History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 19

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104

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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

glib-tongued charlatans and unscrupulous demagogues manage to get the ear of the dear people. And thereby is furnished cogent reason why safe, sound, trust- worthy leadership is so much needed in every locality, in every village and ham- let, in every town and city, in every county and district-a leadership that instills wholesome sentiment into the public mind and furnishes incentive to right-thinking and right-doing ; a leadership, not for self- aggrandizement and spoliation, but a lead- ership whose chief purpose and highest aim is to promote the general welfare and to foster the common good. Such leader- ship does not go upon the assumption that politics is the science of getting 51 per cent. of the votes by hook or crook. It has a higher conception of politics. It believes in honesty being the best policy and in right making might.

In the maddening race for building up large centers of population-big cities- too many people forget all about the notes of warning sounded by Jefferson. That wise patriot and far-seeing statesman more than a hundred years ago described large cities as being "pestilential to the morals, the health and the liberties of men." Several of the New England States, recognizing the soundness of the Jeffer- sonian view, safeguarded themselves against the pernicious effects of such massing together by rendering it impossi- ble for large cities to gain the mastery in legislative assemblies and thus control the domestic policies of these commonwealths. The Empire State of the Union inserted a clause in its constitution making it im- possible for the city of New York to gain the ascendancy in the General Assembly, no matter how greatly its number of in- habitants might exceed that of the rest of the State. A Senator, discussing this feature of legislative apportionment, made bold to declare that in his opinion a typical country gentleman in the interior of New York ought by right to count for as much

as at least a half-dozen dwellers in the slums of the Bowery. And no one in that body took issue with this Senator on that proposition. The people of Indiana will be amenable to the charge of gross indif- ference to the State's highest interests if they do not in good time safeguard them- selves in some way against being dom- inated by large centers of population. The history of the world amply verifies the declaration of Dr. Francis E. Clark that "no Nation was ever overthrown by its farmers." Let the so-called rural popula- tion and the inhabitants of the thrifty towns and smaller cities bear in mind that if popular delusion should ever succeed in foisting upon this Commonwealth a State-wide primary election law it would be easily within the power of the five larg- er cities to control, through combination, the nomination of every candidate on the State ticket. The powerful influence of money in politics is so demoralizing and pernicious that its destructive effects are quickly felt wherever exerted to any con- siderable extent. With clear vision the sturdy New England patriot, Samuel Adams, espied what was coming when in 1789 he gave expression to this pregnant thought: "We have achieved a great lib- erty; we have wrought out a great consti- tution ; but my only fear is that our people, who are now poor and simple and love lib- erty because they have made sacrifices for it, will after a while grow rich and will prefer their riches to their liberty."

Fittingly there may be added to this verified apprehension the recent lamenta- tion of the venerable Dr. Abraham Kuyper, ex-premier of the Netherlands and advisor to Queen Wilhelmina: "The world has mocked God! The nations have forgotten and ignored Him. Even in Christian circles there were departures from Him that ruleth over earth and skies. And now this God, mocked, forgotten and ignored, fills the hearts of men with terror. The mightiest among them tremble."

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[CHAPTER XVIII.]

THE CONVENTION SYSTEM

SELFISH AND CORRUPT PRACTICES BY POLITICAL MANIPU- LATORS ITS WORST FOE

C ONVENTION-literally, a com- ing together-derives its pol- itico-social meaning from the old Roman "Conveetu populi" -the gathering of the people. It is applied to extraordinary, or, at least, occasional gather- ings, rather than to the regular and more frequent meetings. Thus, a fraternal so- ciety has its local lodges and meetings, but the larger conventions occur only once in one or more years; and a State has annual or biennial sessions of its Legislature, but its constitutional conventions are far apart.

In nations wherein the ultimate sov- ereignty is vested in the people, the con- vention is the method by which this sov- ereignty is peacefully exerted; the people either directly or through delegates tak- ing matters into their own hands and at their pleasure modifying or entirely changing the form of government. Polit- ical economists recognize two classes of these conventions-the revolutionary, which alters the form, and the recon- structive, which only amends it. Of the former class are the "Constituent Assem- blies" of France. The first which grew out of the assembling of the State's gen- erals overthrew the monarchy and pro- claimed a Republic; and there have been ten others since, making of France in al- terations an empire, kingdom and repub- lic back and forth. England has had three conventions. The first was at Runnymede, when the assembled barons reconstructed the government so as to limit the power of the king; the second was the revolutionary convention in 1660 which set aside the Commonwealth and recalled Charles the Second to the throne; the third was the re-

constructive convention of 1689, which, assuming the kingdom in existence though the king was in exile, called William of Orange to reign conjointly with Mary his wife, but placed additional restraints upon the royal prerogatives.

