History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 10

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104

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The year 1844 just ended has witnessed one of the most extraordinary political contests that has ever occurred. So nice and equal a balance of parties; so universal and intense an interest; so desperate and protracted a struggle, are entirely without parallel. James K. Polk owes his election to the Birney or Liberty party. Had there been no such party, drawing its votes nine- tenths from the Whig ranks, Mr. Clay would have received at least the votes of New York and Mich- igan, in addition to those actually cast for him, giving him 146 electoral votes to Polk's 129. To Birney & Co., therefore, is the country indebted for the election of Polk and the annexation and anti-tariff ascendency in the Federal Government.

The number of States voting was twenty-six, the same as in 1840. The new

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Congressional apportionment had reduced the Representatives from 242 to 223, making the total number of electors 275.

The popular vote in all the States ex- cept South Carolina (which for many years chose its electors by the Legislature) was as follows:

James K. Polk, Democrat. . 1,337,243 Henry Clay, Whig. 1,299,068 Jas. G. Birney, Abolitionist 65,608

Of the electoral vote, Polk had 170, Clay 105.

In further explanation of the outcome of the campaign, Col. McClure says:

"The Whigs, in keen despair over the defeat of their ablest and most beloved champion, charged fraud as the controlling factor in giving the Democrats their vic- tory, but the battle had been fought and iost, and there was nothing left for them but submission. The electoral count was uneventful, and Polk and Dallas were form- ally declared elected President and Vice- President without objection.

"The most desperate contests outside of New York and Pennsylvania were made in Tennessee and Delaware. Tennessee was the home of Polk, and the "Old Hero of New Orleans" threw himself into the contest for Polk with tireless energy. He inspired his veteran followers not only be- cause he wanted Polk elected, but because he much more wanted Clay defeated. Clay had defeated him for President in the House in 1825, and Jackson never forgot a friend and rarely forgave an enemy. It was many days after the election before the vote of Tennessee could be ascertained, and it was claimed by both parties until the official vote was declared. It was finally announced that Clay had carried the State by 113, and the success of Clay in that State was the only silver lining the Whigs had to the dark cloud of their de- feat.

"Another memorable battle, though not in any sense an important contest as af- fecting the result, was fought in Delaware. The States did not then vote for President on the same day as now. All of them voted for Presidential electors in the month of November, although at that time nearly all the States elected their State officers and Congressmen earlier in the year. Dela-

ware, with only three electoral votes, held both her State and Presidential elections on the second Tuesday of November, and when her election day came around it was known to all that Clay was absolutely de- feated for President.

"New York and Pennsylvania had voted for Polk a week before, and on the second Tuesday of November only Massachusetts and Delaware were left among the States that had not chosen electors. Massachu- setts was Whig and hardly contested, but Delaware made a most heroic battle for Clay, even when it was known that a vic- tory in the little Diamond State could not aid the election of their favorite. The Democrats, inspired by their positively assured success in the national contest, exhausted their resources and efforts to win, but in the largest vote ever cast in the State, Clay won by 287 majority, re- ceiving a larger vote than was cast for the Whig candidates for Governor or for Con- gress, both of whom were successful, the first by 45 majority and the last by 173."

In remembrance of the log cabin, hard cider and coon skin campaign of 1840, the Democratic national platform adopted at Baltimore, in May, 1844, started out with this stinging declaration:

"Resolved, That the American Democ- racy place their trust, not in factitious symbols, not in displays and appeals in- sulting to the judgment and subversive of the intellect of the people, but in a clear reliance upon the intelligence, patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the American people."

The 1844 platform consisted of fifteen planks, nine of which were bodily taken from the Van Buren platform of 1840. It is worthy of note that the latter docu- ment was preceded by this declaration :

"Resolved, That the convention deems it expedient, at the present time, not to choose between the individuals in nomina- tion, but to leave the decision to their Re- publican fellow-citizens in the several States, trusting that before the election shall take place their opinion will become so concentrated as to secure the choice of a Vice-President by the Electoral College."

