History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 9

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104

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At the State election in 1842 the lead- ing question before the people of Indiana was who should be chosen by the Legisla- ture to represent this commonwealth in the Senate of the United States. The Democratic favorite for this position was General Tilghman A. Howard, who two years before had met with defeat in his race for the Governorship. The choice of the Whigs was Senator Oliver H. Smith, who aspired to re-election. The race was an exceedingly close one, as al- ready set forth in a preceding chapter, and resulted in the entrance of a "dark horse" in the person of Edward A. Han- negan and his election upon the with- drawal of General Howard, who had come within two votes of the coveted prize, but who had become convinced that the cards were staked against him on ac- count of his refusal to promise certain offices to several mercenary members of the Legislature.

Mr. Hannegan was a remarkably bril- liant man, somewhat erratic, but able, courageous, yea, fearless. His habits were decidedly convivial. He was a native of Ohio; attended the public schools; studied law; was admitted to the bar, and began practice in Covington, Ind .; served

several terms in the Legislature; was elected as a Democrat to the 23rd and 24th Congresses (March 4, 1833, to March 4, 1837) ; defeated for re-election, but in 1842 elected to the United States Senate for a full term of six years. Toward the close of the Polk administration he was appointed Minister to Prussia, serving from March 22, 1849, to January 13, 1850, when he was recalled on account of his temperamental incompatibility with diplomatic discreetness and disregard of diplomatic usages. Upon his return to Indiana he became involved in some seri- ous imbroglios that impelled him to move to St. Louis, Mo., where he died, Febru- ary 25, 1859. Intemperance marred an otherwise brilliant career. It proved to be an unconquerable foe.

The plight into which the State had been brought by the several Whig administra- tions in inaugurating a stupendously im- practicable, ill-considered and enormous- ly expensive internal improvement scheme admonished the Democrats of Indiana to cast about, in 1843, for a man for Gov- ernor whose ability and integrity gave promise of bringing order out of chaos, restoring the commonwealth's shattered credit and affording relief to the sorely burdened taxpayers. They had selected such a man three years before, but the coon skin, log cabin and hard cider phan- tasy blinded the people to their real inter- ests and impelled them to defeat Tilgh- man A. Howard. The Indiana Democracy had within their ranks another man of equal sterling qualities and high attain- ments who could be depended on, in case of his election, to bring about a more satisfactory and assuring condition of affairs. The man believed to be equal to the emergency was James Whitcomb- upright citizen, rigid economist, talented lawyer, wise legislator, and patriotic states- man. His nomination at once met with hearty approval and with final ratification at the polls.

3-History

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Mr. Whitcomb was a native of Ver- mont, but was reared on a farm near Cin- cinnati. As a lad he displayed an extraor- dinary fondness for the study of liter- ature and the acquirement of knowledge. So persevering was he in his studies that he soon fitted himself for college. In due time he graduated from Transylvania University. Having qualified himself for the law, he was, in March, 1822, admitted to the Fayette county bar in Kentucky. Two years later he located in Blooming- ton, Ind., and soon won his way to a lu- crative practice. In 1826 he was, by Gov- ernor James Brown Ray, appointed Prose- cuting Attorney of his circuit. Recogni- tion of his ability led to his election to the State Senate in 1830, and to his re-election three years later. He took a conspicuous part in the attempt to safeguard the State against the internal improvement mania, but found himself unable to stem the tide. In 1836 President Jackson appointed him Commissioner of the General Land Office, which position he filled ably and accept- ably to the end of the Van Buren adminis- tration. Early in 1841 Mr. Whitcomb re- turned to Indiana, locating in Terre Haute, where he soon commanded a large and lucrative practice.

His campaign for the Governorship was masterly and productive of splendid re- sults. His competitor was Governor Sam- uel Bigger, who three years before was triumphantly elected to that office. Whit- comb defeated Bigger by 2,069 votes. Jesse D. Bright was the Democratic nom- inee for Lieutenant-Governor and elected by a plurality of 4,301.

The total vote for Governor at the 1843 election was 121,135. Of these James Whitcomb had 60,787, Samuel Bigger 58,718, Elizur Deming 1,630.

For Lieutenant-Governor, Jesse D. Bright had 60,982, John H. Bradley 56,681, Stephen S. Harding 1,687.

