USA > Indiana > History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916 > Part 64
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The Progressives had congressional nominees in all the thirteen districts. Their vote was 285 in the First; 304 in the Second; 134 in the Third; 677 in the Fourth; 1,536 in the Fifth; 344 in the Sixth; 229 in the Seventh; 332 in the Eighth; 1,425 in the Ninth; 471 in the Tenth; 2,350 in the Eleventh; 942 in the
Twelfth; 1,476 in the Thirteenth. The Prohibitionists did not have candidates for Congress in all the districts.
The Socialists made a pretty fair show- ing in most of the congressional districts. In the Fifth (Terre Haute) district they gave Eugene V. Debs 8,866 votes. In the Second district their vote reached 2,800. Only in one other district their vote ex- ceeded 2,000. In several districts they had an excess of 1,000.
In the General Assembly of 1917 there were, in the Senate, 25 Democrats and 25 Republicans; in the House, 36 Democrats to 64 Republicans.
Among those who "suffered defeat" at this election was one who surely lost no sleep and shed no tears over the result in so far as it affected him personally. He was averse to making the race. His ap- pointment by Governor Ralston amply gratified his ambition. Down at French Lick he has an establishment, a recreation and health resort, that stands as a monu- ment to his foresight, constructive ability, genius, perseverance and tact. No more clever, genial or versatile individual breathes the atmosphere of Indiana. His name is Thomas Taggart and his chief aim in life has been to be a benefactor of his fellow-men.
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[CHAPTER LXVII.]
RE-ELECTION OF WOODROW WILSON IN 1916
REMARKABLE CAMPAIGN AND RESULT IN THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE COUNTRY
N several respects the presiden- craniums of the party's shrewdest man- tial campaign of 1916 was the agers and leaders. To tame the wild horses prancing in the Roosevelt conven- tion hall required all the ingenuity pos- sessed by the resourceful George W. Per- kins. To keep in subjection the unruly tongue of T. R. himself must have required no little precaution and alertness down East. So all in all the Republican situa- tion was critical from start to finish. And the problem was far from being solved by the nomination of Charles Evans Hughes and Charles Warren Fairbanks. The best thinking caps to be had for love or money were needed all the time. How to prevent T. R. from kicking the bucket over re- mained a constant source of deep concern to the very last. Never before in the his- tory of all political parties was there a sit- uation so critical as that hovering over the heads of the Republican campaign man- agers of 1916. most bewildering in the annals of American politics. With a view to creating the impression that the Republicans, notwith- standing the reverse of 1912, still considered themselves the leading party and therefore expected to take the lead in making nominations, they held their convention in the month of June in the city of Chicago. For reasons that do not require analysis or explanation the Democrats did not demur to this presump- tion, but graciously acquiesced in this bold assertion of their privilege to precede. So they fixed the time for holding their con- vention in the month of July, selecting St. Louis as their place for coming together and doing business. The Democrats knew weeks and months before the convention was held as to who their nominee would be. It was foreordained that in defiance of the Judge Hughes himself managed to wig- gle through the campaign without making more than two or three mistakes that ac- tually deprived him of any considerable number of votes. The most serious of these blunders was made in California, from which danger-ground he should have stayed away entirely. That he did not ex- ert himself to the utmost to prevent a band of ambitious and overly zealous New York women to start out on their millionaire wild goose chase in an aristocratic palace car train disclosed a shortcoming that at the time caused in the minds of his real friends grave apprehension. This appre- hension was more than confirmed as time passed and reports came to headquarters. one-term plank, caused by Mr. Bryan to be inserted in the platform adopted at Bal- timore in 1912, the St. Louis ticket would consist of Woodrow Wilson and Thomas R. Marshall as certain as was the final de- cision at the wind-up four years prior. There was a possibility of some squabbling in committee over the wording of the plat- form, but that disturbed no one's equanim- ity. It was quite different with the Re- publicans. In their ranks it was all uncer- tainty, doubt and-fear. The shaping of the platform required considerable skill, but the task of nominating a presidential ticket that would command the support of both Republicans and Progressives was properly adjudged a task that would test to On the night of the election the country labored under the impression that Wood- the utmost the highest skill lodged in the I
. .
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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916
row Wilson had been defeated and Charles E. Hughes triumphantly elected. The eastern strongholds, with their enormous strength in the electoral college, had so de- creed. In "extras" issued after the count- ing of millions of ballots Democratic pa- pers vied with their Republican contem- poraries in proclaiming the triumphant election of Judge Hughes and editorially reciting the causes that brought about such a decision. Later returns from other parts of the Union upset this previousness and cast a doubt over the actual result. Not until the close vote of California was fully determined, two weeks after election, did it become certain as to who was really elected. That the victors were Woodrow Wilson and Thomas R. Marshall is incon- testably established by this tabular ex- hibit:
FOR HUGHES AND FAIRBANKS.
