History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 7

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104

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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

1846 he permitted himself to be made Chairman of the Whig State Committee, and in 1850 he was made a member of the Constitutional Convention that framed the organic law under which Indiana still operates its governmental machinery. Despite his superb ability as a debater, he took but little part in the deliberations of that body. This occasioned grievous dis- appointment to his friends and admirers. The most noteworthy statement credited to him in the records of the Constitutional Convention is the declaration that while a member of Congress he voted for the ex- pulsion from that body of the high priest of abolitionism, Joshua R. Giddings, on account of his persistence in stirring up sectional animosity between North and South. Giddings then represented the famous "Western Reserve" (of Ohio) in Congress and took high rank as one of the most outspoken and defiant anti-slavery agitators of the land. The last official po- sition filled by Governor Wallace was that of Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, to which he was elected in 1856 and which he filled with marked ability. He died sud- denly on the 4th of September, 1859. In eulogy he was declared to have been "a just judge-firm, upright, clear, patient, laborious, impartial and conscientious"- certainly a very high and appreciable tribute to honesty, integrity and efficiency. His oratory was of the choicest phrase- ology and of inspiring delivery.

LAST OF WHIG GOVERNORS-SAM- UEL BIGGER.

A native of Ohio succeeded, in 1840, a native of Pennsylvania as Governor of In- diana. His name was Samuel Bigger, a product of Warren county, Ohio, born March 20, 1802. He was the son of John Bigger, a Western pioneer, and for many years a member of the Ohio Legislature. Though reared on a farm, he was frail of body, too delicate to perform manual la- bor. Accordingly he was prepared for col-

lege. As the result of earnest applica- tion to his studies he graduated from Athens University and then fitted himself for the legal profession. In 1829 he moved to Liberty, Ind., where he practiced law for a short time, and then located at Rushville. Like other Indiana lawyers, he sought and secured a seat in the Legisla- ture, being first elected in 1834 and re- elected in 1835. The first year of his legis- lative career he sought to be elected Speaker, but was defeated by Colonel James Gregory by a 39 to 37 vote. After his legislative service he became a judge of his judicial circuit. In this position he made a creditable record. The reputation thus gained secured him the Whig nom- ination for Governor in 1840 over Gov- ernor Wallace, a much abler man and a far more forceful and eloquent public speaker. The campaign was a most excit- ing one. It was the famous "Tippecanoe and Tyler too" campaign, in which figured conspicuously and fantastically the log cabin, hard cider and coon skins. General Harrison was immensely popular in In- diana, having for years been its Terri- torial Governor. Though Indiana had three times voted for "Old Hickory" for the Presidency, it refused to give its elec- toral vote to Jackson's legatee, Martin Van Buren, either in 1836 or in 1840.

GENERAL TILGHMAN A. HOWARD.

The Democrats had as their candidate for Governor an exceptionally able, strong and good man in the person of General Tilghman A. Howard, then a member of Congress from the seventh district. He was a native of South Carolina, but his boyhood days were spent in North Caro- lina until he was nineteen years of age. Fascinated by the picturesque scenery of East Tennessee, he located in that part of the Union, following the pursuit of a school teacher and then of a merchant's clerk. He drifted into a law office, and at the age of twenty-one was admitted to

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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

the bar. Having developed high qualities as a public speaker, an appreciative elec- torate made him, at the age of twenty- seven, a State Senator. In this capacity he soon won prominence and distinction, so much so that he was placed upon the Jackson electoral ticket in 1828 and tri- umphantly elected. Two years later he became a resident of Indiana, locating at Bloomington, where he opened a law office and soon after formed a copartnership with James Whitcomb, who, in the follow- ing decade, became Governor and later on United States Senator. After a residence of about three years at Bloomington, Howard concluded that the town of Rock- ville, in Parke county, would prove a more advantageous location for him. He, how- ever, continued his business relations with Mr. Whitcomb until 1836, when he dis- solved it and associated himself with Judge William P. Bryant. This connec- tion continued three years, when Judge Bryant withdrew from the firm. His place was taken by Joseph A. Wright, who, like Mr. Whitcomb, also in later years became Governor, and for a short time United States Senator. This combination of tal- ent continued up to the time of Howard's death.