In this country there have been many conventions of both kinds. At the very time the English convention was calling William and Mary to the throne, the Massachusetts colony was holding a revo- lutionary convention which deposed Gov- ernor Andros, overthrew the government he had set up and restored the Charter rights. Immediately preceding the war for Independence, several of the colonies, separately, or working together, held con- ventions of the revolutionary character, all tending to a change of government. The Continental Congress that issued the Declaration of Independence was a perfect example of the revolutionary convention.

The convention which framed the Fed- eral Constitution was reconstructive. It did not attempt to change the essential principles of the Government, but only "to form a more perfect Union." In the order- ly development of our Nation, the conven- tions which formed the first constitutions of the several States may be termed revo- lutionary, inasmuch as they change the government from territorial to State, while the successive conventions that amend the constitutions are reconstruct- ive, because, although they change details, they leave the general structure undis- turbed.

At present the most common use of the term "convention" is in connection with political parties-particularly the declara- tion of their principles and the nomination of their candidates. It has been seen that

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in the earliest years of the Republic no conventions were held or needed, so far as national affairs were concerned. The views of the Federalists and Anti-Federal- ists were known by the position they took on the Constitution, and the platform of the Republican party was embodied in Jefferson's letter to Washington. As to candidates, there were none but Washing- ton, until he retired, and then Jefferson and Adams were universally recognized as representatives of their respective parties.

In State elections there was a very com- mon assent that the members of the Legis- lature, having been chosen by the people, might very properly gather in caucus or convention to name the candidates. By analogy the same practice was transferred to Congress in the matter of naming candi- dates for President. These legislative and congressional caucuses, as they were called, were in reality reconstructive con- ventions, in which the legislators, acting as delegates for the rank and file of their respective political parties, named the can- didates for their support. It was not until the caucus, becoming a "close corpora- tion," had been made the instrument for the accomplishment of selfish purposes, that the people overthrew it and estab- lished the later system-conventions con- stituted for the sole purpose of formulat- ing party principles and nominating can- didates.

The earliest of these conventions were decidedly revolutionary. Some of them took the form of mass meetings and im- promptu gatherings, and they all resulted in overturning the old order of things and in the organization of new parties. The first made Jackson President and formed the Democratic party. Then in 1832 a convention presented the anti-Mason party to the country, and two or three years later the Whig party was similarly brought into being. In 1855-6 the second Republican party was formed by a series of revolutionary conventions, very similar

in character to those which brought forth the Democratic party nearly a third of a century earlier. All the "third parties" have had their beginnings in the same way.

After the political party is organized, the conventions that formulate its prin- ciples and nominate its candidates are re- constructive. They pass resolutions and put forth platforms to adapt the party policy to new conditions that arise, and they seek to nominate candidates that will meet the popular approval.

For all these purposes the convention is the ideal method. Properly constituted, it represents the whole body. Its "coming together" is not simply the physical meet- ing of the delegates; it is a commingling of minds. It furnishes an opportunity for comparison of views and discussion of men and measures which ought to result in the wisest possible action. When the political unit for which the convention acts is small the whole body of electors may "come to- gether." Such were the New England town meetings copied into several States. There the people got together, talked over the public needs, debated questions of policy, discussed the fitness of candidates, and finally passed upon all the measures, and elected the officials for the ensuing terms-a sort of constitutional convention, legislative body and electoral college blended in one.

But with greater population and larger units of territory, the direct action of the electors became impossible, and the dele- gate body a necessity.

While the nominating convention re- tained its original and proper character of representing its constituents and seeking to promote their best interests, it was a powerful instrument for good in the polit- ical party. It combined the wisdom of all into unified action.