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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

Using the term "Republican" even dur- ing the Jacksonian era of the Democratic party serves as an indication of the tenacity with which members of the organ- ization adhered to that party appellation. In the National Convention of 1848 that nominated Cass and Butler, the noted Arkansas fire-eater, William L. Yancey, persisted in using the term "Republican" instead of Democrat.

A SELF-SACRIFICING DEMOCRAT.

In the "good old days" there turned up occasionally an individual pre-eminent for devotion to party, self-sacrificing in spirit and action, and charmingly free from sordidness. Within this category comes James G. Read, who represented the coun- ties of Daviess and Martin in the House of Representatives five years successively, the county of Clark two years, then served nine years in the Senate. While a State Senator he was twice made President of the Senate, or acting Lieutenant-Governor. Prior to that he was twice the Democratic nominee for Governor, first in 1831, then in 1834, and defeated both times. In addi- tion to all this, he officiated several times as President of State and district conven- tions and as candidate for presidential elector. The compensation for service in the State Legislature was meager, barely enough to defray expenses at the Capital. Making two unsuccessful races for the Governorship must have entailed more ex- pense. Mr. Read is entitled to honorable mention in the first and only history of the Indiana Democracy.

ROBERT DALE OWEN, PHILOSOPHER.

For years a Democratic gathering in Indiana seemed incomplete without the presence of Robert Dale Owen. He was a much greater man than his fellow-citizens seemed to realize. That, however, is not unusual in many parts of the world, In- diana not excepted.

Mr. Owen was born in Glasgow, Scot- land, November 9, 1801. In his native

land he pursued classical studies; came to the United States with his parents in 1832, and located in New Harmony, and aided in the establishment of a social community. He was editor of the Free Enquirer, published in New York 1828-1831. The year following he returned to New Har- mony, and three years later he was elected a member of the Legislature and re-elected two or three times in succession. Recog- nition and appreciation of his eminent abilities led to his election to Congress for two terms, from 1843 to 1847. Amidst one of those strange political upheavals, the cause of which few can fathom, Mr. Owen was defeated in his third congressional race. He served with distinction as a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1850. From 1853 to 1858 he repre- sented the United States in a diplomatic capacity. He died at Lake George, N. Y., June 25, 1877.

Mr. Owen, richly endowed with a philosophical mind, was a public speaker who never failed to interest his audiences. He was a thorough believer in the political philosophy of Thomas Jefferson and never tired of expatiating on the sublime teachings of the author of the imperish- able Declaration of Independence. For this devotion to genuine democracy, Mr. Owen was fiercely and not infrequently coarsely assailed by the Indianapolis Journal and kindred unscrupulous partisan publications. Denunciation fell upon his head for proclaiming on all suitable occa- sions undying faith in these Jeffersonian Doctrines:

"Honesty is the first chapter of the book of wisdom."

"I have never believed there was one code of morality for a public and another for a private man."

"To inform the minds of the people and to follow their will is the chief duty of those placed at their head."

"The information of the people at large can alone make them the safe, as they are the sole, depository of our religious and political freedom."

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"There is a debt of service due from every man to his country, proportioned to the bounties which nature and fortune have measured to him."

"It is impossible not to be sensible that we are acting for all mankind; that cir- cumstances denied to others, but indulged to us, have imposed on us the duty of proving what is the degree of freedom and self-government in which a society may venture to have its individual members."

"The station which we occupy among the nations of the earth is honorable, but awful. Trusted with the destinies of this solitary republic of the world, the only monument of human rights and the sole depository of the sacred fire of freedom and self-government, from hence it is to be lighted up in other regions of the earth, if other regions of the earth ever become susceptible of its benign influence. All mankind ought then, with us, to rejoice in its prosperous and sympathize in its adverse fortunes, as involving everything that is dear to man. And to what sacri- fices of interest or commerce ought not these considerations to animate us? To what compromises of opinion and inclina- tion, to maintain harmony and union among ourselves, and to preserve from all danger this hallowed ark of human hope and human happiness. That differences of opinion should arise among men, on politics, on religion, and on every other topic of human inquiry, and that these should be freely expressed in a country where all our faculties are free, is to be expected."

