USA > Illinois > Cook County > History of Cook County, Illinois : being a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits : from the earliest settlement to the present time, volume II > Part 60
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People at this time had great confidence in the Committee on Pub- lic Safety. It was a non-partisan body composed of leading Democrats, Republicans and others and was established for the pur- pose of securing purity at elections and honest men for local gov- ernment. It particularly desired to prevent fraud at the polls and to punish persons guilty of that serious offense. This committee was thought necessary owing to the disgraceful conditions permitted un- der the Harrison administration. Its weakness was shown by the ring that ruled Chicago in spite of its utmost efforts. An important feature of the campaign were the open letters signed by leading citizens and addressed to the voters beseeching them to improve the city administration. The Republican ticket was as follows: For mayor, Sidney Smith; treasurer, John F. Finerty; city clerk, C. Herman Plautz; city attorney, Hempstead Washburne, and eighteen aldermen.
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The election gave Mr. Harrison a majority of 375 votes. In the spring of 1883 his majority was 10,223 and in the fall of 1884 4,655. The vote now was so close that the Republicans prepared to contest the election. These results show how close was the contest and how narrowly the city government which had ruled for six years with a rod of iron came to being totally extinguished. The Republicans swept the West town by a majority of from 1,500 to 1,700 and the South town by a majority of from 137 to 1,785. The Democrats elected their North town ticket by a majority ranging from 255 to 1,628. The election was followed by serious charges of ballot-box stuffing. The committee on public safety prepared to make a thor- ough examination. It was stated in the newspapers that $25,000 was promptly subscribed to enable the committee to make a thorough investigation of the charges of ballot-box stuffing. The official can- vass of votes announced about the first of June, 1885, gave Harri- son a majority of 375 over Smith; Devine, a majority of 1,541 over Finerty; Plautz, a majority of 190 over Neumeister, and Washı- burne a majority of 1,986 over Ellert.
On the first of June the citizens voted nearly two to one against the issue of $1,000,000 in county bonds. In October, 1885, the Republicans nominated Garnett and Magruder candidates for the bench. The judicial election resulted in favor of the Democrats. At this election was submitted to the people the question of a new city election law. Generally the Republicans favored the law.
Both parties demanded the election of honest commissioners at the approaching November election, 1885. That was the all-important object of this election. Serious fault with the County Board was found. Its proceedings were characterized by the newspapers as fraudulent and dishonest. Both of the old party county committees prepared to conduct the campaign vigorously late in October, 1885. Reform was demanded by both parties and it was a matter of doubt which was strongest in such demand. The discovery of frauds in previous elections and the extravagance and corruption of the city and county administrations appealed to the better element of all parties and occasioned a general demand for improvement and re- form. The Democratic managers themselves determined to retire four of their county commissioners-Ochs, Wasserman, McCarthy and Leach. In their place four better men it was believed were nom- inated. There were also to be chosen at this election a Supreme court judge. The Democratic county convention refused to indorse the proposed new election law. The gang particularly were venom- ous concerning the law. It meant too great an interference with their methods of conducting elections. The Republican county con- vention, before this date, by unanimous vote had declared belief in the election of Judge Smith to the mayoralty of Chicago. The Dem- ocratic convention had paid no attention to the resolutions of the Republican convention, nor did it assert in counter resolutions opin- Vol. II-35.
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ion in the lawful election of Mr. Harrison. At this date eight mem- bers of the County Board were Democrats and the remainder Repub- licans. Accordingly both parties made strenuous efforts-the Demo- crats to keep control and the Republicans to win it. Both parties nominated good men as a whole. This was demanded by the citi- zens in terms that could not be misunderstood. The Republicans made the strongest fight in their history to sustain the new election law. They urged by circulars, speakers and through the press the importance of alterations in the old methods.
The result of the election of November 3, 1885, was the adoption of the new city election law by an overwhelming majority. Unques- tionably thousands of Democrats of the better class voted for the law and no doubt many ringsters among the Republicans voted against it. It really was a question of the ring against the honest people, and the latter won. Before this election the County Board consisted of eight Democrats and seven Republicans. The Republicans now won a majority of the county commissioners, and therefore had a majority of that body. Thus, as a whole, the election was a Repub- lican success because they won the election law, elected Judge Gar- nett, and reversed the majority on the County Board.
