USA > Indiana > History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916 > Part 26
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The campaign from opening to close was intensely earnest, thrillingly interest- ing and unrestrictedly determined. No Presidential nominee, not excepting Henry Clay, had, up to that time, had more devoted or enthusiastic supporters than Stephen A. Douglas. His captivat- ing personality, his striking physiognomy, his massive head, and his persuasive elo- quence made him the idol of those who rallied under his banner. That his cour- ageous defiance of the slave power and his heroic resistance to the attempt to force slavery upon Kansas drew to him thou- sands of Democrats who felt ill at ease under the imposition of policies incon- sistent with the teachings of Jefferson, Van Buren and Tilden, had become plain- ly apparent. These men felt that the time had come to command a halt and they as- serted themselves in no uncertain manner.
The Indiana delegation to the Charles- ton and Baltimore conventions stood manfully by the "Little Giant." On their
part there was no wavering, no sign of timidity or lack of courage. Both at Charleston and later on at Baltimore they stood unflinchingly by their guns. When, at the close of the drama at Baltimore, it had become apparent to them that the party to which they were so strongly . wedded and for which they had fought so many political battles, would in all prob- ability meet with defeat at the polls in October and in November, they started upon their homeward journey with the in- flexible determination to do all that could be done to make as good a showing at the polls as was possible to be done.
The adjourned session at Baltimore be- gan June 18. Three days were consumed in wrangling over the platform. That dis- posed of, followed by the withdrawal of the Southern Secessionists and a small number of sympathizers from the North, the nomination of Douglas was easily effected by an almost unanimous vote. Senator Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of Ala- bama, was nominated for the Vice-Presi- dency, but promptly declining the proffered honor, Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, was substituted by the National Committee, hastily summoned for the pur- pose of filling the vacancy.
Vexed by Senator Bright's "pernicious activity" in working up opposition to the regular nominees of the party, both State and national, the leaders decided that un- usual energy must be injected into the campaign. The middle of July a mass meeting was held at Indianapolis to ratify the nomination of Douglas and Johnson. Twenty thousand enthusiastic Democrats gathered at the State capital to give ex- pression to their feelings. The speakers at this meeting were: Governor Willard, Senator Geo. E. Pugh of Ohio, Congress- man C. L. Vallandigham of Dayton, Sam- uel R. Hamill of Sullivan, Thomas A. Hendricks, Richard J. Ryan and Judge W. W. Wicks. Mr. Ryan introduced a resolu- tion which, after some discussion, passed in this form:
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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916
"Resolved, That we, the Democracy of Indiana, in mass convention assembled, unanimously condemn the course of all those who are endeavoring to disorganize the Democratic party of Indiana by their opposition to the regular nominees of the Democratic National Convention, Stephen A. Douglas and Herschel V. Johnson."
The Indianapolis Sentinel fought vali- antly for the regular ticket. Here is a sample of its onslaughts on the Secession- ists. It is quoted from the Sentinel's issue of July 20:
"The fact that Breckinridge and Lane are the candidates for the disunionists cannot be successfully denied. Those of the North who seek to defeat Douglas swear that Breckinridge and Lane are Union men, but the supporters of those candidates at the South talk differently. The Montgomery (Ala.) Mail thus openly avows the purpose for which Breckinridge and Lane have been nominated. That paper says :
Run three presidential tickets against Lincoln, thereby giving Lincoln the best chance to be elected. After Lincoln is elected some Southern communities-most of them perhaps-will refuse to let the postmasters appointed under his admin- istration take possession of the office. Then the United States authorities will interpose to "en- force the law." Then the United States authori- ties will either be shot upon or they will shoot somebody down. Then the people of the com- munity will arise up against the United States Government and will be sustained by neighboring communities until a civil war, with all its horrible butcheries, envelops the land in a shroud of blood and carnage."
According to the Sentinel of September 20, the friends of Breckinridge and Lane "Held a meeting in Indianapolis on Monday last and adopted the following resolutions :
Resolved, That it would be inexpedient at this time to place a national Democratic State ticket in the field for State officers.
Resolved, That in view of the conciliatory over- tures which have from time to time been made to the friends of Mr. Douglas in this State and re- jected by them, if the present State ticket be defeated they alone will be responsible for the result.
"Resolutions signed by W. H. Talbott, chairman, and John R. Elder, secretary."