But abuses arose. The selfishness of party backers seeking personal advantage rather than the good of either party or

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country, led them to attempt the control of conventions. Too often, notably so in localities where a nomination is equivalent to an election, they succeeded. By means of "snap caucuses" and corruption of delegates they subverted the will of the people and "bossed" the convention, mak- ing it subservient to their own ends. This state of affairs has existed to a far greater extent in the Republican than in the Dem- ocratic party, by reason of the fact that the former, until a few years ago, has had much more to do with the distribution of the loaves and fishes than the latter. Un- fortunately, a deplorably large number of voters has come to regard the distribution of loaves and fishes as the chief function of party organization.

Naturally the people revolted and the convention fell into disrepute. Hence a substitute has been sought in the primary elections. But this is a cumbrous method. It leaves out entirely the consultations and discussions which were the foundation of the convention's strength. Then, too, the primary election is not free from the de- fect which lies at the bottom of boss con- trol of the convention-the indifference of the people except on extraordinary occa- sions.

If the people would turn out at the caucuses and elect proper delegates to the convention, control by corrupt bosses could

not occur, and experience so far indicates that the voters are just as indifferent in the ordinary primary election. The "short ballot" which restricts the elective offices to a few may be a remedy, by giving the people a little better chance to know what they are doing instead of leaving them to vote in the dark, as most have to at pres- ent. But the real cure of all the evils of representative government is an alert, in- telligent electorate, and the best way for it to act is through the properly consti- tuted conventions.

The customs and instincts of the Ameri- can people tend toward the placing of representatives between themselves and the selection of their candidates. When- ever a primary election law runs counter to this instinct it becomes null and void in some way or other. The people will get around it by conferences or "unofficial" conventions. The underlying common sense of the electorate demands the con- sultation and discussion of platforms and candidates, which can be secured only in a delegate convention. It is proper that such convention be safeguarded as far as possible against corrupt or selfish control, but the surest safeguard is to be found in a patriotic electorate, vigilant and intelli- gent in selecting the delegates that consti- tute the convention.

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[CHAPTER XIX.]

RENOMINATION OF GOVERNOR WRIGHT

INDIANA'S MATCHLESS ORATOR, ASHBEL P. WILLARD, CHOSEN AS HIS RUNNING MATE

HE Indiana Democracy met in T State convention at Indiana- polis February 24, 1852. Colonel A. C. Pepper of Ohio county was made temporary chairman and C. S. Horton of Switzerland county temporary secretary.

A committee on permanent organization having been selected, its recommendation of the following-named permanent officers was unanimously approved by the conven- tion :

President-Judge Thomas L. Smith, of Floyd county.

Vice-Presidents-Ethan Allen Brown, Ohio; Gamaliel Taylor, Jefferson; Wm. Rockhill, Allen; Z. Tannehill, Bartholo- mew.

Secretaries-James Elder, Wayne ; John B. Norman, Floyd; Austin H. Brown, Marion. (These three gentlemen were editors of influential Democratic news- papers.)

Robert Dale Owen presented this reso- lution, which was unanimously adopted amidst vociferous applause :

"Resolved, That this convention nom- inate as Democratic candidate for Gov- ernor for the next term, Joseph A. Wright."

For Lieutenant-Governor, Ashbel P. Willard of New Albany was nominated by practical unanimity.

The remainder of the State ticket was made to consist of these selections :

Secretary of State-Nehemiah Hayden, Rush.

Auditor of State-John P. Dunn, Perry. State Treasurer - Elijah Newland, Washington.

Superintendent of Public Instruction- W. C. Larabee, Putnam.

Supreme Judges-Wm. Z. Stuart, Cass; Andrew Davidson, Decatur; Samuel E. Perkins, Marion; Addison L. Roach, Parke.

Editorially, the Indianapolis Sentinel spoke in these commendatory terms of the action of the convention :

"Our present popular Governor is the Democratic nominee. He has resided in. the State thirty-five years. Unaided by wealth, influence or name, he has risen from the humble bricklayer-the orphan boy-to his present position. At twenty- two he entered the State Legislature as a Representative from Parke county. He served one term in the State Senate, and afterwards as a member of Congress from the Vigo district. Elected to his present position over his popular and worthy com- petitor by a majority of 9,778, he is again presented for the suffrages of the people of Indiana. His name is a tower of strength. The hearts of the people are with him and for him. The young Whig lawyers with sleek heads and flowing beards may denounce him with their vituperation and abuse to their heart's con- tent. The honest farmers and working men are with him."