Faith in Jeffersonian doctrines is strengthened in turning to his first inau- gural address and cogitating over these lofty sentiments:

"I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a Republican Government can- not be strong; that this Government is not strong enough. But would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful ex-

periment, abandon a Government which has so far kept us free and firm, on the theoretic and visionary fear that this Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve it- self? I trust not. I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government on earth. I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the laws, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order, as his own personal concern.

"Let us, then, with courage and confi- dence, pursue our own Federal and Re- publican principles, our attachment to our Union and representative Government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the hun- dredth and thousandth generation; enter- taining a due sense of our equal rights to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisi- tions of our industry, to honor and con- fidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting, not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them including honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowl- edging and adoring an overruling Provi- dence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter; with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and pros- perous people ? Still one thing more, fel- low-citizens-a wise and frugal Govern- ment, which shall restrain men from in- juring one another, which shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pur- suits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities."

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[CHAPTER VIII.]

INDIANA'S REPRESENTATION IN CONGRESS

FROM 1833 TO 1841

U P TO 1833, as set forth in pre- ceding chapters, Indiana was represented in the lower House of Congress by three members. Under the census of 1830 a new apportionment was made. In- diana had grown wonderfully. Her population in a single decade had more than doubled. In 1820 it was 147,178; in 1830 it had risen to 343,031-an increase of 195,853, or 133.1 per cent. This entitled Indiana to seven seats in the House of Representatives at Washington. No em- barrassment was occasioned the electorate of Indiana by this demand upon its con- gressional timber. It had an abundance thereof, even in those days, and could easily have furnished a much larger supply. Men of statesmanlike qualities had flocked into the young commonwealth from East and South, and were still coming with the influx of new population.

To the Twenty-third Congress (1833 to 1835) Indiana sent this array of talent:

1. Ratliff Boon.

2. John Ewing.

3. John Carr.

4. Amos Lane.

5. Jonathan McCarty.

6. George S. Kinnard.

7. Edward A. Hannegan.

Boon, Carr and Hannegan have already had mention. John Ewing was born at sea, while his parents were on their way from Cork to Baltimore. The family located in Indiana. Young Ewing was edu- cated in the public schools; established a Whig paper at Wabash, called the Tran- script; engaged in mercantile pursuits at Vincennes; served several terms in both branches of the Legislature; was first elected to Congress by a majority of two

over Dr. John W. Davis, who in turn de- feated him two years later by about 1,000; was thereafter again elected to Congress, serving from 1837 to 1839. He died at Vincennes, April 6, 1858, highly esteemed by all the people, regardless of their political affiliation.

Amos Lane was born near Aurora, N. Y., March 1, 1778; educated in the public schools; practiced law at Lawrenceburg; served as Speaker of the House of Rep- resentatives ; twice elected to Congress as a Democrat and defeated as a candidate for a third term.

Jonathan McCarty was a native of Ten- nessee; educated in the public schools; located in Franklin county; served in the State Legislature; removed to Conners- ville, Fayette county ; held several county offices; served two terms in Congress as a Whig; defeated for a third term; was a Harrison elector in 1840. Died in Keokuk, Iowa, in 1855.

George S. Kinnard was born in Pennsyl- vania, 1803; was by his widowed mother taken to Tennessee, where he completed his preparatory studies; located in Indian- apolis; held several local offices; studied law and was admitted to the bar; served in the Legislature and was by it elected to the office of State Auditor; was made colonel of State militia; twice elected as a Democrat to Congress, and served from March 4, 1833, until his death from in- juries received in the explosion on the steamer "Flora," on the Ohio River, No- vember 25. 1836. William Herod, a Whig, was chosen to fill the unexpired term.

In the Twenty-fourth Congress (1835 to 1837) these gentlemen represented Indiana:

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1. Ratliff Boon.