The total vote for the city election law was 32,129 and the total against it, 14,628. Hynes, Democratic candidate for judge, was defeated. The town of Lake at this election adopted the new elec- tion law. The Englewood Citizens' association contributed largely to this result.
The important consideration in the spring of 1886 was the elec- tions in the three towns. Strong candidates were nominated by both the old parties. It was believed that the nominees were better men than had been named for many years. The aldermanic nominations for the city of Chicago were not so good. Both parties named ob- jectionable men. Accordingly it was a question with honest voters how to scratch the tickets in order to accomplish the best results. As usual, every artifice known to modern politics was adopted by the partisans to achieve success. Under the new election law many im- provements had been made. Polling places were removed from the doggeries. Honest clerks and judges composed of representatives of both parties were appointed. New hours were chosen so that the voting could be done in daylight. Effective provisions to prevent stealing or tampering with ballot boxes were taken. This rendered it certain that with proper vigilance and care from the best citizens, regardless of party, the result would be the selection of honest men for the new City Council. The newspapers of all parties pleaded with the citizens to cleanse the city government at this election.
The complete registration as announced on election morning, April 6, was 81,602. The new election law, it was announced, had been drawn up by skillful Republican and Democratic lawyers and had received the sanction of the Supreme court. This made the
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law absolutely operative, so that all good citizens were now asked to act under its provisions and elect the right men. Rarely ever was a stronger appeal made to the citizens by the press and leaders of all parties than at this election. The demand was for purity in the government of Chicago.
The result in the South, West and North towns was the election by the Republicans of ten out of twelve candidates for office. In' Hyde Park the Citizens' Independent ticket was successful over the regular Republican ticket. In Lake the anti-administration ticket was successful. The old Second and Ninth wards, so long controlled by the gang, were swept by the Republicans. Twelve Republican, five Democratic, and one Independent aldermen were elected. It was hoped, though not certain, that this meant an improvement in the City Council. The new council consisted of twenty-five Repub- licans, ten Democrats and one Independent. The better class of Democrats were as pleased over the results as were the better class of Republicans. All believed it to be a victory for honest city gov- ernment, purity in politics and the control or suppression of vice.
Over two-thirds of the successful candidates were Republicans. The new election law was tested and vindicated. It was by far the best and cleanest election ever held in the city. . This was true de- spite the fact that there was every inducement for the gang to resort to any device to win success. It was noted particularly how the new law expedited the election. Everything was conducted like clock work and there was no confusion or crowding in line at the polls.
In October, 1886, the undoubted, manifest and colossal stealing by the County Board ring was admitted and deplored. The news- papers denounced the county ring in the most open and scathing terms. The city ring, they declared, never was worse than the ex- isting county boodlers' ring. This was the strongest feature of the fall campaign of 1886-to get rid of the gang or ring on the County Board. The newspapers and associations repeatedly named the ras- cals, pointed out their criminal doings, and demanded a change. The Union Labor people nominated a ticket and prepared to contest for the various offices. The Socialists were likewise active and were supposed to be strong at the polls. Carter H. Harrison accepted the Democratic nomination for Congress and accordingly was named for that position. He deemed it unwise to run again for mayor. The "Reds," as the anarchists were called, had for the last year or two exercised considerable power in the county. The Haymarket riot put an end to their preposterous operations and sent several of them to the gallows. This was the period when the cry against capitalism was strongest. The working classes, the discontented everywhere, were arrayed against the capitalistic class and the fac- tory lords, as they were termed. Working people were called "wage slaves," and generally socialism, communism, etc., were merged into anarchy. The dissatisfied elements were in considerable power and
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accordingly the old parties sought their support, even to the extent of making dangerous and humiliating concessions to them.
