbackers elected a few town officers and polled a creditable vote in the South and West divisions.
In April, 1878, it was acknowledged that the Communists had a strong organization in Chicago-one that embraced from 7,000 to 8,000 men. They openly advocated a division of property and the overthrow of the competitive system of labor. Their object was to unite the laboring class against the capitalistic class. It was known
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that they were regularly drilled in what they called circles, and fur- ther that they were armed. It was recognized that Socialism and Communism were practically the same, so far as that element in Chicago was concerned. Parsons, Schilling and McAuliff were the leading Socialists. Prominent members of that organization admit- ted that the movement was a general war against property.
In October, 1878, the people were asked to vote bonds to the amount of $750,000 to assist the County Board out of its difficulties. Generally, the newspapers opposed this step. They declared that it meant an indorsement of the outrageous extravagance of the county administration. All parties during October made unusually strong efforts to elect their candidates. The Greenback party was strong, aggressive and enthusiastic. They met, organized and final- ly ratified the Democratic nominations with few exceptions. The election of commissioners a year before had not proved all that was hoped. Ring methods still ruled the County Board. It was there- fore urged with great persistence and vehemence that the county government should be purged and purified. The city government had been thoroughly overhauled and improved and was at this date fairly creditable. Now it was urged the attention of the citizens should be directed to the complete renovation of the County Board. The newspapers unhesitatingly called the County Board an unscru- pulous gang of tax devourers. Cook county was urged to do its duty in selecting clean, able and honest men for the national Legis- lature. Members of the Legislature, upon whom would devolve the election of the next United States senator, were held up to public inspection. The office of sheriff was involved in this contest and five new commissioners were to be elected. Both of the old parties were too nearly being dominated by the irresponsible not to say vicious element within their ranks. The parties in strength being nearly equal resorted to various tactics more or less unscrupulous to secure the support of irresponsible and disorganized factions, and doing so were compelled to grant them political favors. It was well known that for years the irresponsible element of both parties had in a large measure dictated the selection of candidates for Congress, the Legislature and the city and county governments. Particularly was Sheriff Kern denounced for his cooperation with irresponsible and vicious elements. His defeat was urged upon the people. He would receive every vote dug from the slums and the pest houses of crime, vagrancy, pauperism, drunkenness and vice.
The campaign of October, 1878, was bitter, personal and relent- less. The enemies of honest government concerted in a desperate attempt to secure prizes at the polls. Every concession, whether fair or unfair, that would secure the cooperation of the vicious classes was adopted by all party organizations. Partisan newspapers supported with great acclamation and gusto the nominees of their parties regardless of their personal unfitness and bad records. The
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Communists were particularly active, vigilant, insinuating, bold, de- ceptive and wide-awake. Every indication showed contemplated repeating and ballot-box stuffing on election day. Accordingly the honest factions of both parties, while winking at their own short- comings, denounced in unsparing terms the conduct of other fac- tions not in accordance with their views. The Greenbackers made a considerable showing, but in a large measure were absorbed by the other parties, to whom were offered plums of considerable value. The newspapers tore to tatters the ambitions and hopes of irrespon- sible candidates and exhibited in lurid colors their dishonest preten- sions. The work of political clubs was particularly noteworthy at this time. Every ward had its Democratic, Republican or other club. Sundays, when the laboring element was idle, were devoted near the close of the campaign almost wholly to political purposes. The Socialists on that day gained more than any other party. There was a Temperance ticket. It seems to have been an attempt to divide the strength of the Republican party.
The success of the election November, 1878, was generally with the Republican party. They elected the sheriff, coroner, two county commissioners and three congressmen by ample majorities. They likewise made a creditable showing on the state ticket. The citizens voted for the issue of $750,000 worth of bonds despite the recom- mendations of Republican leaders and the press. Aldrich, Davis, and Barber, Republicans, were elected to Congress. Hoffman was elected sheriff by about 4,000 majority. The Greenback vote was comparatively small. The Socialists made a better showing, elect- ing several of their candidates. The greatest sufferers were the Democrats, although they succeeded in electing several of their most prominent candidates. It is probable that never before in the history of Chicago politics did any newspaper here descend to such depths of abuse, misrepresentation, vilification and calumny as did the Times in its attack on John Hoffman, Republican candidate for sheriff. The Tribune was equally severe in its attack upon Mr. Kern, the ruling sheriff. The mistake made by the Democrats at this election, and the principal reason for their overwhelming de- feat, was in nominating objectionable men for office.