The compensation of State officers in those days was certainly moderate. In a speech delivered in the House of Repre- sentatives, May 19, Robert Dale Owen recommended that the annual salaries be fixed at these figures: Governor, $1,500; Supreme Judges, $1,200; Circuit Judges, $1,200; State officers, $1,200; Librarian, $700. This was an increase of $200 each in the salaries of eighteen officers and much less than the maximum talked of at the time, which was, Governor, $2,500, etc.

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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

DEMOCRATIC ACHIEVEMENT.

With pardonable pride, the Indianapolis Sentinel pointed to the splendid record made by Governors Whitcomb and Wright in extricating the State from the financial dilemma into which it had fallen under Whig administration. Here is a sample of the Sentinel's encomiums :

"When the Democrats were called to ad- minister the State government, her credit was prostrated; no interest was paid upon her debt, and so dark and gloomy was the future that the fearful thought of repudia- tion was springing up in various parts of the State. The State debt was then almost $17,000,000 and the interest was increas- ing with fearful rapidity. But look at the change which eight years has made. The State now owes less than $7,400,000; her `credit is sustained in every market and the dark thought of repudiation has given place to the bright hopes of freedom from indebtedness. $2,424,000 has been paid in money, and in redeeming the outstanding scrip from circulation, the remainder by the transfer of the Wabash and Erie Canal."

SAD OCCURRENCE.

On the night of the convention the Hon. Ethan Allen Brown, when returning to the evening session, fell over an obstruc- tion and injured his hand. He was obliged to leave the convention and return to his hotel. His hand continuing to bleed, a physician was summoned, and shortly after his arrival Mr. Brown died. Death was caused by the bursting of a blood ves- sel. Mr. Brown had just been chosen as delegate-at-large to the National Conven- tion at Baltimore.

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS.

For the State-at-Large: John Pettit, Tippecanoe; James H. Lane, Dearborn. Contingents: Dr. W. F. Sherrod, Orange; John W. Dodd, Grant.

DISTRICT ELECTORS.

1. Benjamin R. Edmonston, Dubois county.

2. James A. Athon, Clark.

3. John A. Hendricks, Jefferson.

4. Ebenezer Dumont, Dearborn.

5. William Grose, Henry.

6. William J. Brown, Marion.

7. Oliver P. Davis, Vermillion.

8. Lorenzo C. Dougherty, Boone.

9. Samuel A. Hall, Cass.

10. Reuben J. Dawson, DeKalb.

11. James F. McDowell, Grant.

DELEGATES-AT-LARGE TO NATIONAL CONVENTION.

Ethan Allen Brown. Ohio

John W. Davis. Sullivan

W. J. Brown. . Marion

John S. Buckles. . Delaware

W. W. McCoy. Laporte

Michael G. Bright. Jefferson

DEMOCRATIC STATE COMMITTEE.

A. G. Porter, C. G. Werbe,

David Reynolds, N. Bolton,

L. Dunlap, Francis King,

Wm. H. Morrison, J. P. Drake,

Albert Gall, W. J. Brown.

GOVERNOR WRIGHT'S ATTITUDE ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION.

Governor Wright never was and never could be a champion of the institution of slavery. But he was at the same time a conservative as to the manner of dealing with the slave question. He recognized the fact that slavery existed when the Union was formed; that its existence was recog- nized by law, and that under the law slave- holders had rights that could neither be ignored nor violated with impunity. His chief concern at that time was to preserve the peace and to avert sectional strife. In order that his attitude with reference to the then pending issues might be fully un- derstood, he declared himself thus in a statement published in the Sentinel of De- cember 5, 1851:

"Indiana holds him an enemy to the well-being of this Republic who pursues any course tending to widen the breach be- tween the North and the South. Minor questions sink into insignificance com- pared to the great paramount duty of every American citizen, the preservation and integrity of the American Union.

"Each and all of the laws constituting that compromise which has been as oil cast upon the troubled waters are assented

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to and have been carried out so far as they apply to us, in word and letter, according to the strictest judicial construction, by citizens of our State. This has been cor- dially and with as near an approach to hearty unanimity as any measure enacted to reconcile similar sectional differences can ever be expected to receive.

"Indiana desires to see the compromise made under the Constitution and expressly framed to carry into effect its provisions, remain undisturbed. We say to the South, as well as to the North, that these meas- ures must stand-that this sectional con- troversy must not again be opened up- that time is an element which enters into everything that is valuable, must test their wisdom of efficacy-that from whatever quarter of the Union efforts shall be made to revive this sectional agitation, Indiana is against it.

