History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 33

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104

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If you will assure me of the appointment, I will withdraw from the contest for any position on the State ticket and take the position of elector at our State Convention. If this proposition does not meet with your approbation, please return this letter to me. Let me have your reply at an early day. I do most earnestly hope for the unity of the Republican party.

"I am, as ever, your friend,

"WILL CUMBACK."

Now, when Mr. Cumback reduced these thoughts to writing he doubtless assumed that Governor Baker had become thor- oughly imbued with the practical ideas of Governor Morton in regard to adjusting matters of this kind by private arrange- ment. In assuming this he may have been grievously in error. At any rate it ap- peared later on that Governor Baker re- garded the Cumback overture or proposi- tion as "improper and corrupt." By way of variation he branded it as "indecent and corrupt." But when the convention met, Baker and Cumback were harmoniously placed at the head of the ticket-Baker for Governor, Cumback for Lieutenant- Governor. The two worked together in happy unison, in perfect harmony. The masses had no suspicion that Baker held under lock and key a little document which, if made public, would blow Cumback's higher aspirations skyward.

Hendricks' neglect, failure or refusal to resign the Senatorship-thus exemplify- ing his faith in the wisdom and practicabil- ity of the maxim that a bird in the hand is worth a half dozen in the bush-de- prived Governor Baker of the opportunity to name a successor, as Cumback had fondly anticipated. Indeed, there was no occasion for Hendricks resigning his seat in the Senate. His term expired March 4, 1869. Had he been elected Governor in October, 1868, he could have resigned on the day of his inauguration in January and then appointed his successor in the Upper Branch of Congress. There was no political interest or necessity involved, so far as the Republicans were concerned.

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Their majority in the Senate was alto- ply thereto dated January 8, 1868; one gether too large for the good of the party, surely for that of the country.

Notwithstanding Governor Baker's hostility to Major Cumback, the latter easily captured the Republican legislative caucus nomination for the Senatorship. This was immediately followed by an ex- plosion. The Cumback letter of January 6 was made public. Its publication created intense excitement throughout the State. The exposure became the subject of ani- mated discussion in every nook and corner. It made the old stagers prick their ears and stand aghast. Enough Republican legislators had been corralled to prevent Cumback's election. These conservators of political purity stood solemnly pledged to never, no never, vote for Will Cumback for United States Senator. Among them was State Senator James Hughes of Bloomington, a particular friend of Jesse D. Bright, and whom the Democrats had elected to Congress before the civil war, who supported Breckinridge and Lane in 1860, but who, like Ben Butler and Caleb Cushing, became suddenly weaned from his pro-Southern proclivities and later on fondly embraced Republicanism as the em- bodiment of all that could be regarded as "good and righteous."

With his eagle eye intently fixed on the Hendricks seat in the Senate at Washing- ton, Senator Hughes introduced a resolu- tion reciting the corrupting and demoraliz- ing contents of the Cumback letter and denouncing the graceless methods by and through which a seat was sought to be secured in the Senate at Washington. When, after a protracted and animated discussion of the subject, the Legislature called for the correspondence between Cumback and Baker, the Governor ad- dressed a letter to Hon. Stearns Fisher, of Wabash, saying it was due to himself that some Senator should be informed as to the number of letters comprising the en- tire correspondence. One from Colonel Cumback, dated January 6, 1868; his re-

from Colonel Cumback dated February 21, 1868, and his reply dated February 22. The Governor asked the Senator to say, in the event of the first letter's production, that his reply was an indignant rejection of the proposition.