As an ardent supporter of "Old Hick- ory," Howard was appointed United States District Attorney for Indiana in 1832. This important office he held for seven years. In 1839 he made the race for a seat in Congress and was tri- umphantly elected. His district com- prised nineteen counties in the western and northern parts of the State, extending clear over to Michigan City. Contrary to his wishes he was made the Democratic nominee for Governor in 1840. He en- tered upon a very vigorous campaign, at the close of which he was worn down by fatigue and disease. Yet he murmured not. His strong religious faith lent him stamina and afforded him serene buoyancy even in the hour of defeat, distress and

disaster. In the truest sense of the word he was a Christian gentleman of steadfast character.

During the time he served as District Attorney of Indiana it became necessary for the Jackson administration, in 1835, to appoint a commissioner for the purpose of adjusting and settling a number of claims against the Government growing out of treaties with the Indians. This task was considered one of unusual delicacy and of utmost importance. There was much difference , of opinion among President Jackson's cabinet officers as to who should be selected for this position, when "Old Hickory" himself solved the problem by suggesting Tilghman A. Howard as the very man needed and best suited for this difficult task. Needless to say that the selection fully met the expec- tations of the administration. General Howard proved himself the right man in the right place-the very soul of honor and integrity.

While serving as a member of Congress, and after having been selected to make the race for Governor, the suggestion was made, the latter part of May, 1840, that some sort of State demonstration be made in his behalf at Indianapolis, including a dinner. To this suggestion he made this characteristic reply :

"I have considered the matter. It is not democratic, and would be, to a certain ex- tent, imitating the folly of our antago- nists. Freemen ought to meet together to reason on public interests when they as- semble for political effect, and allow me to say to you that the mass of our people will not be any the more zealous by any public demonstration. They will turn out to hear debate. I shall have as many as I deserve to have to hear me, and my wish is to have no demonstration, no proces- sion, no flags, no drums, nor any other exhibition unworthy of a free, thinking, orderly community. I shall leave here at the very earliest day and hurry home and you may rely on it I will be at several points yet in Indiana before the election (in August). Allow my suggestion to

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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

prevail. Let us be what Democracy should be, too independent to be deceived by shows or led away by them; possessing too much respect for our fellow-men to at- tempt to mislead them on those great sub- jects that concern the general happiness."

The Legislature chosen in 1842 having a United States Senator to elect, the can- vass of that year was made mainly upon that issue. The Whigs supported Oliver H. Smith, and the Democrats General Howard. No other man was spoken of in connection with the office until after the Legislature met. The two candidates met just before the Legislature convened and had a talk about the Senatorship. General Howard said to Mr. Smith that he knew one of them would be elected if the will of the people was carried out. "But," said he, "the vote will be so close that a man or two may be found who, like Judas, would sell his party for a few pieces of silver. There is nothing certain." That General Howard was correct events proved. On the first ballot he received 74 votes, Mr. Smith 72 votes, Edward A. Hannegan 3 votes and Joseph G. Marshall 1 vote. It will be seen that Howard lacked two votes of election. It was said at the time these votes were offered him if he would promise office to the givers, but he scorned the proffer. On the sixth ballot Mr. Hanne- gan was elected, General Howard having withdrawn from the contest.

In the summer of 1844 General Howard was appointed by President Tyler Charge d'Affaires to the Republic of Texas. He left home on the Fourth of July and reached Washington, the capital of Texas, August 1, 1844. In a few days he was taken sick with fever, and in fifteen days from the time of his arrival he died. He breathed his last at the house of John Far- quher, a few miles from Washington. He was buried in Texas, and for three years his remains rested in that far-off country.

Adopting the language of William Wes- ley Woollen, "General Howard was a mem- ber of the Presbyterian church, but he

was not a sectarian. He believed there were many branches of the same vine, many paths leading to the straight gate. He was too great to be a bigot, too good to have no charity."

