USA > Illinois > Cook County > History of Cook County, Illinois : being a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits : from the earliest settlement to the present time, volume II > Part 58
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The result of the election in November, 1879, was a Republican triumph in both city and county. In the city the Republican ma- jority was about 4,500. W. T. Johnson was elected county treas- urer, Sidney Smith, judge of the Superior court; J. J. Healy, clerk
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of the Superior court; Alexander Wolcott, county surveyor. Four Republican county commissioners were elected. The questions of issuing county bonds and of consolidating the park districts were carried by large majorities. The Republican success was no doubt due largely to the general excellence of the nominations. The whole county went to the Republicans by about 10,000 majority. Smith's majority over Moses' for Superior judge was 11,051 and Johnson's majority over Guerin's (Democrat) for county treasurer was 8,970. For county treasurer Altpeter (Socialist candidate) received a total of 4,065 votes in the county and 3,939 in Chicago. This election was exactly the reverse of that held seven months before. It was notable now that the Socialists were materially checked in their development. Their vote for Schmidt, candidate for mayor in April, 1879, was 11,818. This was taken to mean that the Socialist propaganda had spent its force. The Citizen's League did much good service during this campaign in holding up to public gaze the character, record and general fitness of all candidates. They paid particular attention to the suppression of the liquor interests in polit- ical affairs. On the other hand the Saloon-Keepers' association was alert, active and influential.
At the spring election, 1880, the Socialists made an elaborate ex- hibition. The contention was for aldermen. Both Democrats and Republicans conducted vigorous campaigns. A local newspaper said, "The aldermanic scramble has already become, so to speak, red hot. Persons who were thought to be politically dead years ago have been resurrected and their acts have arisen with them to in- struct, alarm and warn the public. The sublimity of human hardi- hood has been achieved by at least a few of those whose names are infamously gilded by the corruption of other years." The saloon element during this campaign made herculean efforts to win suc- cess. As a matter of fact this election was between the reputables and disreputables. The better class of citizens called for ability and personal integrity, and it must be admitted that the opposing ele- ments were nearly equal in point of strength. In spite of themselves the best element of both the old parties in order to win success were forced into disgraceful and dishonorable compromises with the disreputable element. The Times and other newspapers published the names of from fifteen to twenty alleged bad candidates for the City Council. There were five Republicans, eight Democrats, two Socialists and two Independents who were pronounced bad by the leading papers. The disreputables were sorted and labeled like bad eggs or rotten ears of corn. They were classified as "always relia- ble," "generally reliable," "mixed" and "bad." This gave the citi- zens an opportunity to select the kind of a man they desired for the City Council. There were seven good men who held over and thir- teen men to go out in April. In order to hold the balance of power the citizens were called upon urgently to elect twelve good men. It
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was seen that the Socialists were likely to hold the balance of power during another year. The shameful corruption in the City Coun- cils of the past was held up as a frightful warning of what might be the result of neglect to attend the polls and vote. The newspapers appealed to the people to end what they called the "scalawag dynas- ty." The Gage defalcation of $500,000 and the Van Hollen steal of a large but unknown amount, were pointed to with a finger of warning. The immense and unnecessary increase in the city debt was called repeatedly and vigorously to the attention of the voters. This was called a scrub race, involving no politics and being through- out a scramble for spoils. The result of the election as between the three parties was to give the Republicans a little the advantage. Three alleged bad men were elected, Lawler, Cullerton and Hil- dreth. The Republicans won in the South and West towns and the Democrats in the North town. As a whole, the election was quiet. The twelve men wanted were not elected and the citizens again set- tled down to see their clouds and fancies dissipated in the corruption, graft and dishonor that succeeded their trustful anticipations.