Jesse D. Bright, whom Mr. Hendricks succeeded in the Senate, chanced to be about Indianapolis just at the time when these symptoms of political purity were bubbling forth. With charming disinter- estedness he circulated among Democratic legislators and whispered into their ears: "A splendid opportunity is here presented to elect a United States Senator. You can't re-elect Mr. Hendricks; that is a sure case. But you can elect James Hughes, who has always been and is now at heart a Democrat, and who ought not to be proscribed just because he wandered away temporarily during the war." This was a catchy plea, but strange as may appear, it failed to line up the Democratic legislators for Hughes. Then some virtu- ous political Josephs from the North put in an appearance. They were anxious to get Judge James S. Frazer of Warsaw away from the bench by transferring him to the national capital, so that one of these protectors of political virtue might be made circuit judge. But that neat little. program didn't pan out, either, so that in course of time a new Republican legislative caucus was called, Will Cumback's name was withdrawn and Daniel D. Pratt of Logansport agreed upon as the reunited party's choice for the United States Sen- atorship. All the Republicans voted for Pratt; all the Democrats for Hendricks. At the preceding fall election Pratt had been chosen a representative in Congress. His election to the Senate and his accept- ance thereof created a vacancy and afforded an opening for some other patriot to go to Washington. This favor was bestowed upon James N. Tyner of Peru, a gentleman whose patriotism and

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self-sacrificing spirit never permitted him State. His signal success in that under- to let a desirable or lucrative office go taking attested the wisdom of his selec- tion. begging.

The campaign of 1868 was ably and en- ergetically conducted in Indiana. Much of this was due to the vigorous manner in which the Sentinel performed its part in that memorable contest. April 13, 1868, Richard J. Bright, of Madison, took over the Indianapolis Herald and restored to that publication its former name, the Sentinel. He was the son of Michael G. Bright and a nephew of Senator Jesse D. Bright. Lafe Develin had conducted the Herald with signal ability for several years. Associated with him were Joseph J. Bingham, Geo. C. Harding, John H .- Holliday, John Schley, and others. Rich- ard Jesse Bright was a fine specimen of manhood, a positive character, a devoted friend and a fearless opponent. Inability to make the Sentinel profitable caused him to dispose of the plant, and some time afterward he became sergeant-at-arms of the United States Senate, a position he held for a number of years. As a Senate official he was held in high esteem by Democrats and Republicans alike. At this writing he is still a resident of Washing- ton, D. C. His father was for many years among the most influential Democrats of Indiana. He was warmly attached to his distinguished brother, Jesse D. Bright, whom he served and aided in many ways. Michael G. Bright had much to do with the adjustment of the financial troubles in which the State had become involved during the grossly misdirected internal improvement craze. For several years he was the State's financial representative to straighten out the kinks that for years so greatly impaired the credit of Indiana. He was a man of great force of character, a Democrat of the stanchest type and a citizen highly esteemed by all with whom he came in contact. His business quali- fications were of a high order. It was chiefly due to this that he was chosen to disentangle the ensnarled finances of the

DETERMINED FIGHT AGAINST RATI- FICATION OF THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT TO THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION BY INDIANA DEMO- CRATS.

During the latter part of the 1869 ses- sion of the Indiana Legislature the pro- posed fifteenth amendment to the Con- stitution of the United States was submitted to that body for ratification or rejection. All the Democratic members of both houses were uncompromisingly opposed to ratification. When they dis- covered that the Republicans, constituting the majority, had been lined up in favor of ratification, notwithstanding the fact that some of them personally doubted the wis- dom, justice or advisability of such action, the conclusion was reached that resort should be taken to breaking a quorum by resignation. That their action did not accomplish, the desired purpose detracts not a whit from the glory that attaches to their names as sterling defenders of an undefiled electorate. They did all in their power to preserve the integrity of the ballot. That they failed is not their fault. From beginning to end they stood up manfully, courageously and patriotically for a cause founded upon right and justice.

Governor Baker officially reported sev- enteen members of the Senate and thirty- seven members of the House as resigning March 4, 1869, during the regular session of the Legislature. The Governor there- upon called a special election to fill vacan- cies, to be held March 23.