2. John W. Davis.

3. John Carr.

4. Amos Lane.

5. Jonathan McCarty.

6. George S. Kinnard (died).

6. William Herod (to fill vacancy).

7. Edward A. Hannegan.

John Wesley Davis was born in New Holland, Lancaster county, Pa., April 16, 1799; graduated from the Baltimore Medi- cal College in 1821; moved to Carlisle, Sul- livan county, Ind., in 1823; member of the Legislature for several terms; served as Speaker of the House in 1832; appointed commissioner to negotiate an Indian treaty in 1834; elected as a Democrat to Congress from 1835 to 1837 and defeated for re-election by two votes ; thereafter re- turned to Congress from 1839 to 1841; given a rest by the Harrison tidal wave, but triumphantly elected and re-elected from 1843 to 1847; made Speaker of the National House December, 1845. Upon the conclusion of his congressional serv- ice he was again sent to the State Legis- lature and chosen Speaker of the House, having in caucus defeated William H. English, who at that time began his politi- cal career. President Polk appointed Dr. Davis as minister to China, in which capac- ity he served from January 3, 1848, to May 25, 1850. Having several times rep- resented Indiana in Democratic national conventions and achieved a national repu- tation, he was chosen president of the Baltimore convention that nominated Franklin Pierce for the Presidency in 1852. President Pierce appointed Dr. Davis as Governor of Oregon. The appointment was at first declined, but finally accepted. The office evidently was not to his liking. Holding it a year, he resigned and returned to his beloved Indiana. In 1856 he was again elected to the State Legislature by what he appreciatively characterized as "the most flattering vote I ever received from the good people of Sullivan county, among whom I have resided for more than thirty-five years."

The last office to which Mr. Davis was assigned was that of visitor to West Point Military Academy, of which he was made president. He lived until August 22, 1859, when he died at his cherished home in Carlisle. With his demise terminated the career of one of Indiana's most remark- able and distinguished men. He was a forceful speaker, a clear thinker, a genial gentleman, a thoroughly honest man, a true lover of his country, and in sunshine or gloom ever an ardent but always a con- scientious Democrat.

William Herod began the practice of law at Columbus, Ind., served as member of the State Senate, and was elected to Con- gress to fill the unexpired term of George S. Kinnard. Herod was re-elected to the Twenty-fifth Congress by an overwhelm- ing majority over former Governor James Brown Ray. In his next race for re-elec- tion Herod was defeated by William W. Wick, Democrat.

In the Twenty-fifth Congress (1837 to 1839) these gentlemen served their con- stituents:

1. Ratliff Boon.

2. John Ewing.

3. William Graham.

4. George H. Dunn.

5. James H. Rariden.

6. William Herod.

7. Albert S. White.

William Graham was a Kentuckian; be- came an inhabitant of Indiana Territory in 1811, settling at Vallonia; there prac- ticed law ; member of the Territorial Legis- lature in 1812; member of the first Gen- eral Assembly; delegate to the State con- stitutional convention of 1816; Speaker of the House of Representatives in 1820; member of the State Senate; elected as a Whig to the Congress of 1837 to 1839. Died near Vallonia, August 17, 1858.

George Hebford Dunn resided at Law- renceburg; served three terms in the Leg- islature; Treasurer of State from 1841 to 1843; defeated as the Whig candidate for Congress in 1835; had better luck next

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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

time, but was again defeated in third race. Was a man of superior ability. Died at Lawrenceburg January 12, 1854.

James Rariden was a native of Ken- tucky ; practiced law at Centerville, Wayne county; served in both branches of the State Legislature; delegate to the State constitutional convention ; twice elected to Congress as a Whig. Died in Cambridge City.

As members of the Twenty-sixth Con- gress (1839 to 1841) these gentlemen were chosen to serve their constituents:

1. George H. Proffit.

2. John W. Davis.

3. John Carr.

4. Thomas Smith.

5. James H. Rariden.

6. William W. Wick.

7. Tilghman A, Howard.

George H. Proffit was a native of New Orleans, La. After establishing himself in Indiana he was four times elected to the Legislature. Twice elected to Con- gress as a Whig. Appointed by President Tyler as minister to Brazil; the Senate having refused to confirm the appoint- ment, he returned to the United States after serving one year and two months. Died in Louisville, Ky., September 5, 1847.