It was argued by the ablest lawyers in October, 1886, that the General Assembly had full power to oust the entire County Board and to provide for the election of their successors whenever it should be deemed proper to do so. The election of upright county commis- sioners at the coming November election was deemed all important. Again as before, the citizens were appealed to by every influential element to purge the County Board as the City Council had more than once in the past been clarified. At this election the new election law was voted for or against in Hyde Park, Lake View, Cicero and Jefferson. The United Labor ticket was strong. The laboring classes, discontented with the old party treatment, united and named a good ticket. An effort to drag religion into politics was made. The Democratic and Republican press denounced this attempt to blend religion with the dirty politics of Chicago and Cook county. They resolutely opposed this attempt to make religion a test of local or national politics. At this election state candidates, state senators and a full county ticket were voted for. The Republicans nominated Canute R. Matson for sheriff; George R. Davis, treasurer ; Henry Wulff, county clerk, and Albert G. Lane superintendent of schools. There were also to be elected five county commissioners and four congressmen.
The election showed a clean sweep on the county ticket by the Republicans. They also elected the five county commissioners and two of the Superior court judges. The United Labor party showed unexpected strength. They elected Gleason to Congress in the Sec- ond district, but the Republicans elected Dunham, Mason and Adams elsewhere. Judge Prendergast and two other judicial candidates of the Democracy who had the indorsement of the Labor party were elected. The Knights of Labor and Trades Unionists in large num- bers supported the Republican ticket, in the towns particularly. One of the pleasing features of the election to the Republicans was the complete success of their Legislative ticket. The McDonald-Harri- son-Weeks coterie cut an important figure during the campaign, but their efforts resulted in failure. It was charged that the Socialistic ideas and teachings of Karl Marx were largely responsible for the growth here of the Socialistic movement. Their vote was largely German, Polish, Bohemian and Irish. The Socialists at this time were stronger than they had been for seven years when they ran Dr. Schmidt for Mayor and polled a total vote of about 11,500. A total of about 16,000, of which probably not 1,000 were Americans or Americanized foreigners, was polled in the city now by the Labor . party. In the fall of 1885 the Democrats had elected four members of the County Board. Three of them betrayed the men who elected them, leaving the board under the control of Van Pelt and his boodle ringsters. In the fall of 1886 the Democratic nominees for county
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commissioners were good men, but the party was feared by the citizens. It was believed that Democrats elected would be influenced by the old Democratic ringsters there on the board. This probably led to the election of the entire Republican commissioners' ticket in November, 1886. It was a movement to reform that board regard- less of partisan considerations. The leading man elected was J. Frank Aldrich, from the Hyde Park district, who became president of the new Board. Van Pelt, Lynn, Neisen, Leyden and Hannigan were voted out of the County Board. The new election law was adopted by the towns of Lake View, Cicero, Jefferson and Hyde Park.
On March 31, 1887, the grand jury returned indictments against the following county commissioners: George C. Klehm, Chris. Geils, R. S. McCloughrey, Chris. Cassleman, R. M. Oliver, Daniel J. Wren, J. J. McCarthy, F. A. McDonald, and against the following ex-county commissioners : M. R. Leyden, John Hannigan, Adam Ochs, C. J. Lynn, John E. Van Pelt, Michael Wasserman, Patrick McCarthy, and also against W. J. McGarigle, warden of the county hospital; Harry Varnell, warden of the insane asylum; Charles L. Frey, warden of the infirmary; and against fourteen contractors and other business men involved in the frauds of the County Board. The charge in most of the indictments was conspiracy, and nearly all of the commissioners and ex-commissioners were likewise indicted for bribery.
In the spring campaign of 1887 the Democratic committee of fifty was an important feature. Carter H. Harrison had been defeated for Congress in the fall of 1886. This disappointed his ambition and hope and kindled his wrath. In March 1887, he was brought forward again as candidate for the mayoralty, but at the last mo- ment, seeing defeat probably inevitable, owing to the sentiment against him and to the movement for reform, he refused to head the Democratic ticket. The committee of fifty tendered the nomination to him, but he declined to accept.