States.
Electors.
Plurality.
1 Connecticut
7
6,728
2 Delaware
3.
1,260
3 Illinois
29.
202,320
4 Indiana 15.
6,942
5 Iowa
13.
58,750
6 Maine
6.
25,388
7 Massachusetts
18.
20,899
8 Michigan
15.
53,959
9 Minnesota
12.
392
10 New Jersey
14.
57,964
11
New York
45.
118,630
12 Oregon
5
6,726
13 Pennsylvania
38.
181,950
14 Rhode Island
5.
6,813
15 South Dakota
5
5,070
16 Vermont
4.
17,542
17* West Virginia
7.
2,721
18 Wisconsin
13.
28,281
Totals
254
782,335
*Wilson got one of West Virginia's eight elec- toral votes.
FOR WILSON AND MARSHALL.
States.
Electors.
Plurality.
1
Alabama
12.
70,600
2 Arizona
3. 12,646
3 Arkansas 9. 64,809
5
Colorado
6.
76,508
Hughes and Fairbanks 8,543,368
7
Georgia
14.
111,680
8
Idaho
4. 13,686
Reimer, Social Laborite 12,860
9
Kansas
10. . 26,930
10
Kentucky
13. 28,136
11
Louisiana
10.
73,409
12
Maryland
8. 21,012
13
Mississippi
10. 76,169
18.
28,569
15
Montana
4.
34,195
16 Nebraska
8.
41,056
17 Nevada
3.
5,639
18 New Hampshire
4.
56
19 New Mexico
3.
2,530
20 North Carolina
12.
47,493
21
North Dakota
.5.
1,735
22
Ohio
24.
89,408
23
Oklahoma
10.
50,880
24
South Carolina
9.
60,296
25 Tennessee
12.
35,325
26
Texas
20 220,960
27 Utah
4. 29,889
28 Virginia
12.
53,466
West Virginia 1.
29
Washington
7. 16,549
30 Wyoming
3. 6,618
Totals
277 1,355,440
It will be observed that Wilson carried thirty and Hughes eighteen of the forty- eight States.
Total vote in United States 18,495,901
4 California 13. 3,773
6 Florida
6.
41,373
Benson, Socialist
576,974
Hanly, Prohibitionist 213,970
14
Missouri
Wilson and Marshall. 9,116,473
The Prohibitionists had counted on at least a million votes. Their ticket polled less than half as many votes as were cast for the Socialist ticket. In the election of members of Congress the Republicans gained largely. In the present Congress their strength in the House is 216 as against 210 Democrats and 9 Independ- ents. Notwithstanding this, the Demo- crats were enabled at the opening of the special session to organize the House by re-electing Champ Clark to the speaker- ship with the aid of Independents and some Republicans. In the preceding House the Democrats had 231 members, the Re- publicans 193, and the Independents 19. In the Senate there were 39 Republicans to 56 Democrats in 1915 to 1917. In the present Senate there are 42 Republicans and 53 Democrats.
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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916
Analysis of these tabular exhibits reveal some remarkable variations in the exercise of the elective franchise by the sovereigns of the realm. These variations unerring- ly lead to the conclusion that Judge Hughes was either an exceedingly poor vote-getter or that Woodrow Wilson's re- election was deemed a national necessity. Not a single State normally or dependably Democratic gave its electoral vote to Judge Hughes, although politically changeable commonwealths like Delaware, Indiana and New York placed themselves decisive- ly in the Hughes column. New Jersey, in years gone by up to 1896, was reliably Democratic, but ceased to be such when free silver was made the "paramount is- sue." There isn't any question as to Cali- fornia, Idaho, Kansas, New Hampshire, North Dakota, Ohio, Utah,. Washington and Wyoming being normally Republican States, yet all of them, with their 74 elec- toral votes, declared themselves in favor of Wilson and Marshall. Subtracting these 74 from Wilson's 277 votes in the electoral college and adding them to the Hughes total would have made the electoral vote stand thus: Hughes and Fairbanks, 328; Wilson and Marshall, 203. As compared with the votes cast for heads of Repub- lican State tickets the Hughes vote was, using round numbers only, 2,000 less in Connecticut, 6,000 less in Indiana, 39,000 less in Iowa, 5,000 less in Maine, 55,000 less in Michigan, 67,000 less in Minnesota, 17,000 less in New Jersey, 101,000 less in New York, 20,000 less in Oregon, 49,000 less in Pennsylvania, 18,000 less in South Dakota, 15,000 less in Vermont, 3,000 less in West Virginia, 88,000 less in Wisconsin. While Wilson led Hughes by 3,733 votes in California, the Republican plurality reached 296,816. Rhode Island elected a Democratic United States Senator by 7,837, mainly on account of the unpopularity of the Republican nominee with the labor ele- ment. While Colorado gave Wilson over 76,000, the Democratic State nominee averaged only 17,000. Wilson carried
Maryland by over 21,000, yet the Repub- licans on State nominees had a lead of 3,922. A complete analysis of the voting in all the States reveals the astounding fact that while Wilson stands credited with a plurality of 573,105, the plurality of Republican State candidates is 573,391. To this the two States of California and Kansas alone contributed nearly a half million. No such difference, or discrep- ancy, can be found in the returns of any preceding presidential contest. It shows plainly and unmistakably that the inde- pendent voter in this country is very much in evidence and that party managers will do well to take notice of the importance and significance thereof.