Thomas Smith was a native of Pennsyl- vania; moved to Indiana and engaged in tanning at Versailles, Ripley county ; served so acceptably as a representative and State Senator that he was four times nominated by the Democrats for Congress, triumphantly elected three times and de- feated in his second race. While a mem- ber of the Legislature he vigorously opposed the wild schemes of internal im- provement which bankrupted the State and brought financial dishonor upon her name. His course upon this subject added to his popularity at home and was the immediate cause of his subsequent political advancement. As a member of the constitutional convention he protested earnestly and eloquently against a proposed clause discriminating against

negroes. His sense of justice would not permit him to countenance injustice. He was singularly free of narrowness and prejudice. His manner as a debater was plain, straightforward, emphatic, impres- sive. As a Jeffersonian he held very pro- nounced views on the slavery question. He recognized it as an institution older than the Union itself, but nevertheless he could never persuade himself that it was other than an evil. Holding these views, he deplored the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Unwilling to subscribe to doctrines that his conscience could not approve, he regretfully severed his affilia- tion with the party that had sent him three times to Congress, and in course of time identified himself with anti-slavery organizations. He died at Versailles April 12, 1876.

An exceedingly interesting character was William Watson Wick. He was born in Cannonsburg, Pa., February 23, 1796, taught school, studied medicine, and then law. Upon his admission to the bar he began practice at Connersville, Ind., in 1820. By the Legislature he was elected Secretary of State in 1825; State at- torney for the fifth judicial circuit, 1829-1831; president judge, 1831-1835. Was three times elected to Congress and defeated in his second race. In recognition of his services to the Democratic party he was made postmaster of Indianapolis under the Pierce adminis- tration, serving from 1853 until 1857. Originally he was a Whig. Like a good many other Indianians of that period he had no hesitancy about changing party affiliations when he could no longer approve its policies. He quit the further study of medicine because he did not care to be contemplating men's miseries. Hold- ing public positions with meager salary attachments kept him poor. His worldly possessions rarely reached a thousand dol- lars, all told. Like many other public men of his day, he was convivially inclined.

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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

Poor in purse, he was quite desirous of at Franklin, Ind. He died at her home retaining the Indianapolis postoffice. He May 19, 1869, and was buried in the Franklin cemetery. had gotten along in years and understood full well that resuming the practice of law, In the Twenty-seventh Congress (1841 to 1843) Indiana was represented by this exceptionally able delegation : after having been out for so long a time, would afford but poor picking. He was sorely grieved that he should be turned out of office. But he realized that he had 2. Richard W. Thompson. 1. George H. Proffit. taken a firm stand on the slavery question, 3. Joseph L. White. and that he had committed himself un- 4. James H. Cravens. equivocally against the attempt to foist 5. Andrew Kennedy. slavery upon Kansas. In letters to Indiana 6. David Wallace. members of Congress he entreated them 7. Henry S. Lane. to resist further encroachments by the slave power. This made him a political heretic in the eyes of Senator Jesse D. Bright, who had the ear of President Buchanan. At the expiration of his four- year term, William Watson Wick had to step down and out and turn the manage- ment of the Indianapolis postoffice over to John M. Talbott. It was, under the cir- cumstances, a severe blow to Mr. Wick, but he neither raved nor moaned. He was accustomed to adversity; he never gave much thought to tomorrow. His father, a Presbyterian minister, intended his William Watson to qualify himself for the ministry, but the young man could not reconcile himself to that calling ; there was too much of the wag in him for such sedateness. Referring to the fact that his father was a preacher and his uncle a merchant, Judge Wick once dryly re- marked: "One chose piety and poverty, the other merchandising and money-get- ting, and they both succeeded. One laid up treasures in heaven, the other on earth, and verily they both had their reward."

When the campaign of 1860 came on Judge Wick took the stump for Stephen A. Douglas, earnestly and eloquently pleading the cause of popular sovereignty and vig- orously denouncing the unreasonableness of the proslavery element that was sup- porting Breckinridge and Lane. Shortly after the defeat of Douglas, Judge Wick left Indianapolis to take up his abode with his daughter, Mrs. William H. Overstreet,

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History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 10

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926 Publication date: 1917 Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co. Number of Pages: 1104

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104