At this time Mr. Harrison was in favor of the election of the Socialist candidate, Mr. Nelson, to the mayoralty. It was claimed he took this position out of revenge and wounded pride. The Social- ists, believing they had a fair chance of success, did everything in their power to prevent the Democrats from nominating a separate ticket and to induce them to support Nelson for the mayoralty. Un- doubtedly the object of Mr. Harrison, Mr. Rubens and nearly all other Democrat leaders was to throw the Democratic vote to the Socialist ticket, and in order to do so to fail to nominate an inde- pendent ticket. John A. Roche was the Republican candidate for mayor. It was clear that his election would result unless the oppo- sition should unite on some strong man. The Socialist ticket was so strong that Harrison realized the Republican ticket was likely to win in case the Democrats nominated an independent ticket. Ac-
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cordingly, he advocated throwing the entire Democratic vote to the Socialist ticket and thus to defeat the Republicans in the contest. Jonathan P. Taylor, who was a candidate for the mayoralty before the Democratic organization, was rejected by Harry Rubens, mainly at the instigation of Mr. Harrison. It thus came to pass that the real issue of this campaign was between the destructive theories of Socialism on one hand and the American ideas of law, liberty and security on the other. Mr. Nelson represented the former and Mr. Roche the latter. "Now choose your candidate," said the press.
The peculiar conditions of this campaign were almost unparal- leled. The Democrats, by refusing to take any action, left their members to vote either the Socialist ticket, the Republican ticket, or to remain away from the polls. The Republicans, in this emergency, were wise enough to believe that the leading Democrats throughout the city would rather vote for Roche, a Republican, than for Nelson, a Socialist. It was upon this basis that they conducted the cam- paign. During the fall Stephen A. Douglas said, "Carter H. Harri- son has been for eight years the head of the Democratic party in Chicago, has been mayor, chief of police, city clerk and everything else, and has got mad because he can't hold all the offices any longer, and so he is going to turn over his party to the Socialists and then, like Sampson, pull the temple down about him and let them all go to hell together. I am not against Mr. Nelson because he is a molder. I am against him because he is either a knave or an ass. He is going to run this city without police. How can he do it? - Why, since the Garden of Eden was closed for repairs there has never been a time when policemen were not needed." On the same occasion Judge Sidney Smith said, "This is a peculiar campaign. I never witnessed anything like it. I firmly believe there is only one ticket running. Why, it is like a man kicking at an empty bag. The Democratic organization of this city has wholly collapsed. The processes which brought this about are natural enough. The Demo- cratic party has been led to destruction by the most egotistical and most unreliable man of whom I have ever had any knowledge. He has utterly ruined the Democratic party and now wants to hand it over to the party of anarchy and confiscation. He can't do it. The majority of the legal voters of the Democratic party are good, law- abiding citizens. They disagree with us politically, but in all ques- tions of law and order they will stand shoulder to shoulder with the Republicans or any other party which upholds the institutions of the country. Mr. Harrison secured the nomination for mayor, and then discovering the feeling of the people he crawled back into his hole and tried to pull the hole in after him. The gopher, you know, throws up dirt all around the hole when he is in hiding. Mr. Harri- son is throwing dirt around the hole and on everybody and it won't stay. The proper thing to do is to vote the whole Republican ticket from top to bottom, whether Republican or Democrat."
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The gravity of the situation was not lost sight of. People realized after the bomb-throwing at Haymarket square that the disorderly elements were bent on rule or ruin. Anarchy, though down flat, was fighting here under its red flag and its redder purpose. Mr. Harrison made no concealment of his intention to support the So- cialist ticket. It is doubtful if any man ever deserved and received greater denunciation and scarification than did Mr. Harrison during the fall of 1886 and the spring of 1887. Scores of Democrats de- nounced him and openly stated their intention of voting for the Re- publican candidate for mayor. The newspapers published long lists of such Democrats. It was called to the attention of the citizens that the platform of the Socialists, drafted by Thomas Morgan of Hyde Park and adopted by the late convention, announced the fol- lowing doctrines: That all unoccupied lots should be taxed to the full limit; that the municipal government should become the owner of and operate all street railway lines, gas works and mains, electric light plants and telephone lines ; that all railroads should enter the city by one common trunk line. The remarkable fact about this sub- ject is that at a later date Republicans and Democrats alike advo- cated almost every point then supported by the Socialists. Even un- occupied lands, particularly of corporations, are now taxed; and the railroads have a few common depots or stations.