"Nor will she by her votes countenance those who favor the opening afresh in any manner, under any pretense, the questions so recently and so happily disposed of -- let us hope forever. Our duty is plain ; abide by the past, sustain the measures faithfully, cease agitation and trust for the future to the intelligence and patriotism of the people under the guidance of Provi- dence."

This doubtless accurately expressed the sentiment of a vast majority of Indiana's inhabitants, with but few exceptions. The radical anti-slavery element represented by George W. Julian had no notable strength outside the Julian district. Dem- ocrats and Whigs were in entire accord with Governor Wright's views, as set forth in the foregoing declaration.

DEMAND FOR ROBERT DALE OWEN.

Prior to the convening of the Demo- cratic State Convention in February, pub- lic expression was given to a pronounced sentiment in favor of making Robert Dale Owen Superintendent of Public Instruc- tion. A strong editorial on that sub- ject appeared in the Louisville Jour- nal, then edited by Geo. D. Prentice. In this editorial were set forth va- rious cogent reasons why, in the opinion of Mr. Prentice, Indiana should

place at the head of its educational inter- ests a man of Mr. Owen's superior qualifi- cations. This article was reproduced in the Sentinel with favorable comment. The publication of these commendatory refer- ences to Mr. Owen prompted that gentle- man to declare, in a communication printed in the Sentinel of December 23, that "on account of private arrangements connected with his duties to his family he could not be a candidate for the office of Superintendent of Public Instruction at the February convention." In the same letter he protested vigorously against the exclusion of ministers of the gospel from school positions, saying the schools are "secular and not religious institutions." He also objected emphatically to any ex- clusion being made on account of any par- ticular religion. The latter objection was evoked by the rising spirit of Know- Nothingism that had taken strong hold in some of the larger cities of the Union.

POLITICS MAKES STRANGE BED- FELLOWS.

This trite saying was strikingly ex- emplified in the earlier period of political contention. Judge Turpie had some such experiences when he engaged in joint dis- cussions with some of his competitors. But perhaps the most notable of these close as- sociations was that unctuously related by one of the candidates for Lieutenant-Gov- ernor in 1852. The rival aspirants for this office were Ashbel P. Willard of New Al- bany and "Billy" Williams of Warsaw. Both were remarkably effective stump speakers. Willard was highly educated and an ideal orator. Williams was de- ficient in education, but irresistible as a natural orator before a popular audience. During the seventies, when representing the Tenth district in Congress, "Billy" told the writer of the time he had with Willard while going through the arduous task of a series of joint discussions. One of these wordy combats took place in a locality

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where hotel accommodations were scant. It became necessary for these two distin- guished disputants to occupy the same bed. Both were jolly good fellows. Not- withstanding the fact that they belabored one another at a lively rate in their fiery speeches, a strong personal friendship had sprung up between them. "Both of us felt tired," the inimitable Billy said in the course of his narrative, "so it wasn't long after we had gone to bed that Willard be- gan to snore in stentorian tones. Pretty soon he would turn over, throw his leg over me and exclaim, 'Billy, of all the au- dacious liars I ever encountered, you are entitled to be enrolled on top of the list.' Complacently falling asleep, repeating his snoring with reinforced vigor, and again throwing his leg over me, he drawled out, 'Billy, how can you stand up before an in- telligent audience and unfold yourself as a very prince of liars?' Again giving him- self over to the sleep of the righteous, Willard soon again unconsciously set his snoring apparatus in motion. For the third time he threw his leg over me, this time accompanying that performance with this tribute to my veracity: 'Well, Billy, you are without doubt the sleekest liar I have ever come across.' How many times he reiterated these testimonials during the night I am unable to say. I was tired, ex- hausted, and became oblivious to all that happened or didn't happen during that memorable night of joint bed occupancy. When we got up in the morning there were no signs of anything unpleasant having occurred. Continuing our battle of words, we fought it out to the bitter end. Willard had the satisfaction of beating me by a little over 15,000, while I had the satisfac- tion of doing considerably better than the head of the ticket, who was defeated by over 19,000. Yes, those were great days, with great doings. As a public speaker he was simply a wonder. He preferred out- door to indoor speaking. When he got warmed up to his subject he would first

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History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 19

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926 Publication date: 1917 Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co. Number of Pages: 1104

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104