The Sentinel went on to say that both of these gentlemen were members of the Democratic State Convention on the 11th
of January last and the candidates upon the Democratic ticket were their choice and received their cordial support.
An imposing Douglas demonstration was held at Indianapolis September 28. It attracted thousands of the "Little Giant's" admirers to the State capital. He arrived the evening before, and was greeted by a large and enthusiastic crowd. Being tired out by exhaustive campaign- ing, he retired to his room at the Bates House, but at the earnest solicitation of the vast crowd appeared on the balcony. After a few fitting allusions to Hoosier fidelity and enthusiasm, Senator Douglas excused himself and returned to his room.
Attorney-General Joseph E. McDonald then introduced Governor David Todd, of Ohio, who presided over the convention at Baltimore after Caleb Cushing, of Massa- chusetts, had vacated the Chair and seceded, accompanied by Ben Butler. Gov- ernor Todd delivered a speech that elicited unbounded enthusiasm. He was followed by C. A. Schaefer, of Ohio, and the bril- liant Indianapolis orator, Richard J. Ryan.
The vast concourse that did honor to Senator Douglas afforded high elation to his supporters. The parade was an im- mense affair. It was under command of Captain John M. Lord, as chief marshal, whose Indianapolis assistants were Cap- tain Love, H. H. Dodd, John F. Gulick, Capt. H. Prosser, Gen. W. J. Elliott, Dr. A. D. Gall, Samuel Hesselgesser, J. B. Ryan, Capt. M. North, S. M. McCarty, Wm. Wilkinson, Charles Howland, Samuel A. Todd, Frank Cunningham, Reginald H. Hall, Jacob Mull, George W. Pitts, Julius Boetticher, John Stumph and Daniel C. Greenfield.
Assistant marshals for the State at large were George E. Greene, Col. T. G. Lee, Gen. L. Druley, Gen. J. B. Foley, Gen. J. P. Drake, Gen. W. D. Allen, Capt. Lew Wallace, Geo. W. Spitler, Dr. Geo. W. McConnell, Gen. D. Moss, Capt. Z. Berry, Lafe Develin, Nathaniel Lord, Jr., Michael Shannon.
7-History
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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916
Inasmuch as neither the Breckinridge and Lane people nor the Bell and Everett supporters placed a State ticket in the field-being content with revealing their strength through electoral tickets-the contest in Indiana, up to the time of the October election, was squarely between the tickets headed, respectively, by Thomas A. Hendricks and Henry S. Lane.
REPUBLICAN STATE TICKET.
Governor-Henry S. Lane, Crawfords- ville.
Lieutenant-Governor-Oliver P. Mor- ton, Centerville.
Secretary of State-William A. Peelle, Winchester.
Auditor of State-Albert Lange, Terre Haute.
Treasurer of State-Jonathan Harvey, Clark county.
Attorney-General-James G. Jones, Evansville.
Superintendent of Public Instruction- Miles J. Fletcher, Putnam county.
Reporter of the Supreme Court-Benja- man Harrison, Indianapolis.
Clerk of the Supreme Court-John Paul Jones, Lagrange.
It will be remembered that Oliver P. Morton was his party's nominee for Gov- ernor in 1856. When the time came for nominating the ticket in 1860, it was a question of expediency as to whether he should be assigned to first or second place. The argument that finally prevailed was that, in view of the fact that Henry S. Lane had been chosen United States Sen- ator by Fusion members of the General Assembly and denied admission by the Senate at Washington on the ground of irregularity, he should head the ticket. Attention was further directed to the fact that he was active in the Mexican war and that he enjoyed the sustained reputation of being among Indiana's most eloquent orators. Furthermore, a larger number of Whigs than Democrats had found their way into the newly organized Republican
party, therefore the propriety and advisa- bility of honoring Lane with first place on the ticket. It seemed also to have been tacitly understood, if not positively agreed, that in the event of the Republi- cans securing a majority in the Legisla- ture, Mr. Lane was to be chosen United States Senator, to succeed Graham N. Fitch, and that Oliver P. Morton would then be afforded opportunity to serve almost the entire term as Governor. The fulfillment of this agreement, implied or real, was rendered possible by the result of the election, carrying with it, for the first time, the election of the entire Re- publican State ticket and a clear majority of the Legislature.
OFFICIAL VOTE, 1860.
GOVERNOR.
Lane
136,725 9,757
Hendricks
126,968
LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR.
Morton 136,470 10,178
Turpie 126,292
AUDITOR.