There is but little doubt that the Meth- odist church of Indiana contributed large-

ly to the defeat of Governor Bigger and the election of Mr. Whitcomb. The latter was for years a Methodist class-leader and stood deservedly high in the church. During the campaign the charge was made that in opposing some legislation which resulted in the establishment of Asbury University (now DePauw), Governor Bigger had said the Methodist church did not need an educated clergy; that an ignorant one was better suited to the ca- pacity of its membership. Bishop Ames, referring to this episode, said in 1846: "It was the Amen corner of the Methodist church that defeated Governor Bigger, and I had a hand in the work." Bigger was for years a ruling elder in the Presbyterian church. He was an accom- plished musician and an artist in handling the violin. So was Governor Whitcomb.

So acceptable was the first administra- tion of Governor Whitcomb that he was honored with a triumphant re-election in 1846, defeating his Whig competitor, Jo- seph G. Marshall, by a majority of 3,958. And Marshall was one of the strongest and most popular men in the State. Paris C. Dunning, a most estimable and excellent man, was Whitcomb's running mate in this contest and triumphantly elected.

In its issue of January 13, 1846, the Indianapolis Sentinel gave the Whitcomb- Dunning ticket this ringing endorsement :

"The State conventions of two great parties have both been held and candi- dates for the two principal executive offices have been nominated. If we may anticipate the end of the beginning, we may be sure of an easy victory. The Dem- ocratic convention was one of the most enthusiastic, the Whig convention the most depressed, that it has been our good fortune to behold. Whitcomb was nom- inated for re-election by acclamation with- out a single dissenting voice. The Whigs, full of doubt and fears, finally agreed to Mr. Marshall, because such men as O. H. Smith and ex-Governor Bigger would not submit to the odium which the certain de- feat of the Whig party would have in-

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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

flicted upon them. For it is the custom with the Whig party always to attribute their reverses to the unpopularity or un- fitness of their candidates. We well recol- lect the sneering cut which the Journal gave these leaders of its party for their refusal, imputing it due to selfishness and cowardice. But we think they only gave evidence of superior wisdom in thus re- fusing to be sacrificed.

"The coming contest we think will be a cool one. The people will calmly investi- gate the course of Governor Whitcomb's administration and decide accordingly. It is in view of this investigation and de- cision that we make the positive predic- tion of success to our party in August. We know that Governor Whitcomb has administered our affairs as prudently, honestly and successfully as perhaps any other man in the country could have done. In the face of the greatest obstacles he has done much good, and, so far as we have knowledge, no harm. This is saying a great deal, if the weight which we in- tend them to imply is given to our words. The people never did desert a faithful servant and will not now.

"Paris C. Dunning, of Monroe county, who was nominated as the Democratic candidate for Lieutenant-Governor, is a gentleman of much talent and energy of character. He did good service as a Polk elector during the last canvass. He is far the superior of Mr. Orth, the young gen- tleman nominated by the Whigs for the same office. Mr. Dunning will make him- self known to the people before the Au- gust election."

The Sentinel had evidently read the signs of the times correctly. Its predic- tion that Whitcomb and Dunning would surely be triumphantly elected was veri- fied to the very letter by the majesty of the ballot.

Quoting the language of W. W. Woollen :

"Governor Whitcomb filled the execu- tive chair during an eventful period of the State's history. He entered the office with the State loaded down with debt, upon which no interest had been paid for years; he left it with the debt adjusted and the State's credit restored. 'He smote the rock of national resources, and abundant streams of revenue burst forth;

he touched the dead corpse of public credit, and it sprang upon its feet.' It was at his suggestion and on his recom- mendation that the Butler bill was passed, whereby one-half the State's debt was paid by a transfer of the Wabash and Erie canal, and the other half arranged for by the issuance of bonds drawing a low rate of interest. The settlement was alike satisfactory to the bondholders and the people, and in Governor Whitcomb's own words, restored 'the tarnished escutcheon of Indiana to its original brightness.' Had he done nothing else, he would de- serve the gratitude of all, but this was only one of the many things he did for the good of the people and the honor of the State. It was by his efforts that a public sentiment was created which demanded the establishment of our benevolent and reformatory institutions, and he it was who awakened the people of Indiana to the importance of establishing common schools and providing a fund for their maintenance. It was while he was Gov- ernor that the Mexican war broke out, and Indiana was called upon for soldiers to as- sist in 'conquering a peace.' Five regi- ments of infantry were organized and mustered into the service under his di- rection, and the ease and rapidity with which it was done proved him as able in organization as in finance.