General Howard was always dignified in public. He seldom indulged in levity; but notwithstanding this, he had the fac- ulty of drawing all classes of men to him. The sober and the gay, the lettered and the unlettered alike followed his fortunes.

Although General Howard never at- tended an academy or a college, he was a very learned man. He was acquainted with the civil law, with theology, history, politics, geology, mineralogy, botany, philosophy and the occult sciences. His mind was a vast storehouse of knowledge, it being questionable if there was another man in the State of such information as he.

During the canvass of 1840 a newspaper published at Greencastle sought to make political capital against General Howard by commenting upon his well-known opinions on temperance. When he spoke in that town he read the article and told the editor to get out another edition of his paper and throw it broadcast over the State. "I want every voter to know my opinions on this question," said Howard. "I am willing to stand by them, and, if need be, fall by them."

In a debate with a gentleman who evaded the issues and went out after side ones, General Howard told the following story, and applied it to his opponent : "Once," said he, "a representative from Buncombe county made a speech in the North Carolina Legislature, in which he talked of many things entirely foreign to the matter before the House, and on be- ing called to order by the Speaker, and told to confine himself to the question at issue, replied: 'My speech is not for the Legislature; it is all for Buncombe.'" "All for Buncombe" became a common saying, and has remained such to the present day.

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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

As has already been stated, General Howard died and was buried in Texas. But the people of Indiana were not willing that his dust should commingle with for- eign soil. The Legislature of 1847 passed an act directing the Governor and Gen- eral Joseph Lane "to have the remains of Tilghman A. Howard removed from their place of burial in Texas and reinterred at such place in Indiana as his family might desire." The act was. approved by his friend and former partner, James Whit- comb, then Governor of the State. The will of the Legislature was carried out, and the remains of Howard disinterred and brought to Indiana. They remained a while at Indianapolis, receiving high honors. From thence they were taken to Greencastle, where like honors awaited them. They were then removed to Rockville, his old home, and interred in his orchard. Previous to placing the coffin in the ground, Professor William C. Lar- rabee, afterward Indiana's first Superin- tendent of Public Instruction, delivered a eulogy upon the dead statesman, replete with beautiful thoughts. It closed as fol- lows :

"Take him and bury him among you. Bury him where the primrose and the violet bloom in vernal beauty, where the rose of summer sheds its fragrance, and where the leaves of autumn fall, to pro- tect the spot from the cheerless blast of the wintry winds. Bury him in that rural bower on the hillside, within sight of his quiet cottage home. Bury him by the side

of the pretty child he loved so well-the beauteous little girl, who, years ago, died suddenly when the father was away from home. Bury him now by her, that child and father may sleep side by side. Ye need erect no costly monument, with la- bored inscription, over his grave. On a plain stone inscribe the name of Howard, of Indiana's Howard, and it shall be enough."

Senator David Turpie pronounced Tilghman A. Howard "A man of rare ca- pacity, wisdom and discretion, and of singular purity of life and morals. Even the venial excesses so common in the cus- toms of that time, and so often indulged in by those engaged in public life, he care- fully avoided. Wholly free from cant, without the slightest trace of the formal- ist or Pharisee in his demeanor, he yet would not in these things conform, but went his own way, as he had chosen. . Many persons have spoken to me of Mr. Howard, and all have made mention of the depth and sincerity of his religious convictions. In every circumstance of life he acted as if he were in the presence and under the protection of his Maker- not, as he believed, that general care taken of the young ravens or of the sparrows in their fall, but that concern more immedi- ate, spoken of by the Psalmist of the Friends :

"'I know not where His islands lift Their fronded palms in air, I only know I cannot drift Beyond His love and care.'"

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[CHAPTER V.] HARD TIMES AND THEIR EFFECT

MATTERS THAT ENGAGED, WARPED AND EXCITED THE PUBLIC MIND

B EFORE proceeding to a review of the "Tippecanoe and Tyler too" campaign of 1840, it is quite important and essential to a clear understanding of the situation that some attention be given to the financial and in- dustrial condition of the country, to the questions of moment upon which there was marked division of public opinion, and the causes that led to a crystallization of the forces of opposition to the Van Buren administration.