Lange
136,007 9,646
Ristine 126,361
SECRETARY OF STATE.
Peelle
136,190
9,610
Schlater
126,580
TREASURER OF STATE.
Harvey
137,640
10,526
Cunningham
126,514
SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.
Fletcher
137,129 11,383
Rugg 125,746
ATTORNEY-GENERAL.
Jones
131,472
8,201
Hord
123,271
REPORTER OF SUPREME COURT.
Harrison
134,924
9,688
Kerr 125,236
CLERK OF SUPREME COURT.
Jones
132,933 10,120
O'Brien
122,813
In the election of members of Congress the Republicans were successful in seven
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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916
of the eleven districts. The Democrats elected John Law in the First district, James A. Cravens in the Second, William S. Holman in the Fourth and Daniel W. Voorhees in the Seventh. The Republicans clothed with congressional prerogatives William M. Dunn in the Third district, George W. Julian in the Fifth, Albert G. Porter in the Sixth, Albert S. White in the Eighth, Schuyler Colfax in the Ninth, William Mitchell in the Tenth and John Peter Cleaver Shanks in the Eleventh. In passing it may be stated that of the eleven gentlemen chosen as representatives in Congress from Indiana in the year 1860, William Mitchell, a banker residing at Kendallville, was alone in being made a single termer. He was defeated for re- election in 1862 by Joseph K. Edgerton of Fort Wayne.
INDIANA'S VOTE FOR PRESIDENT.
There is a marked difference in the vote cast at the October election for Governor and other State officers and the vote cast at the November election for presidential electors. Lincoln had two thousand more than Lane, while Douglas fell twelve thousand behind Hendricks' vote. This would seem to make clear that the 12,295 Democrats who voted for Breckinridge had generously cast their ballots for Mr. Hendricks. How the Bell and Everett supporters distributed their favors at the October election the good Lord only knows. This is the vote for Presidential electors:
Lincoln and Hamlin 139,033
Douglas and Johnson. 115,509
Breckinridge and Lane. 12,295
Bell and Everett. 5,306
The Presidential electors chosen by the Republicans and who cast the vote of In- diana for Lincoln and H. Hamlin were:
At Large-William Cumback of Decatur and John L. Mansfield of Jefferson.
1. Cyrus M. Allen, Knox county.
2. John W. Ray, Knox.
3. Morton C. Hunter, Monroe.
4. John H. Farquar, Franklin.
5. Nelson Trusler, Fayette.
6. Reuben A. Riley, Hancock.
7. John Hanna, Putnam.
8. Samuel A. Huff, Tippecanoe.
9. James N. Tyner, Miami.
10. Isaac Jenkinson, Allen.
11. David O. Dailey, Huntington.
The Breckinridge organization for In- diana consisted of an electoral ticket and a State Central Committee. The nominees for electors were:
At Large-James Morrison, Marion, and Delano R. Eckles.
1. R. A. Clements, Daviess county.
2. Dr. W. F. Sherrod, Orange.
3. Daniel Sheeks, Monroe.
4. Ethelbert Hibben, Rush.
5. Samuel Orr, Delaware.
6. Franklin Hardin, Johnson.
7. James A. Scott, Putnam.
8. Col. W. M. Jenners, Tippecanoe.
9. James Bradley, Laporte.
10. Robert Breckinridge, Jr., Allen.
11. John R. Coffroth, Huntington.
STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE
J. B. Gardner, Levi Sparks, Geo. W. Kyle, Dr. B. F. Mullen, Alex. White, John R. Elder, James M. Tomlinson, Julius Nicolai, James Johnson, James M. Oliver, Thomas Wood, Thomas D. Lemon, G. F. R. Woodleigh, Dr. F. B. Thomas.
Under the caption, "The Result," the Indianapolis Sentinel of November 7 com- mented thus apprehensively on the out- come of the Presidential election :
"The telegraphic returns of the election yesterday indicate that Lincoln has been chosen President by the vote of the people. It is probable he will have the entire electoral vote of all the Northern States. This is the first time in the history of the country that a President has been elected by a sectional and geographical party. Its effect will be to array one section of the Union in antagonism to the other. The issue has come which the leading men of the South have declared will be sufficient and justifiable cause for disunion. A few weeks will determine whether we shall be divided into separate confederacies or remain united States. Perhaps it is as well to try the strength of the Union, of the national Government, now as any
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other time. If it survives this struggle there will be but little danger of disrup- tion in the future."