"The Legislature of 1849 elected Gov- ernor Whitcomb to the Senate of the United States for the term commencing in March of that year. He was qualified by talent, by education and by experience for the place, and he would have added luster to a name already great by his serv- ice there had his health been good and he permitted to serve out his term. But dis- ease had fastened itself upon him, and therefore he was unable to discharge his Senatorial duties as he otherwise would have done. He often left the capital in quest of health, but he found it not. His disease (gravel) was painful in the ex- treme, but he bore it with Christian forti- tude. He died at New York, October 4, 1852, away from the State whose repre- sentative he was. His remains were con- veyed to Indianapolis and buried in Green- lawn Cemetery, where they have mould- ered to dust. The State erected a monu- ment to his memory, and it still stands to point out the spot where lies all that is

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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

mortal of one whose influence upon public sentiment is felt even at the present day."

Shortly before James Whitcomb was nominated for Governor he had written a pamphlet in opposition to the high pro- tective tariff idea. Upon the publication and circulation thereof encomiums were fairly showered on its author. It was pronounced the ablest argument on the subject discussed that had yet been put into print. It was widely circulated. In 1882 the Indianapolis Sentinel, by special request, reprinted the document, accom- panying it with profuse yet merited lauda- tion.

That there has been no overstatement in any of the tributes to this remarkable man will be made apparent by the reproduction of an extract from one of Thomas A. Hendricks' eloquent addresses, delivered in April, 1882, at Indianapolis :

"Governor Whitcomb was a great scholar. He was capable not only of acquiring but of using the accumulations of learning. With him learning became an influence, an instrumentality, a power. His tastes were cultivated. He com- manded beautiful and strong language, and in it he clothed his thoughts, that were always appropriate to the subject and the occasion. I heard him address the people in his first candidacy for Gov- ernor. It was the greatest political speech I have ever heard. There was not in it a vulgarism or an appeal to low sentiment. He addressed reason, emotion, sympathy. The multitude stood enraptured. As men went from the place of meeting they fell into grave and serious conversation about

what they had heard, and the impression remained. From that day he was a lead- er, but not as men commonly speak of leadership ; he maneuvered for no combi- nations ; he was a leader in a higher sense. He declared what he believed to be the truth and trusted to its influence upon men's minds to bring them into common action. He led legislators because it was safest for them to follow. His manner was grave and serious, his voice was full and musical and his delivery almost with- out gesture. I never heard him in court, but am sure he was a formidable antago- nist before either court or jury."

Mr. Woollen is authority for the state- ment that "Governor Whitcomb was an active Freemason. He was the first man knighted in Indiana, the honor being con- ferred upon him May 20, 1848. Raper Commandery was organized in his house, and for some time held its meetings there. He was proud of his connections with Masonry; in his affections Masonry stood only second to his church."

During the third year of his occupancy of the gubernatorial chair, March 24, 1846, Mr. Whitcomb was married to Mrs. Martha Ann Hurst. She died July 17, 1847, shortly after giving birth to a daughter, who in later years became the wife of Claude Matthews, Secretary of State from 1891 to 1893, and Governor of Indiana from 1893 to 1897. Governor Whitcomb recorded his adored wife's. death in the family Bible, following the record with these much-meaning words: "How brief our happy sojourn together."

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[CHAPTER VII.] PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1844

POLITICAL PENDULUM EASILY SWAYS IN THE OTHER DIRECTION

T HE victory won in 1843 under the leadership of Whitcomb and Dunning had an inspiring effect on the Indiana Democracy. It awakened confidence in their ability to carry the State for Polk and Dallas at the Novem- ber election, and to aid to the extent of twelve electoral votes in again placing the country under Democratic control. As- sembling in convention at Indianapolis in the month of June, they selected an elec- toral ticket composed of some of the best and most prominent Democrats in the State. For electors at large they chose Dr. Graham N. Fitch, of Logansport, and James G. Read, of Jeffersonville. For Dis- trict Electors they named:

District

1. William A. Bowles, Orange county.

2. Elijah Newland, Washington.

3. John M. Johnson, Franklin.

4. Samuel E. Perkins, Wayne.

5. William W. Wick, Marion.

6. Paris C. Dunning, Monroe.

7. Austin M. Puett, Parke.

8. Henry W. Ellsworth, Tippecanoe.

9. Charles W. Cathcart, Laporte.

10. Lucien P. Ferry, Allen.

STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE.