An important political question in April, 1879, was the election of satisfactory town tickets. A desperate fight to secure good al- dermen was made in March. All parties and all factions of parties carried on spirited, vindictive and memorable campaigns. In every ward activity in political affairs took the place of nearly all other important events. The Republican newspapers demanded the de- feat of Carter H. Harrison for mayor. His record in Congress was thoroughly analyzed and held up for inspection. He was popular with all classes, even with the Republicans, although generally he was denounced by the Republican press. The Democrats enthusi- astically supported him, and in the end many Republicans voted for
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him. A. M. Wright was the Republican candidate for mayor. All parties, through their vicious factions, practiced more or less fraud at the polls. Repeating was a common pastime of the disreputables of all parties. The Republican press declared the election of Mr. Harrison to the mayoralty meant that the old Colvin gang of thieves and disreputables would again rule the city government. The Dem- ocrats pointed with pride to Mr. Harrison's conduct in Congress and to the administration of city and county affairs here.
The election of April, 1879, was a complete Democratic triumph. It was a rebuke to the Republicans for being too partisan and for having named a number of undesirables for office. The entire city government passed under the control of the Democrats. The Dem- ocratic majority was approximately 5,000. The Republicans were faulty and unconcerned, while their vigilant and aggressive enemy lost no opportunity to influence every faction to assist them. The heavy Socialistic vote was lost to the Republicans. Particularly did the Democrats gain in the Irish wards. The Republicans won in the South town, but the Democrats won in the North and West di- visions. As a matter of fact, the popularity of Mr. Harrison occa- sioned in a large measure the success of the entire Democratic ticket. Mr. Harrison was elected mayor; William Seipp, treasurer ; J. S. Grinnell, city attorney; and P. J. Howard, city clerk. Mr. Harrison received 25,401; Mr. Wright, 20,060; and Mr. Schmidt, Socialist, 11,818. The immense Socialist vote astonished every- body. The Republicans elected nine aldermen, the Democrats six, and the Socialists five. The day was unusually quiet, but there was considerable trading and wire pulling all day at the polls. The Democrats held a great jubilation over their success when the results were known. The Socialists were elated, because they had been permitted to carry measures without interruption or interference during the campaign. The vote in Lake was the largest ever polled, being 2,665. The Citizens' ticket, as the Democratic ticket was called, was elected by a large majority. It was particularly noted that there was an immense falling off in the vote of the Republican wards and a large increase in the majority of the Democratic wards. The question of how the City Council would be organized became at once important. The Lawler-Tuley coalition was all-powerful, it was thought. The design of this coalition was to control the ap- pointment of council committees, but Mr. Harrison had something to say on that question. The advent of Mr. Harrison and his party meant numerous changes, and consequently the clamor for office among the Democrats was widespread and persistent.
The election of judges in June was considered an important event. The Democratic candidates for the Circuit bench were Rodgers, McAllister, Moran, Burnam and Tuley, and for the Supreme bench Judge Dickey. The Republicans nominated for judges Williams, Booth, Reed, Rosenthal and Buell. Thomas Dent was nominated
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for judge of the Supreme court. The Democrats elected their ju- dicial ticket by a considerable majority. For the Supreme court Dickey's majority over Dent's was 7,884. The Communists voted with the Democrats. The excellence of the Democratic nominees was the occasion of their success.
In the fall of 1879 both old parties worked with the object of securing such a victory as would make an impression on the Presi- dential campaign of 1880. Carter H. Harrison, assisted by Judge Trumbull, led the hosts of Democracy and in a stirring campaign demanded of the people the success of his party at the polls. Mr. Harrison further won approval of his management of city affairs since last spring. The Republicans were not the least backward in making the fight along national issues. It was realized that it might have an important bearing upon the national election which way Chicago and Cook county went in the November election of 1879. An interesting contest during the campaign was that of Mr. Adolph Moses against Sidney Smith for the Superior court judgeship. So important was the election considered that the banks and the Board of Trade resolved to close on election day. Many merchants per- mitted their help to leave long enough to vote. A petition signed by hundreds of merchants to this effect was circulated. Carter H. Harrison was a skilful politician and an adroit campaign manager, probably one of the most able, artful and successful politicians in the history of Chicago and Cook county. One of his tricks to gain support and popularity was to pay off policemen, firemen, etc., in gold coin a few days previous to election day. On this occasion North and West Chicago were called upon to vote on the question of consolidating the three park towns of South,. North and West Chicago under one set of officers.
At this election the county was required to vote on the question of refunding county bonds to the amount of $1,150,000 bearing 7 per cent with a new issue of 5 per cent bonds. It was recommended by the parties that this measure should be carried. Carter H. Harri- son was criticized sharply for his arrogant control of city affairs, for his numerous small mistakes, and for the snubs and insults he had given respectable men in public affairs. He intimated to the police, fire and other departments that they would be expected to vote and work for the Democratic party. Mr. Harrison at this election was the most imposing figure before the people of the city. Both parties, while guilty of questionable methods themselves, took extraordinary means to prevent fraud by the other party. Stuffing ballot boxes, false registration, voting on fictitious names, repeating and swearing in illegal votes were the means practiced by all parties to win success.
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