The fight made for the nomination of General Grant for the Pres- idency early in June, 1880, roused the people of Chicago and of the whole country. To begin with, an immense mass meeting, the call for which was signed by hundreds of the most prominent citizens, was called for May 31 as a preliminary to that contest. It was ad- vertised that Conkling, Carpenter, Woodford and Storrs of Chicago would address the meeting. This was called in the interest of Gen- eral Grant. For nearly a week preceding the opening of the nation- al convention committees and delegates were here making their pre- liminary fight. The Grant forces were admirably organized and thoroughly disciplined. On the other hand there was a powerful feeling against General Grant's renomination. An anti-Grant mass meeting was held May 31, on the White Stocking baseball grounds. About 15,000 people were present. Among the speakers were Shu- man, Moore, Hassaurek, MacVeagh, Dittenhoeffer, Hubbard, Hall and Posey. It was alleged that opposition to a third term was in- spired by an Illinois faction in the convention. Blaine, Sherman, Cameron, Edmunds, Windom and Garfield were real or dark-horse candidates before this convention. Hannibal Hamlin was in the city. The convention opened on June 2, in the vast Exposition building, which was crowded to the doors. The hall was appro- priately decorated and presented a brilliant scene when the conven- tion opened. The hammer wielded by the chairman was made from a log in the home of Abraham Lincoln, and the handle from a tree at the home of George Washington. Robert G. Ingersoll was in the city. The first two days were consumed in preliminary work. The chief supporters of General Grant were Conkling, Cameron and Logan. The latter held the solid Illinois delegation for General Grant. Mr. Conkling claimed to have 300 delegates at the start Vol. II-34.
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pledged to General Grant. The Blaine leaders were particularly active and confident. Garfield was neutral, but everybody liked him. William E. Chandler managed Mr. Blaine's fight. After twenty- eight consecutive ballots no result was reached. General Grant led the list, but could not gather enough votes to secure the nomination. Blaine received the second largest number and Sherman the third. The first vote for Mr. Garfield came in the thirtieth ballot, when two votes from Pennsylvania were cast for him. On the thirty- fourth he received sixteen from Wisconsin, and on the thirty-fifth, twenty-seven additional ones from Indiana. On the thirty-sixth there was a general flop to Mr. Garfield, who received a total of 399. Mr. Conkling, who had so gallantly supported General Grant, immediately moved to make the nomination of General Garfield unanimous. The nomination of Garfield was followed by applause . which shook the building and lasted for many minutes. This great convention was a notable event and still further added to the repu- tation of Chicago as a convention city. Chester A. Arthur was nom- inated for Vice-President. Nobody had anything to say against the Republican candidates.
The compaign, both national and local, in the fall of 1880 was one of the most enthusiastic ever conducted in Cook county. All parties made desperate efforts to win success. Chicago, with a pop- ulation of 503,053, was looked upon with interest from all parts of the country. All parties expected the people here would roll up a large majority for its candidates. The primaries of the old parties were conducted with great spirit and unanimity. Many local ques- tions of importance were before the people. Among them was econ- omy in county government. There were to be nominated four judges of the Superior court, a state's attorney, sheriff, recorder, coroner, clerk of the Circuit court, and five county commissioners- four from the city.
The Communists of Chicago in October, 1880, attempted in rev- olutionary style to reform the existing system of municipal govern- ment. At a large meeting on October 10 they passed resolutions providing for a general overhauling of the city ordinances. Some twenty amendments to existing ordinances were demanded. On October 15 John Sherman of Ohio delivered a memorable speech on national issues in this city. The meeting occurred in McCormick hall, which was packed to the doors. Mr. Sherman was popularly denominated by the Republicans "Old Resumption" and Old Pros- perity." At a large Democratic meeting held at McCormick hall on October 23 the principal speakers were Carter H. Harrison and Mr. Breckenridge of Kentucky. A. F. Seeberger was chairman of the meeting.