Livingston Dunlap, James P. Drake,

Horatio J. Harris, Nathan B. Palmer,

J. P. Chapman, Charles Parry,

A. F. Morrison, Capt. John Cain,

Thomas Johnson, E. Hedderly,

Elias N. Skinner,

Nathaniel West,

Samuel P. Daniels, Abram Koontz,

Julius Nocolai.

A ringing declaration of "Democratic Principles and Measures" was promul- gated in this form:

A simple and frugal Government con- fined within strict constitutional limits.

A strict construction of the Constitu- tion and no assumption of doubtful pow- ers.

No national bank to swindle the labor- ing population.

No connection between the Government and banks.

A diplomacy asking for nothing but what is clearly right and submitting to nothing wrong.

No public debt either by the general Government or by the States, except for objects of urgent necessity.

No assumption by the general Govern- ment of the debts of the States, either di- rectly or indirectly, by the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands.

A revenue tariff discriminating in favor of the poor consumer instead of the rich capitalist.

No extensive system of internal im- provement by the general Government or by the States.

A Constitutional barrier against im- provident State loans.

The honest payment of our debts and the sacred preservation of the public faith.

A gradual return from the paper credit system.

No grants of exclusive charters and privileges by special legislation to banks. No connection between church and State.

No proscription for honest opinions. Fostering aid to public education.

A "progressive" reformation of all abuses.

In Indiana, as in other States, the cam- paign of 1844 became one of intense bit- terness. A good deal of personal abuse was injected into it. The apostacy of Tyler had greatly embittered the Whigs. Even the death of President Harrison, officially declared to have been due to an attack of bilious pleurisy, but by others asserted to have been brought about by ex-

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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

haustive worry over the intense pressure for recognition by importunate office- seekers, constituted no insignificant part of the campaign. Democrats, though tacitly approving the attitude of Tyler on the "burning issues" of the day, did not deem it incumbent on themselves to champion or applaud the course of that public functionary. When the Whigs, in their rage, denounced Tyler as "the cor- rupt, foresworn, perfidious, mocking. image of executive rule at Washington," Democrats were content with the re- joinder that Tyler was placed in power by the Whigs and that the Democrats were in no sense responsible for his official creation. This was considered a "knock- down argument" that afforded no comfort to the Whigs. A new political epithet was introduced. It had originated in New York, where a factional Democratic meet- ing terminated in a row and a rumpus be- tween "Equal Rights men" and the "Hunkers." During the fracas the gas was turned out by connivance. The Equal Rights men were so determined to con- tinue the meeting that they lit what were then called loco foco matches and con- tinued the proceedings with that sort of scant illumination. The novelty of the thing was so engaging that it received widespread publicity, and in due course of time the term Loco Foco was applied to Democrats in general. As a political nickname it did service up to 1858. It was no longer heard of after that.

The Democratic speakers in Indiana made effective use of both State and na- tional issues. They presented strong arguments. Responsive audiences in- spired the campaign managers with high confidence in the outcome. And they were not disappointed. A count of the votes cast at the November election showed this result :

James K. Polk, Democrat. .... 70,181

Henry Clay, Whig. 67,867

James G. Birney, Abolitionist .. 2,106

What pleased the Democrats particu- larly was that Polk carried the State by a majority over both the Whig and the Abolitionist candidates. There was no sort of indebtedness due the third party for "favors rendered" in running a candi- date of their own.