As tersely yet comprehensively epitom- ized by General Thomas E. Powell, the United States Bank, in the year 1816, re- ceived

"A charter for twenty years. The law that created the bank also provided that the national revenue should be de- posited in that bank to be paid out by it in accordance with directions it should re- ceive from time to time from the Treas- ury Department. The Secretary of the Treasury had, however, the right to re- move these deposits whenever, in his judgment, the public interest demanded the change. The intention of the law un- questionably was that the national de- posits should be continued in the bank as long as the bank continued to be a safe de- pository and performed its duties accord- ing to law. In his message to Congress in 1829, 1830 and 1831, President Jackson expressed strong dislike of the United States Bank. A great many people in the country were in favor of continuing the bank, and Jackson's political opponents conceived the idea that if the bank were rechartered it would hamper Jackson in the Presidential election of 1832. Henry Clay was at that time endeavoring to clear his own path to the Presidency; conse- quently he favored the rechartering of the bank, hoping thereby to handicap Jack- son.

"Under the fine manipulation of Clay, both Houses of Congress, in the winter of 1832, passed a bill providing for the re- newal of the charter of the bank. Presi- dent Jackson promptly vetoed the bill. His opponents had felt sure that he would not venture to take this step. They thought it would make him enemies and increase the strength of the National Re- publicans, of which Clay was the leader. In the next Congress, however, Jackson had a majority of his own supporters and no further attempt was made to renew the charter of the bank.

"The bank's charter would not expire until 1836, but the fight being on, Jack- son was not willing to allow the bank to die a natural death. He therefore decided to remove the national deposits, giving as his reason for this act that they were un- safe in the United States Bank. He brought the matter before Congress dur- ing the session of 1833. But the House of Representatives expressed an aversion to the project. He then brought the mat- ter up in his Cabinet, but Duane, the Sec- retary of the Treasury, firmly declared he could not conscientiously consent to the measure. Then, as Duane would not re- move the deposits, President Jackson re- moved Duane and appointed Roger B. Taney in his stead. Secretary Taney at once issued an order for the removal of the deposits from the National Bank to the State banks. The banks to which the deposits were distributed immediately be- came known as 'pet banks.'

"The National Republicans all over the country were loud in their denunciations of Jackson, and the managers of the United States Bank at once set out for re- venge, and for financial self-protection. They proceeded to call in their loans and then restricted discounts. Inside of a few months they had forced the collection of many millions of dollars. They knew the effect this would have upon the country, but the managers of the bank declared that they had made their loans on the

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credit of the Government deposits, and this being withdrawn, they were com- pelled to call in their loans. The result was financial troubles in the winter of 1836 and such men as Daniel Webster and Henry Clay laid the responsibility for these troubles at the President's door. Jackson was denounced all over the land as high-handed and tyrannical, and he was charged with taking control of the National Treasury, of which the repre- sentatives of the people in Congress were the constitutional guardians. Meanwhile the State banks which had received the surplus revenue regarded it as a perma- nent deposit, capital in short, and pro- ceeded to enlarge their operations accord- ingly. So it came about that men who were permitted to borrow from the State banks what they actually needed could now borrow what they might wish. Spec- ulation largely increased; Western lands, steamboat lines, new roads, suburban tracts, any project which the speculator might present, found ready investors, and thus the destruction of the United States Bank led directly to the panic of 1837.

"The usual causes which have produced so many and almost periodical monetary depressions in our history played their part in the panic of 1837, and prominent among them were speculation, undue ex- tension of credits, unproductive invest- ments and large, unwarranted expendi- tures.

"It should also be mentioned that an element of disturbance was projected into the financial situation in 1834 when an act of Congress changed the relative values of gold and silver from fifteen to one to six- teen to one in order to promote the cir- culation of gold. Besides all this the financial stringency in England, France, Belgium and over the continent of Europe generally tended to aggravate the situa- tion in the United States.