During the campaign of 1880 Mr. Harrison usurped the duties of the Democratic campaign committee and conducted party affairs to suit himself. This was a step that had never before been accom-
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plished by any candidate in Chicago. It proved his popularity and power, not only with Democrats and the discontented, but with Re- publicans as well. No man ever before dared to pervert the city departments for the use of partisan objects as he did during this compaign. There was much trading by both of the old parties with the Greenbackers. Both exhausted every effort to gain adherents. Mr. Harrison was denounced as dictator by the Republican press. Even the Democrats, although they supported him, objected to his dominating tactics. As a matter of fact, Mayor Harrison compelled the entire city government to work in behalf of the Democratic party. The police affairs of the city particularly were under his domination and control. Many instances of their high-handed pro- ceedings were noted in the newspapers. At a large meeting by the Democrats on October 29, 1880, James R. Doolittle, John F. Farns- worth and Lawrence Harmon were the principal speakers. The total registry of the county of October 31, 1880, was 89,330. This large registration proved the remarkable interest taken in the out- come. Just previous to the election Mayor Harrison commenced suit against the Tribune for $50,000 damages for alleged libel in charging him with having counseled the tearing down of the polls on election day. There was sharp contention from the judges and constables who were to serve at the polls on election day. Judge Drummond, Judge Rogers and Judge Moran were called upon offi- cially to take recognition of the differences.
The result of the election on November 2, 1880, was a Republican triumph throughout. It was a solid North against a solid South. The national Legislature was made Republican. The result in Chi- cago exceeded the most sanguine expectations and hopes of the Re- publicans. There was a majority approximately of 5,000 in the city and 10,000 in the city and county for the Republican ticket. It was taken to mean that the citizens wanted good government in local affairs and desired the success of the Republican party in national affairs. It was also considered by many as a rebuke to the preten- sions, ambitions and policies of Carter H. Harrison. To sum up the results, there were a majority of about 10,577 for Garfield, a like majority for the Republican state ticket, the election of three Re- publican Congressmen and of all the Republican candidates for the General Assembly, a Republican Board of County Commissioners, a Republican sheriff, coroner, recorder, circuit clerk, state's attor- ney, and four additional justices of the Supreme court. The vic- tory was so decisive that the Republicans held a large meeting to celebrate the result. The vote was so large and there was so much scratching done at the polls that it took several days to announce definite results in Cook county. On the night of the election the streets were thronged with excited people and pandemonium reigned until long after midnight. The Greenback ticket received an incon- siderable vote, as did also that of the Communist or Socialist. The
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total vote cast in the county was 82,250. The total vote for Gar- field was 54,886; for Hancock, 44,309; for Weaver, 1,141; for Cullom, Republican candidate for Governor, 53,930; for Trumbull (Democratic), 44,719; Streeter (Greenbacker), 1,141.
In the spring of 1881 Mayor Harrison was called by the Repub- lican newspapers "Non-enforcement Harrison," because of the fact that he adopted the policy of promoting official success by refusing to enforce the city ordinances in order to gain the favor and support of the vicious element. Mr. Harrison himself in one of his speeches practically stated that he would not enforce the exacting regulations against the objectionable elements. At this time vice in the extreine flourished throughout the city, and unitedly that element supported and sustained Mr. Harrison in all his measures. This was one of the features in the election in April, 1881. Open gambling was per- mitted and the police were in league with vice and crime. He was candidate for reelection at this time and conducted his campaign with his usual skill and ability against all opposition and in the face of fierce criticism and invective. He met all the charges against him with his usual adroitness and effectiveness. His skilful manner of appealing to the saloon and gambling fraternities and his insin- uating methods of securing their support regardless of party, con- tributed not a little to his success and to his popularity with that class of people.