Upon the outcome in California depend- ed the final settlement as to whether Wil- son or Hughes had carried the day. The suspense caused by the fluctuations in the returns, as slowly gathered and tabulated, caused no little apprehension in the minds of those who had some knowledge of the Tilden-Hayes controversy in 1876-7. That "celebrated case" furnished a subject for numerous historical reviews and varying comment upon the final unique decision. As Tilden himself was largely responsible for popular acquiescence in a most un- righteous and iniquitous decision by the electoral commission, that there might be no civil conflict so shortly after the final suppression of the rebellion in 1865, so thoughtful citizens of all parties earnestly hoped and prayed that there might be no menacing controversy over the exceeding- ly close vote in the States of New Hamp- shire, Minnesota and California. The coun- try was in no condition to undergo such a strain. Hence the sincere general rejoic- ing when announcement of the undisputed settlement of the election of 1916 quieted the nerves of millions of order-loving American sovereigns.
So far as campaign management was concerned there is but little doubt that the Democrats in this respect had a decided advantage over the Republicans. At Re-
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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916
publican headquarters there was more or less friction throughout the campaign. Any political organization subjectively dominated by New York influences is cer- tain to be grievously hampered by narrow- ness, littleness, imbecility and insufferable arrogance. The main thought of the aver- age New York "politician," irremediably inoculated with every form of sordidness, instinctively places a money consideration on pretty near everything connected with a political campaign. A striking illustra- tion of this characteristic was furnished way back in the '60's, when the New York delegation to the Republican presidential convention sought to secure the nomina- tion of William H. Seward to the highest office in the gift of the nation. The leader of this delegation was Thurlow Weed, an adroit but thoroughly unscrupulous polit- ical manipulator. Carl Schurz, a delegate- at-large from Wisconsin, was an ardent supporter of Seward on account of his pro- nounced views on the slavery question. In the course of a conference held in the in- terest of Seward, his spokesman, Thurlow Weed, gave especial emphasis to the allur- ing certainty of a huge campaign fund be- ing raised in the East to conduct the cam- paign in case Seward were made the stand- ard-bearer of the young party. Those who have ever been close to Carl Schurz can readily imagine what sort of impression this talk made upon the sensitive mind of that fervent champion of high political ideals and of human emancipation. In- stead of exalting the glorious cause of freedom, Weed thought and talked wholly of a prospective huge corruption fund wherewith to influence the action of Amer- ican freemen. Little wonder that Carl Schurz, burning with ardor to curb the slave power and to instill love of freedom into the minds and hearts of the electorate, left this conference with strange feelings as to the sentiments that guided leading spirits of the young party that four years prior had made its first entry in the polit- ical arena under the inspiring battle cry of
Fremont and Freedom. Needless to say that, ardent Sewardite that he had been up to that time, the eloquent delegate from Wisconsin became easily reconciled to the nomination of that uncontaminated child of Nature, that lofty exemplification of unadulterated American simplicity and un- alloyed patriotism, Abraham Lincoln.