When the Secessionists left the conven- tion hall at Charleston, and later on at Baltimore, and decided to nominate a ticket of their own, they knew full well what they were about and what the effect of their action would be. They knew that by dividing the Democratic party the triumph of the Republicans would be assured. Their hostility to Stephen A. Douglas was as flimsy as it was malignant. They used their groundless animosity to Douglas as a pretext for disrupting the Democratic party, and later on used the product of their own connivance, the elec- tion of Lincoln, as a pretext for disrupting the Union. . In their madness to perpetu- ate slavery they worked the destruction of that institution. It is ever thus: When greed dethrones reason, it inflicts upon itself the greatest of all penalties- annihilation.
DEATH OF GOVERNOR WILLARD.
There was substantial agreement among capable judges of forensic eloquence that Governor Ashbel P. Willard was the most accomplished, most effective and most persuasive orator in the State. As Gov-
ernor of the commonwealth he proved him- self an administrator of discernment and marked ability. He was an intense par- tisan, yet fair-minded and just in the performance of duty. Though in the main considered a supporter of the Buchanan administration, he refused absolutely to become a party to waging war upon the organization when it chose Stephen A. Douglas as the national leader. He coun- seled moderation and conciliation. His health had been impaired; vitality was slowly but surely ebbing away. In the hope of prolonging his tenure on earth he went to Minnesota. But the trip had been delayed too long to produce the hoped- for result. Disease was gnawing at his vitals and refused to release its hold at the bidding of the bracing air of the Northwest. On the 4th of October, 1860, he was suddenly taken worse, and on the evening of that day he breathed his last. Then and there passed from the face of the earth one of the brightest intellects of that period. Under the constitution of the State, Abram A. Hammond became acting Governor, serving as such until re- lieved in January, 1861, by Henry S. Lane, who a few days later was succeeded by Oliver P. Morton.
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[CHAPTER XXVII.]
AN INDISSOLUBLE UNION OF INDE- STRUCTIBLE STATES
CHERISHED AND INVIOLABLE HISTORIC DEMOCRATIC DOCTRINE
W HATEVER personal views may have been entertained by men affiliated with the Democratic party during the tumultuous agitation of the slavery ques- tion, there can be no question as to the historic attitude of the party with reference to the indestructibl ity of the American Union. In other words, the right of a State to nullify the laws of the United States or to secede from the Union has ever been stoutly de- nied by the illustrious statesmen who have been recognized and venerated as expound- ers of Democratic principles. Within this category come such men as Jefferson, Madison, Jackson, Van Buren, Tilden, Douglas and Cass.
Unreserved approval was accorded at the beginning of the struggle for the main- tenance of the Federal Union to this dec- laration, formulated by Senator Andrew Johnson of Tennessee and formally adopted by the Senate of the United States on the 24th day of July, 1861:
"Resolved, That the present deplorable Civil War has been forced upon the coun- try by the disunionists of the Southern States now in revolt against the Constitu- tional Government and in arms around the Capitol; that in this national emergency Congress, banishing all feeling of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country; that this war is not prosecuted on our part in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor for the purpose of antagonizing or interfering with the rights of established institutions of those States, but to defend and main- tain the supremacy of the Constitution and all laws made in pursuance thereof, and to preserve the Union with all the
dignity, equality and rights of the States unimpaired; that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to cease."
If any one man may have been consid- ered authorized to speak for his party at that critical period in our country's history, that man was Stephen A. Douglas, the chosen leader and gallant standard-bearer in the memorable campaign of 1860. When it had become apparent that war between North and South was inevitable, Senator Douglas left Washington to deliver a series of public addresses on his way to Chicago. Accompanied by his charming wife, he spoke in several of the more important cities along his route, including Indiana- polis. Reaching his home city, Chicago, for the upbuilding of which he had done so much, he was met at the depot by an im- mense assemblage of citizens of all parties, who insisted on escorting him in procession to the great Wigwam which had already been packed by an audi- ence of fully ten thousand eager hear- ers. It was there on a beautiful May day (the first) where the "Little Giant" de- livered his last speech, for soon after its delivery he was attacked with an acute disease from which he died on the morning of June 4, 1861, shortly after the comple- tion of his forty-eighth year. His last words were: "Tell Stevie and Robbie (his sons) to obey the laws and support the Constitution of the United States."