At the Saloon Keepers' convention, held in September, 1880, an organization along political lines had been effected. Mayor Harri- son on behalf of the city on this occasion welcomed the delegates to the convention and dextrously praised the object of their organiza- tions. The real issue was approval or non-approval of Mr. Harri- son's policy of the non-enforcement of ordinances against crime and immorality. It was now that the moral strength of Hyde Park, South Chicago, Calumet, Pullman, Grand Crossing and a dozen other towns and villages were felt by the citizens of Chicago. The Republican executive committee issued a powerful address to the voters of the city, detailing and presenting a vivid picture of the reign of vice and crime under Mayor Harrison's administration. His reelection was declared to be a menace to every home in Chicago and Cook county. The laws, if executed, were sufficient to sup- press all vice. For mayor, the Republicans nominated John M. Clark, a business man of high character who had been a member of the Common Council. For mayor, the Socialists named George Schilling, and the Greenbackers, Benjamin Sibley. A faction of the Socialists nominated Tim O'Meara. The town tickets were consid- ered important, and the contests were fought out along partisan lines as well as spoils lines. The support of colored voters was fought for. Every ward was thoroughly organized and desperate efforts to defeat Harrison were made by the Republicans. The Democratic central committee conducted an aggressive and resolute campaign. There was much personal abuse, misrepresentation and libel.
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In spite of the utmost efforts of the Republicans, Mayor Harri- soan was reëlected by a majority of about 7,000. As a matter of fact many Republicans voted for Harrison as they had done in 1879. Apparently, the people wanted public gambling and immorality, judging from the results of this election. The Democrats carried their main tickets in the three towns of the city. The new council was composed of eighteen Republicans, thirteen Democrats, two Independents, and three Socialists. The total vote cast for Mr. Harrison for mayor was 35,723, and for Clark ( Republican) was 28,703. It was a fact that with the exception of the Tribune, the Republican press was not enthusiastic over the Republican candi- dates. In other words, they damned the Republican ticket with faint support. A remarkable event of the campaign was the number of colored voters who peddled Democratic tickets and shouted for Harrison and the city administration. Likewise the Jews of the city voted almost unitedly for Harrison. The swarms of city office- holders, the keepers of saloons, gambling and sporting resorts, to- gether with the disaffected from the Republican and other ranks, caused the defeat of the Republicans and the success of the Demo- crats.
It was late in October, 1881, before the Executive committees of the various parties took up actively the campaign for the November election. The proceedings of the county commissioners were so sat- isfactory that little objection was made to the existing board. The tax-eaters and disreputables had been eliminated almost wholly from that body. People were urged not to permit the conditions existing a few years before to again rule the County Board. The present board was declared to be the most economical that had ever adminis- tered county affairs. It was solidly Republican, but the better ele- ment ruled the weak cases. The Republican central committee issued a strong address to the voters of the county. A complete accounting of Republican management was exhibited, and although faults were shown still to exist, the county government was proved to be better and stronger than ever before. Previous to the election the apathy of the Republicans was such as to cause comment by local newspapers.
At the November election, 1881, there were to be selected a judge, criminal court clerk and five county commissioners. Both parties united on Judge Gary for the judgship. The importance of select- ing good men for commissioners was the only important feature of this short and uneventful campaign. The election was called the dullest and most spiritless ever held in Cook county. The total city vote was nearly 60,000 below that of November, 1880. Two demo- cratic county commissioners were elected. The total city vote was only 24,209. One Democratic commissioner outside of Cliicago was also elected. Thus the Democrats won three out of five new county commissioners.
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The newspapers in April, 1882, confessed that all parties had care- lessly nominated doubtful or disreputable men and consequently ad- vised that voters should exercise their preferences regardless of party affiliations. This condition of affairs brought out an unusually large number of independent candidates. Many came out so late in the campaign that it was difficult to gain in time a knowledge of their past history and character. The newspapers of all parties warned voters to be on their guard because numerous scalawags were endeav- oring to capture the prizes. This election involved the choosing of assessors in the several towns-a very important duty at this time. Beware of leaving the voting to the roughs, toughs and vicious ele- ment. It was recognized that indifference on the part of reputable voters opened the gate for disreputables. A feature of the campaign which should not be overlooked was the anti-Cullerton demonstration instituted by representatives of all parties. The contests in the vari- ous wards were bitter and personal. The election of April, 1882, had little political significance, but the Democrats as a whole were benefited more than any other party. Out of the eighteen wards the Republicans were successful in only five; the Democrats elected their aldermen from twelve. The irrepressible Cullerton was elected as an Independent from the Sixth ward. The Democrats were jubi- lant and held a large and enthusiastic demonstration to celebrate their victory. In the towns the tickets were split. The Democrats easily carried the North town. Although the Republicans in the West town had an excellent ticket it was generally defeated by a small majority. In the South town the two leading parties split on the candidates. The result was to change completely the complexion of the City Council. It was clear that the scalawag and tax-eating elements of both old parties were in the majority. Accordingly the newspapers announced that the people might expect a saturnalia of bribery, fraud and corruption in the administration of city affairs. The Democrats had the council, the mayor, in fact the whole city machine. The new council consisted of fourteen Republicans, nine- teen Democrats, two Socialists and one Independent. The Demo- crats had a clear majority over all others. The committees were organized by the Lawler-Hildreth element. Cullerton was in evi- dence quietly and influentially. Mr. Lawler announced that it was a Democratic council and that the majority intended to aid the mayor in giving the people good government.