The result of the April election, 1887, was a triumph for the com- bined Republican and Democratic tickets. John A. Roche was elect- ed mayor; R. S. Tuthill, Circuit court judge; C. H. Plautz, city treasurer; Hempstead Washburne, city attorney ; and D. W. Nicker- son, city clerk. Roche's majority over Robert Nelson, the Socialist candidate for mayor, was 27,858. Thirteen Republican, four Dem- ocratic and one Socialist aldermen were elected. The Republicans also elected their town tickets. There was a general vote for the annexation of Lake View, Hyde Park, Jefferson and Lake. The combined Republican and Democratic ticket was called "Law and Order," and the Socialist ticket was called the "United Labor." The result of the aldermanic contest was to give to Mayor Roche an excellent working and honest council.
"Cook county presents a spectacle unique and unprecedented. For the first time in the history of civilization the public affairs of a million people are in the hands of jail birds who refuse to reform or resign. The County Board and the chief administrators appointed by that body are under indictment, and were it not for the right of bail they would today be bchind prison bars. We have hoped for relief from the board itself. Scven of the fifteen have stcadily pulled together for reform and one of the other eight has not been indicted. The indicted boodlers and crooks now feel that they arc masters of the situation, and so they are unless the General Assem- bly comes to the rescue of the plundered people. The thing to do is to ask the Legislature to provide that at the June election an entire
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new board throughout shall be elected. This can be done with but lit- tle expense at the same time the six judges are to be elected. As it now stands the indicted crooks have the drawing of the petit jury to sit upon their own trials. Will the Thirty-fifth General Assembly allow such a mockery of justice?" said the Tribune of April 6. Mayor Roche's majority was 27,348. He received a total of 51,266 and Mr. Nelson 23,918. The Prohibition ticket received nearly 400 votes.
The jury commission bill before the Legislature in May and June, 1887, was wanted by 90 per cent of the people of Cook county irre- spective of party. It was opposed only by the boodlers, by the vi- cious and criminal classes, by those unfaithful to their public trusts, by shyster lawyers and others concerned in jury-fixing and bribery. The result of the June election was the triumph of good government and honest political methods over the combined efforts of dema- gogy, disorder, anarchy and political corruption. The Socialist vote declined heavily. Under the new law the county elected an entirely new County Board throughout of fifteen members. The Republicans nominated fifteen-ten from the city and five from the county, and nominated Henry C. Senne for president of the board. It was declared by the Tribune that this commissioners' ticket was not surpassed by any since the new constitution of 1870 was pro- mulgated. The newspapers congratulated the citizens of the county on the strong tickets for commissioners put up by the Republicans and the Democrats.
On November 8, 1887, the citizens were called upon to vote con- cerning the annexation of several suburbs to Chicago. The people generally favored the annexation. Many within those sections of the county were opposed to it, fearing the influence of city politics and dreading to lose their own political town identities. The majority in Hyde Park for annexation, as shown by the election of Novem- ber 8, 1887, was 721; Central Park, in Cicero, 543; Brighton, in Cicero,703 ; Lake, against annexation, 1,207 ; Jefferson, in favor of. annexation, 408, and Lake View, against annexation, 1,066.
The November election, 1887, was an overwhelming victory for the Republicans. The entire Republican commissioners' ticket was elected. The jury commission law was carried by a small majority. The South, West and North towns voted in favor of the admission of the petitioned territory-Lake View, Lake, Hyde Park and Jef- ferson by substantial majorities. Cicero, Hyde Park, Central Park, Crawford and Section 25 of Jefferson were included in the petition for annexation. The additions were to be attached to the three di- visions of the city where they were located. Hyde Park included Oakland, Forestville, Grand boulevard, Wabash avenue, Hyde Park Center, South Chicago and Irondale, also parts of the Stockyards and Englewood districts. This annexation of Hyde Park extended the boundaries of Chicago to the Indiana state line for the first time.
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