The situation was quite different in some of the Eastern States, as will appear from the following extracts from A. K. McClure's book entitled "Our Presidents":

"Mr. Clay enjoyed a much larger meas- ure of personal popularity than any other man in the Nation, and he was universal- ly accepted as the most gifted political orator of his day. He was to the Whigs of that time what Blaine was to the Re- publicans during his several unsuccessful battles for the Presidency. It is a notable fact in political history that no pre-em- inent political orator ever succeeded in reaching the Presidency. Garfield was the nearest approach to it, but he was a contemporary of Blaine, and Blaine far outstripped him either on the hustings or in parliamentary debate. Clay had en- tered both the House and Senate when lit- tle more than eligible by age, and he was admittedly the most accomplished presid- ing officer the House ever had. He was the Commoner of the war of 1812, and rendered most conspicuous service to his country. His speeches in the House did more than the persuasion of any other dozen men to force the young Republic into a second contest with England on the right of search on the high seas. He was always strong in argument, was often im- passioned and superbly eloquent, and in every great emergency of the country dur- ing the first half of the present century he was the pacificator. President Madi- son was most reluctant to declare war against England, and he yielded to it only when it became a supreme necessity to obey the general demand of the country for an appeal to arms.

"When Clay was nominated for Presi- dent in 1844, it was generally believed that he would have an easy victory over Van Buren, and when Polk, of Tennessee, was made the compromise candidate against him, the Whigs at first believed that the nomination of a comparatively obscure man against the great chieftain

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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

of the Whigs would give them a walkover. The campaign had made little progress, however, until the Whigs discovered that the Democrats were going to be thorough- ly united on Polk, and that he was prob- ably the strongest candidate who could have been nominated against Clay. His chief strength was in his negative qual- ities. He had not been involved in any of the conflicts of ambition among the Demo- cratic leaders. He was regarded as the favorite of Jackson, and while his nom- ination had been made without any previ- ous discussion or suggestion of his claims to the Presidency, he had filled high State and national positions with credit, and he could not be accused of incompetency. I doubt indeed whether any other Democrat could have been nominated by the Demo- cratic convention to make a successful battle against Clay.

"The Whigs entered the contest defiant in confidence and enthusiastic to a degree that had never before been exhibited in the support of any candidate. The devo- tion of the Whigs to Clay was little less than idolatry, and strong men shed scald- ing tears over his defeat. He was largely handicapped in his battle by the compli- cations put upon the Whig party by Presi- dent Tyler. The Cabinet was wholly Democratic and bitterly against Clay. Under the demoralization caused by Tyler's betrayal of the party the Whigs had lost the House in 1842, but they re- tained their mastery in the Senate, and a new peril to Clay was soon developed in the growth of the Abolition sentiment of western New York. Neither Clay nor Polk made campaign speeches, and both maintained themselves with scrupulous dignity throughout the long and excep- tionally desperate contest.

"Pennsylvania was then, as in 1860, the pivotal State of the struggle, and the death of the Democratic candidate for Governor during the midsummer deprived the Whigs of a source of strength that most likely would have given them the State in October. The Democrats had a violent factional dispute in choosing a candidate for Governor. Mr. Muhlenberg, who had been a bolting candidate against Governor Wolfe in 1835, thereby electing Ritner, the anti-Masonic candidate, was finally nominated for Governor over Francis R. Shunk, the candidate of the

opposing faction. Muhlenberg was weak- ened by his aggressive factional record, and the Democrats were hardly hopeful of his election, but he died just when the struggle was at its zenith, and Shunk was then unanimously and cordially accepted as the Democratic leader.

"The Whigs had nominated General Markle of Westmoreland, who was unques- tionably the strongest man they could have presented. The Presidential battle was practically fought in that contest for Governor, and when Shunk was elected by 4,397 majority there were few who cher- ished much hope of Clay's election. Penn- sylvania, lost in October, could not be re- gained in November, but the Whigs did not in any measure relax their efforts, and Polk carried the State over Clay by 6,332.

"When Pennsylvania faltered the greatly impaired hopes of the Whigs centered in New York, as it was believed that New York might decide the contest in favor of Clay, even with Pennsylvania certain to vote against him. The nomination of Silas Wright for Governor had thoroughly united the Van Buren followers in support of Polk, and while Clay stood against the annexation of Texas and the extension of the slave power, the. anti-slavery senti- ment of New York was greatly strength- ened by the fact that both Clay and Polk were Southerners and slaveholders. Birney, the Abolition candidate, received 15,812 votes, while Polk's majority in the State was 5,106. Mr. Greeley, who was one of the leaders in the anti-slavery move- ment, and much more practical than the organized Abolitionists, bitterly denounced that party for defeating Clay. In his Whig Almanac for 1845 he had an elaborate re- view of the contest, in which he said:

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History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 9

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926 Publication date: 1917 Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co. Number of Pages: 1104

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104