In the fall of 1882 the Prohibitionists put an entire ticket in nom- ination. There was also put in the field a so-called Anti-Monopoly ticket. There were so many factions that it was humorously sug- gested that there should also be a Communist, Anti-Masonic, Wom- an's Suffrage, God in the Constitution, and other tickets. It would make the election more diversified, interesting and lurid. The Repub- licans denominated the Democratic ticket, "Mike McDonald's ticket." As a matter of fact the vagaries and theories of partisans in a large
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measure ruled this campaign and election. It was a time for con- flicting opinions, reforms of every description were in the air, and people generally were not satisfied to plod along after the banner of the old parties, but preferred to wave different flags and herald dif- ferent doctrines. Michael C. McDonald and James Burke, next to Mr. Harrison, were probably the leaders of the Democracy at this date. The former endeavored not only to gain complete control of the city government, but of the county government as well. His dictum concerning gambling houses was final. The roughs of the city were subject to his orders and obeyed him implicitly. But Mr. McDonald could have done nothing without the countenance and approbation of Mayor Harrison. The policy of the party at this time was to win success by keeping in line regular party voters and at the same time win all disaffected, vicious and troublesome ele- ments with the sop of immunity. It was found necessary to make concessions to gamblers and to the vicious elements in all parts of the city. The city administration did not hesitate to grant such favors and immunities. Mr. McDonald controlled the Democratic machine, organized the primaries, directed the conventions and named the candidates. Mr. McGarigle was the Democratic candidate for sheriff. Both parties made strenuous efforts to win the Irish, Ger- man and disaffected votes.
Having the city government under their thumbs, it was now de- termined to place the county government in the same subservient predicament. Legislative candidates, congressmen, and county com- missioners were to be elected, and as a whole this was one of the most important elections held for several years. The campaign showed Mr. Harrison at his best and to the greatest advantage. He was the recognized power not only in the city but in the county. To defeat him it was necessary for the Republicans to work unitedly, continuously and intelligently until the close of the polls. Immense meetings were held by both parties and their leading orators appealed to the people to support their tickets. A notable incident of this campaign was the splendid canvass made by Captain John F. Finerty in the Second congressional district. His oratory was a revelation to the people and was listened to by immense crowds. His opponent was Mr. Sheridan. A mass meeting at Central Music hall was ad- dressed by General Logan and E. A. Storrs. General Stiles also spoke there. This meeting was apparently contradictory in politics and the speakers confined themselves mainly to the question of good government by the selection of honest men. It was a question be- tween orderly people and the criminal classes. The Tribune declared that Mayor Harrison was the tool of Mike McDonald and that the latter was the real boss and dictator of city and county Democracy. On the other hand Mayor Harrison and Mike McDonald and their supporters on the stump and through the press announced their de- termination to conduct city and county governments along honest
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lines and to permit no Republican disreputables to interfere with decent and orderly government. But the menacing feature of this campaign was the fact that the Democratic ticket had the support of the vicious classes and unquestionably yielded important concessions and immunities to gain their support. This did not mean that the Republicans were free from blame. No question they themselves would have secured such following could they have done so.
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