"The distribution of public funds to pet banks caused those institutions to encour- age customers to borrow money. This led to speculation in all kinds of projects, the most important of which was Western lands. These lands were purchased by speculators, paid for in notes, sold at an advance to another speculator and again paid for in notes; the operations to be re- peated over and over as the boom in val- ues progressed. Labor was drawn from

productive to unproductive work; men rich in bonds, soon to be worthless, ac- cumulated debts beyond all reason.

"This speculation in public lands swift- ly grew to enormous proportions. In 1829 the sale of public lands amounted to a little over $1,500,000. In 1830 it was $2,300,000; in 1832 $2,600,000; in 1833 $3,900,000; in 1834 $4,800,000; in 1835 $14,757,000; in 1836 $24,877,000. In 1836 President Jackson determined to check the wild speculation which had developed all over the land. To do so he issued an order that the land offices should receive nothing but gold and silver or certificates of deposit in specie in the United States Treasury in payment for land. The law at that time was that all except actual set- tlers should pay for land in gold or silver, but the law was not maintained. In that year the Government deposits with the 'pet banks' had reached the sum of $41,- 500,000. As soon as Jackson issued his specie circular Congress ordered the money in the banks to be distributed among the several States in proportion to the number of Presidential electors to which each State was entitled, the money to be used for internal improvements. Now the banks had looked upon this money as a permanent deposit and had loaned it to customers. With vaults full of paper securities, how could they pay in gold? The gold had disappeared and in its place was paper, which, when the crisis came, nobody would take. The order of Congress therefore embarrassed the banks, crippled the speculators, with- drew money from circulation and pre- cipitated the terrible financial calamity of 1837.

"The specie circular tied up the public ; the distribution of the Treasury surplus to the States tied up the banks. Loans had to be called in and accommodations to business men were greatly restricted. In March, 1837, England began to look to America for remittances of specie through bills on American houses. American houses were not able to pay their bills in specie, and from April 1 to April 10 more than one hundred failures occurred in New York City. Before the end of April the failures were too numerous to. be recorded. From the metropolis the commercial paralysis spread all over the country.

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"It then became apparent that to survey the wilderness did not convert it into farms nor would platting farms build cities. The spirit of speculation had pro- duced in the public mind a state of en- chantment like that of the poet, Bryant, when he wrote 'The Prairie.' Standing upon an uninhabited tract his fancy ran riot until he not only saw cultivated fields and populous cities, but heard the voices of people yet to be. When he became hungry he went back to dinner. So it was with the people of this country in 1837. They were rich on paper and in prospects yet to be realized. When they had to have three meals a day, wear clothes and pay notes at the bank they found it necessary to get back to cold facts. The only facts which were of any use when disaster came were gold and silver. These could be ob- tained only by earning them, and as that would take time the disaster could not be averted. That wild speculation in land was a large contributing cause to the panic is plainly indicated by the fact that in 1842 sales of land had fallen to less than one and a half million dollars from twenty-five millions in 1836.

"President Van Buren was importuned to have the Government interfere between the speculators and disaster; to have the Government identify itself with com- merce, in fact. This the President refused to do. What he did do was call a special session of Congress which convened in September, 1837, and to which he sent a message which deserves to be ranked as one of the greatest state papers in Amer- ica. In that message he proposed the establishment of a sub-treasury system such as exists today. Congress, however, refused to pass his sub-treasury bill. It did pass the Senate by a vote of 26 to 20, but was defeated in the House. His great idea was to receive recognition later on, however.

"In his message to the extra session of Congress President Van Buren pointed out that the Government had not caused and could not cure the profound commer- cial disaster; that all banks had stopped specie payments and that therefore some other custody of public moneys must be provided; that the Government could not help the people to earn their living but it could refuse to aid the deception that paper was gold and the delusion that

values could be created without labor. In the face of a storm of abuse he took a firm and magnificent stand, but his statesman- ship on that occasion did him no good, but rather harm. The country was in distress and looked to him for aid which he was unable to give, and with that unreason inseparable from a panic of any kind he was held responsible for all trouble and became the object of unsparing denuncia- tion."

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History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 7

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926 Publication date: 1917 Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co. Number of Pages: 1104

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104