A special session of the Legislature was called for April 8, to act on appropriation bills and other matters. During this ses- sion it was reported that sixteen Senators and forty-two members of the House had resigned. A. P. Stanton, of Indianapolis, resigned as Speaker, being succeeded by George A. Buskirk of Bloomington, April

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12. Stanton was not considered equal to the emergency, hence his abdication as Speaker. The Senate passed the joint amendatory resolution May 13 by a vote of 27 ayes to 1 nay. Ten Senators were shown on the record as being present but not voting.

When the resolution was brought up in the House, May 14, John R. Coffroth of Huntington raised the point of order that two-thirds of the membership were re- quired for a quorum. It was reported at the special session that sixteen Senators and forty-two members of the House re- signed. Mr. Coffroth, in raising his point of order, said the roll call developed but fifty-six members present, which was eleven less than a quorum. Speaker Bus- kirk held there was no precedent, or law of Congress, indicating what should con-

stitute a quorum on United States Con- stitutional questions; he therefore let the roll call proceed. The result was announced as fifty-four ayes, nays none.

This, in brief, is the story of the ratifi- cation of the fifteenth amendment. The action of the Democratic members who resigned for the express purpose of break- ing a quorum was approved by their triumphant re-election. Not the slightest doubt existed as to public sentiment in Indiana being overwhelmingly opposed to this amendment. Yet it was put through as a party necessity, unmindful of the note of warning sounded by Governor Morton in his Richmond speech before he had made himself a convert to the dangerous and revolutionary program mapped out by Thaddeus Stevens and his coadjutors.

NEGRO VOTE A DISAPPOINTMENT TO THE REPUBLICANS, WHO SUSTAINED FIRST DEFEAT SINCE 1862

If the Republican leaders really believed that the admission of negroes to the ballot, under the operation of the fifteenth amendment, would have the effect of mak- ing more certain Republican ascendency in Indiana, they experienced a sore disap- pointment in the result of the election that year. If, as is quite likely, the negro vote was cast solidly for the Republican nominees, it became equally apparent that for every colored vote added to their num- bers a white vote was lost to them. No effort was made by the Democrats to gather any of the newly enfranchised vot- ers into their fold. The Republican party as an organization had unequivocally, though with poorly disguised misgivings, committed itself in favor of the fifteenth amendment, while Democrats with the utmost unanimity freely and unreservedly condemned the arbitrary and revolution- ary manner in which the elective franchise had been prostituted to base partisan purposes.

The Democratic State convention for 1870 was held at the State Capital on his- toric Jackson Day, and was called to order by Lafe Develin, chairman of the State Central Committee. The gallant Union soldier element was very much in evidence and most cordially greeted. General Mahlon D. Manson served as tem- porary chairman, and upon a hero of two wars, General James R. Slack of Hunting- ton, was conferred the honor of being made permanent chairman. Both of these gallant defenders of our country's flag delivered speeches that elicited unbounded enthusiasm. Their utterances breathed the spirit of genuine unionism and devo- tion to constitutional supremacy.

The real contest in the convention was over the State auditorship, then by far the most lucrative office in the State. Six candidates had entered the race: John C. Shoemaker, John B. Stoll, Joseph V. Bemusdaffer-Steele, Keightley and Tur- ner. On the first ballot Shoemaker had

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366, Stoll 2981/2, Bemusdaffer 122, Steele 148, Keightley 127, Turner 51. On the final ballot Shoemaker had 591, Stoll 502, Keightley 6. Upon the announcement of the result of the final ballot Mr. Stoll, in a brief speech, expressed his entire acqui- escence in the decision of the majority, followed with the declaration that, though not chosen as part of the ticket, he would be found in the thickest of the fight for the triumphant election of the convention's nominees. Tumultuous applause greeted this announcement.

The entire ticket was made up of the fol- lowing-named gentlemen:

Secretary of State-Colonel Norman Eddy, South Bend.

Auditor-John C. Shoemaker, Cannel- ton.

Treasurer-James B. Ryan, Indiana- polis.