About the first thing that engaged the attention of those who made their influ- ence felt at Republican national headquar- ters was to raise a huge fund to determine the trend of the betting on Wall street- in other words, to "fix" the gambling on the prospective outcome of the contest for the election of the chief magistrate of the American republic. Stupendous sums were raised for this demoralizing and cor- rupting purpose. "Money talks," these as- suming custodians of political wisdom and civic righteousness argued to themselves. It does, it does-unfortunately too volubly and too vociferously for the safeguarding of republican institutions. There is rea- son to believe that this flagrant and osten- tatious flourishing of "filthy lucre" had much to do with creating the conviction in the minds of unpolluted voters in the Western States that if Wall street were so intent on the election of Hughes it would be the part of political wisdom and patriot- ism to vote for Woodrow Wilson. And, as the election figures show, this was done, very extensively at that. Western voters have a very poor opinion of Eastern mon- eybags, many of whom married off their vain daughters to sillipated, decrepit bearers of royal titles. These money- bags are mighty unsafe disseminators of cherished democratic ideas and still less dependable combatants of hated autocracy. Besides, the well-known fact that greedy, grasping cormorants were intent on plung- ing this country into the bloody war raging in Europe in order to make more secure their big loans to some of the belligerent powers served as a mighty incentive to Western freemen to vote for keeping in the White House for four years longer the
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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916
man who up to that time had so success- fully and so beneficently kept us out of war.
Chairman Vance C. McCormick dis- played excellent judgment in the selection of campaign managers for the Western department, headquarters in Chicago. The men chosen to conduct the campaign in the Western States understood the aims and purposes of the inhabitants of those parts of the Union and governed them- selves accordingly. There were no Bur- chards among the speakers sent out into those regions, hence no votes were made for the other side. To Colonel Bryan had very wisely been assigned nearly the entire debatable ground of the West. With his masterful oratory and the unbounded faith of the masses in the justice of the cause espoused by him-"Peace on earth, good will toward men"-a sentiment was aroused throughout the West that com- pletely upset the plans and calculations of the plutocracy of the East. Colonel Bry- an's appeals to the fathers and mothers in these Western States did not fall upon deaf ears, but sunk deep into the hearts of the good people, who in due course of time transformed the wild lands of the frontier into blooming gardens and prosperous farms. Colonel Bryan's speeches dove- tailed so nicely and so fittingly into the masterly convention speech of former Governor Martin H. Glynn of New York, that Democratic newspapers and speakers were at no time under the necessity of ex- plaining anything away.
By far the ablest, soundest and most convincing speeches delivered on the Re-
publican side of the House were those of former U. S. Senator Albert J. Beveridge. They were masterpieces of political ora- tory, well calculated to reach the under- standing of voters who really were in quest of enlightenment as to the path of duty to be chosen in the final contest. Mr. Beveridge was enabled to present a strong case for the reason that he is splendidly equipped with a strong mind and a heart that beats tenderly for struggling human- ity. Of all the speeches delivered by Theo- dore Roosevelt in favor of Hughes only the one made at Wilkes-Barre, Pa., seems to have proved effective as a vote maker. Every appearance of the ex-President on the rostrum caused the utmost nervous- ness at Republican headquarters.
PARTY LINES IN CONGRESS SINCE 1881.
-- SENATE
-HOUSE
Congress.
Years.
Rep. Dem. Ind. Rep. Dem.
Ind.
47th
. . 1881-1883.
.37 .. 38 .. 1.
.146. . 138. . 10
48th
. . 1883-1885.
.40 .. 36 .. 0 ...
... 124. . 198 .. 1
49th . . 1885-1887
.42 .. 34 .. 0 .... 120 .. 204 .. 1
50th . . 1887-1889
39 .. 37 .. 0 .... 153 .. 168 .. 4
51st .1889-1891.
.. 39 .. 37 .. 0 .... 166 .. 159 .. 0
52d
.1891-1893.
.47 .. 39 .. 2 .... 88 .. 236 .. 8
53d ... 1893-1895.
.. 38 .. 44 .. 3 .... 126 .. 220 .. 8
54th . . 1895-1897.
.42 .. 39 .. 5 .... 246 .. 104 .. 7
55th . . 1897-1899
.46. . 34 .. 10 .... 206 .. 134 .. 16
56th . . 1899-1901.
.53 .. 26 .. 11 .... 185 .. 163 .. 9
.56 .. 29 .. 3 .... 198 .. 153 .. 5 57th . . 1901-1903.
58th . . 1903-1905.
.58 .. 32 .. 0 .... 206 .. 174 .. 2
59th . . 1905-1907. .. 58 .. 32 .. 0 .... 250 .. 136 .. 0
60th .1907-1909.
.. 61 .. 31 .. 0 .... 222 .. 164 .. 0
61st .. 1909-1911.
.. 60 .. 32 .. 0 .... 219 .. 172 .. 0
62d .1911-1913. ... 51 .. 41 .. 0 .... 162 .. 228 ..* 1
63d . 1913-1915.