DOUGLAS' LAST WORDS FOR THE UNION.
"Mr. Chairman-I thank you for the kind terms in which you have been pleased to welcome me. I thank the committee and citizens of Chicago for this grand and
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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916
imposing reception. I beg you to believe that I will not do you nor myself the in- justice to believe this magnificent ovation is personal homage to myself. I rejoice to know that it expresses your devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag of our country. (Cheers.)
"I will not conceal gratification at the uncontrovertible test this vast audience presents-that what political differences or party questions may have divided us, yet you all had a conviction that when the country should be in danger, my loyalty could be relied on. That the present dan- ger is imminent, no man can conceal. If war must come-if the bayonet must be used to maintain the Constitution-I can say before God my conscience is clean. I have struggled long for a peaceful solu- tion of the difficulty. I have not only tendered those States what was theirs of right, but I have gone to the very extreme of magnanimity.
"The return we receive is war, armies marched upon our capital, obstructions and dangers to our navigation, letters of marque to invite pirates to prey upon our commerce, a concerted movement to blot out the United States of America from the map of the globe. The question is, Are we to maintain the country of our fathers, or allow it to be stricken down by those who, when they can no longer govern, threaten to destroy ?
"What cause, what excuse do disunion- ists give us for breaking up the best Gov- ernment on which the sun of heaven ever shed its rays? They are dissatisfied with the result of a Presidential election. Did they never get beaten before? Are we to resort to the sword when we get defeated at the ballot-box? I understand it that the voice of the people expressed in the mode appointed by the Constitution must com- mand the obedience of every citizen. They assume, on the election of a particular candidate, that their rights are not safe in the Union. What evidence do they present of this? I defy any man to show any act on which it is based. What act has been omitted to be done? I appeal to these as- sembled thousands that so far as the constitutional rights of the Southern States-I will say the constitutional rights of slaveholders-are concerned, nothing has been done, and nothing omitted, of which they can complain.
"There has never been a time from the
day that Washington was inaugurated first President of these United States, when the rights of the Southern States stood firmer under the laws of the land than they do now; there never was a time when they had not as good a cause for disunion as they have today. What good cause have they now that has not existed under every administration ?
"If they say the Territorial question- now, for the first time, there is no act of Congress prohibiting slavery anywhere. If it be the non-enforcement of the laws, the only complaints that I have heard have been of the too vigorous and faithful ful- filment of the Fugitive Slave Law. Then what reason have they ?
"The slavery question is a mere excuse. The election of Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present secession movement is the re- sult of an enormous conspiracy formed more than a year since, formed by leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve months ago.
"They use the slavery question as a means to aid the accomplishment of their ends. They desired the election of a Northern candidate, by a sectional vote, in order to show that the two sections cannot live together. When the history of the two years from the Lecompton charter down to the Presidential election shall be writ- ten, it will be shown that the scheme was deliberately made to break up this Union.
"They desired a Northern Republican to be elected by a purely Northern vote, and then assign this fact as a reason why the sections may not longer live together. If the disunion candidate in the late Presi- dential contest had carried the united South, their scheme was, the Northern candidate successful, to seize the Capitol last spring, and by a united South and divided North, hold it. That scheme was defeated in the defeat of the disunion can- didate in several of the Southern States.
"But this is no time for a detail of causes. The conspiracy is now known. Armies have been raised, war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides to the question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this war; only patriots-or traitors.
"Thank God, Illinois is not divided on this question. (Cheers.) I know they ex- pected to present a united South against a divided North. They hoped, in the North-
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ern States, party questions would bring civil war between Democrats and Repub- licans, when the South would step in with her cohorts, aid one party to conquer the other, and then make easy prey of the vic- tors. Their scheme was carnage and civil war in the North.
"There is but one way to defeat this. In Illinois it is being so defeated by closing up the ranks. War will thus be prevented on our own soil. While there was a hope of peace, I was ready for any reasonable sacrifice or compromise to maintain it. But when the question comes of war in the cotton fields of the South or the corn fields of Illinois, I say the farther off the better.
"We cannot close our eyes to the sad and solemn fact that war does exist. The Gov- ernment must be maintained, its enemies overthrown, and the more stupendous our preparations the less the bloodshed, and the shorter the struggle. But we must re- member certain restraints on our actions even in time of war. We are a Christian people, and the war must be prosecuted in a manner recognized by Christian nations.
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