Attorney-General-Bayless W. Hanna, Terre Haute.

Superintendent of Public Instruction- Rev. Milton B. Hopkins, Kokomo.

Supreme Court Judges-James L. Worden, Fort Wayne; Alexander C. Downey, Ohio county; Samuel H. Buskirk, Bloomington; John Pettit, Lafayette.

State Central Committee-Eccles G. Van Riper, John S. Davis, Floyd; Richard D. Slater, Jr., Jefferson; Nathan H. Ray- mond, Wayne; E. S. Alvord, Indianapolis, Chairman; William M. Mack, Vigo; John S. Williams, Tippecanoe; James Sweetzer, Grant; John Obison, Delaware; Eli W. Brown, Whitley; John P. Early, Laporte.

THE PLATFORM.

The more important planks of the 1870 platform were set forth in these words:

"That the Federal Union, with all the rights and dignity of the several States, should be preserved; and to secure that great national blessing the Constitution must be respected and observed and every approach to centralized despotism de- feated, whether attempted by Congress or the Executive.

"That recent events have, more than

ever, convinced us of the infamous and revolutionary character of the reconstruc- tion measures of Congress, and we de- nounce these measures as an invasion of the sovereign and sacred rights of the people and all the States.

"That we are willing to pay our national debt, in strict compliance with our con- tracts, whether it was made payable in gold or greenbacks, but we are unwilling to do more than that; and we declare that the five-twenty bonds are payable in greenbacks, or their equivalent; and we condemn the policy of the Administration which is squandering millions of money by buying such bonds at a high rate of premium, when the Government has the clear right to redeem them at par.

"That we denounce the action of our last Legislature in attempting to force upon the people the proposed fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States, as in palpable violation of our State Constitution, and we solemnly protest against Indiana being counted for said amendment; and we hereby declare our unalterable opposition to its ratifica- tion.

"That any attempt to regulate the moral ideas, appetites, or innocent amusements of the people by legislation is unwise and despotic."

Other planks declared in favor of a tariff for revenue only and the equal ad- justment of the burdens of taxation; for the abolition of national banks and the substitution of greenbacks as a circulating medium; for a larger volume of currency; for the taxation of national bank stocks for municipal and school purposes; for the taxation of United States bonds for na- tional purposes, and against any change in the naturalization laws of the United States, whereby admission to citizenship will be made more difficult or expensive.

The names of the Republican nominees for the various State offices will be found in the tabular election returns.

The campaign of 1870 was not an overly exciting one. For quite a while but little stir was made in the domain of politics. By and by demands were made upon the State Central Committee that some life be

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injected into affairs political. At a meet- ing of the Democratic State Committee a resolution was unanimously adopted that the speaking campaign be conducted by Thomas A. Hendricks, Joseph E. Mc- Donald, Thomas Dowling and John B. Stoll. A long list of appointments was arranged for the latter. His engagements dated to October 1, closing in the south- western part of the State. Experiencing an intense longing to reach his home at Ligonier, in the extreme northern part of the State, strangely and unaccountably depressed mentally and unable to become interested in anything brought to his at- tention, a messenger sent to meet him at the train upon its arrival at Laporte, in quivering voice conveyed the crushing in- formation: "Your boy died this after- noon." "Your boy" meant the dearly beloved, exceptionally bright and then only son of him to whom this heart-piercing message of woe was communicated. All attempts at telegraphic information of the boy's illness had miscarried. A malignant attack of diphtheria prostrated the four- year-old lad. Anti-toxin was then un- known to medical science; despite all efforts to save this precious life, the spirit of John B. Stoll, Jr., fled on the afternoon of October 3, 1870. Only those who have had somewhat similar experiences can form any conception of the anguish inci- dent to the infliction of such a staggering blow. Tender messages of condolence came from friends in all parts of the State. A singularly sympathetic letter from Thomas A. Hendricks, touchingly reciting the bereavement that befell himself and Mrs. Hendricks in the loss of their only child during the early period of their mar- ried life, revealed in that great, good, lovable statesman a gentleness of nature, a nobility of soul, that in a measure accounted for the wonderful hold he had upon the affection of those who knew him best and never tired of doing him honor.