.. 51 .. 44 .. +1. .127 .. 290.$18
64th . . 1915-1917. .. .. 39 .. 56 .. +1. .193 .. 231 .. ยบ8
65th . . 1917-1919. ... 42 .. 53 .. 11. .. . 216 .. 210 .. 9
*Socialist. +Progressive. Includes 9 Progressives, 7 Progressive Republicans, 1 Independent and 1 vacancy. ' Includes Progressives, Socialists and vacancies, Fig- nres lu table are for beginning of each Congress.
16-History
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[CHAPTER LXVIII.]
THIS BLESSED LAND OF OURS
ITS GOVERNMENT WAS FOUNDED BY THE WISEST, NOBLEST, BRAVEST PATRIOTS KNOWN IN THE WORLD'S HIS- TORY-LET THEIR WORK BE PERPETUATED
HIS is a great country. With- T out indulging in bombast or braggadocio it may be asserted that, everything taken into ac- count, it is the greatest country in the world. As to territory and population it is surpassed by Russia. In area it may be surpassed by Africa, Brazil and even Canada, but in point of extent, scope and adaptation to the subserving of human wants and re- quirements it stands unequalled and un- surpassed. Its natural resources are un- bounded. Its climatic variations are un- surpassed. The fertility of its soil is prodigious. Its location affords in itself a mighty fortress for the protection of its millions of inhabitants. Its constitution is everywhere conceded to be a master- piece of wise, far-seeing statesmanship. Its government has in every instance proved itself a safeguard against attacks from without or within. Its flag has come out of every onslaught unsullied and tri- umphant.
The manner in which the American re- public was founded is comprehensively set forth in the opening chapter of this work. Therein may be found succinctly recited the many ups and downs of those engaged in the constructive work of the formative period and the innumerable obstacles en- countered and overcome by the noble patriots who unselfishly consecrated them- selves to the establishment in this part of the world of a government of, for and by the people.
Would that it might be said, truthfully, that all the people inhabiting the original colonies and later on the States of the newly-formed Union were honorable, up-
right, manly, patriotic. That, perhaps, would border closely on the seemingly im- possible. Then, as now, there were sneaks, hypocrites and liars - vipers in human disguise-who did everything in their power to render more difficult the task of liberating the colonies from the British yoke of oppression. So bitter was life made for Washington, the father of his country, that he seriously contemplated resigning the chief magistracy of the young nation. The vile tongue of slander wagged so assiduously and viciously in de- nunciation of Jefferson, author of the Dec- laration of Independence, that he often found his rich vocabulary inadequate for the expression of his contempt for the vile slanderers and maligners who vindictive- ly pursued him throughout his useful, hon- orable and productive career.
But, nevertheless and notwithstanding, the young nation grew and prospered. Its growth was slow, but sound and steady. New territory was added and new States were formed and admitted into the Union from time to time. With this growth and development came wealth. And with the advent of this thitherto scarcely known element in American life came verification of the fears expressed by the Massachu- setts statesman, sage and patriot, Samuel Adams, who, in 1789, said: "We have achieved a great liberty ; we have wrought out a great constitution ; but my only fear is that our people, who are now poor and simple and love liberty because they have made sacrifices for it, will after a while grow rich and will prefer their riches to their liberty." Corroborative of this are the words of Thomas Jefferson who, more than one hundred years ago, prophetically
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HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916
pictured large cities as being "pestilential to the morals, the health, and the liberties of men."
Wealth founded partly on landed estates and partly on the ownership of human flesh became arrogant and defiant. Like Oliver Twist, it constantly cried for more. Refusal to comply with these de- mands resulted in the country becoming involved in a gigantic war upon the election and inauguration as president of the United States of the kindliest and most fair-minded American known in history- Abraham Lincoln. The struggle was a fierce one. It lasted more than four long, weary years. But it terminated in the tri- umph of the supremacy of the constitu- tion and the vindication of the doctrine of an indissoluble Union of indestructible States.
That was a great, a glorious achieve- ment. With the return to the avenues of industry and trade of the thousands upon thousands of sturdy veterans who had fought the battles of the war on both sides there was awakened a spirit of enterprise and thrift that was nowhere visible prior to and during the war. Industrial and commercial development made marvelous progress. Venturesomeness came alarm- ingly in sight. As a natural sequence a destructive panic broke forth in 1873. It smashed supposedly firm and sound insti- tutions right and left. Indescribable dis- tress prevailed throughout the land. Not until toward 1879-'80 did its destructive effects wholly disappear, but again mani- festing themselves keenly in 1883. Ten years later the country's commercial, financial and industrial foundations were shaken even more violently and disastrous- ly than in 1873, for the reason that there was then so much more to be swept away by the irresistible force of the most de- structive panic known in American his- tory. Recovery did not ensue until the latter part of the past century. Still an- other visitation of a similar character came upon the country in 1907, commonly
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