In a conversation with A. H. Conner, chairman of the Republican State Com-

mittee, the question as to which party would carry the State at the October elec- tion, the laconic reply was made that if the crops turned out favorably and boun- tifully, the Republican ticket would doubt- less be elected. If crop conditions should chance to be unfavorable, Democratic suc- cess might safely be foreshadowed. Chair- man Conner doubtless became convinced later on by an analysis of the situation that his prognostication was not alto- gether well founded.

During the progress of the campaign emphasis was given to the sentiment that gross injustice was being done the tax- payers of the State in this, that interest on the school fund was made a part of the emoluments of the State Auditor, instead of being covered into the State treasury for the benefit of the school system. No law seems to have been enacted specific- ally providing for such application, but the people were told that if placed in power, the Democratic party would see to it that justice was done by the enactment of appropriate legislation to make school fund interest part of the school revenue instead of swelling the emoluments of the State Auditor. While the Democrats did not gain control of the legislative depart- ment, they did elect their State ticket. Auditor Shoemaker saw fit to continue the policy of his predecessors, and it was for this reason that he was defeated for re- nomination in 1872 by the same person who was his chief but unsuccessful com- petitor two years before. Mr. Stoll had repeatedly declared that he would not be a candidate against Mr. Shoemaker if the latter as Auditor would cover the school fund interest into the State treasury. Mr. Shoemaker declined to do this. Influential Democrats throughout the State-among them such men as "Blue Jeans" Williams, General James R. Slack, General Levi Sparks, General Reuben C. Kise, Judge J. A. S. Mitchell, Judge David S. Gooding, Col- onel A. T. Whittlesey, Judge Daniel Noyes,

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Colonel Thomas Dowling, John B. Ruger, Judge Sol. Claypool, Martin M. Ray, and hundreds of others-insisted that the party could not afford to go before the public with Mr. Shoemaker as the nominee. They conceded that ordinarily Mr. Shoemaker was entitled to a renomination under the two-term usage, but since he had chosen to claim the school fund interest for him- self he must suffer the penalty of being set aside. A few years later, largely through the efforts of James D. Williams, elected Governor in 1876, a bill was passed by the Legislature requiring the school fund interest to be turned over where it properly belonged. Considerable effort was required to effect this legislation, but public sentiment had become so pro- nounced on the subject that the taxpaying public's influence proved more formidable than the suavity of the State Auditor and the intercession of his interested friends.

The Democrats were peculiarly fortu- nate in their selection of Colonel Norman Eddy to head the ticket for Secretary of State. He was a man of high character and superior ability. His war record was excellent. As a member of Congress he stood deservedly high. President Johnson appointed him collector of internal reve- nue. Colonel Eddy's death before the ex- piration of his term as Secretary of State created profound sorrow throughout the State.

In the election of members of Congress the Democrats fared far better than they did in preceding elections. William E. Niblack, Michael C. Kerr, Wm. S. Hol- man and Daniel W. Voorhees were re- elected by decisive majorities. They were reinforced by General Mahlon D. Manson, who came with flying colors out of the

contest in the Crawfordsville district. It was a great victory for the gallant vet- eran and caused genuine elation through- out the State. The Republicans re-elected General John Coburn, James N. Tyner, John Peter Cleaver Shanks, Major William Williams and General Jasper Packard, and substituted Jeremiah M. Wilson for George W. Julian. Wilson "enjoyed" the distinction of having slipped into Congress by a majority of four. Judge David Sanders Gooding gave him a close chase. The friends of George W. Julian found it difficult to become reconciled to his forced retirement.

OFFICIAL VOTE, 1870. SECRETARY OF STATE.

Norman Eddy, Democrat. 160,009 2,508 M. F. A. Hoffman, Republican. 157,501

AUDITOR.

J. C. Shoemaker, Democrat. 159,181 1,867 John D. Evans, Republican. 157,314

TREASURER.

James B. Ryan, Democrat. 158,697 3,223

Robert H. Milroy, Republican

. 155,474

ATTORNEY-GENERAL.

Bayless W. Hanna, Democrat. 160,025 2,560

Nelson Trusler, Republican.

157,465

SUPERINTENDENT PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.

Milton B. Hopkins, Democrat.

159,063

1,994

Barnabee C. Hobbs, Republican.

157,069

JUDGES OF THE SUPREME COURT.

James L. Worden, Democrat. 160,002 3,734 Andrew L. Osborn, Republican. 156,268 Alexander C. Downey, Democrat. 159,887 3,798

John T. Elliott, Republican. 156,089

Samuel H. Buskirk, Democrat. 159,853

3,118 Charles A. Ray, Republican 156,735

John Pettit, Democrat. 159,763 3,077

Robert. C. Gregory, Republican. 156,686

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[CHAPTER XXXIII.]

LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT IN 1872

DISSATISFIED REPUBLICANS AND DEMOCRATS FORM A FOR- MIDABLE COMBINATION

D URING the civil war Clement L. become apparent, but Mr. Vallandigham Vallandigham of Dayton, Ohio, supported his theory with such earnest- ness that he not only succeeded in having his program approved by his home county, but formally endorsed by the Democratic State convention at Columbus, June 1, 1871. Vigorous opposition was put forth by Congressman Frank H. Hurd and others, but Vallandigham carried the con- vention with him by the decisive vote of 365 yeas to 129 nays. This was followed by the nomination of two distinguished Union soldiers for Governor and Lieuten- ant-Governor-the famous General George W. McCook and General Samuel F. Hunt. Another stanch supporter of the Union cause was nominated for Supreme Judge in the person of George W. Geddes. There was no half-way course for Vallandigham. His "New Departure" was such not only in name but in fact. And there isn't the slightest doubt about the man's sincerity. A new light unfolded itself to his vision and it served as his guidance to the end of his earthly career, so tragically termi- nated while engaged in an important law suit by the accidental discharge of a re- volver in his own hand. He was a very able man, and men of rare ability at times take queer turns in political as well as in other affairs. Vallandigham was not alone among Ohio's distinguished politicians to change front suddenly. attained national prominence by his outspoken opposition to the war policies of the Lincoln administration. He had been a member of Congress from the Dayton district, and on account of some of his radical utterances in public speeches was exiled to Canada. During this exile his ardent friends and supporters insisted on his making the race for Governor. He was nominated and a vigorous campaign was conducted in his behalf. War Dem- ocrats and Republicans united on John Brough, a life-long Democrat, and elected him by something more than 101,000 ma- jority. After the war Mr. Vallandigham modified his views to such an extent that in 1868 he looked with favor upon the proposition to make Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury un- der Lincoln, the Democratic nominee for the Presidency. He progressed so rap- idly in his political modernism that on the 20th of May, 1871, he sprung what be- came famous as the "New Departure" at the convention of the Montgomery county Democracy, held in the city of Dayton. This "New Departure" meant the ac- ceptance without further opposition of the several amendments to the Federal Con- stitution and the measures incident to the prosecution of the war. It was his con- A conspicuous example was that of George H. Pendleton's flop from hard money to greenbackism. As a member of Congress during the early period of the war he vigorously opposed the issue of greenbacks as legal tender currency. In assuming this attitude he had the dis- tention that a recession therefrom could not be hoped for until the passions en- gendered by the rebellion had subsided and after the people's attention had been diverted in other directions. The falla- ciousness of this expectation has since

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History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 33

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926 Publication date: 1917 Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co. Number of Pages: 1104

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104