History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 13

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104

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For a platform the convention adopted a declaration of principles embodying (in condensed form) these points :

"'1. That the American Democracy place their trust in the intelligence, the patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the American people. 2. We regard this (trust) as a distinctive feature of our political creed and contrast it with the creed and practice of fed- eralism, under whatever name or form.

. . 3. The Democratic party

renew and reassert before the American people the declaration of principles avowed by them on a former occasion.' (Here fol- low resolutions 1, 2, 3 and 4, of 1840). 8. 'No more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the neces- sary expenses of the Government, and for the gradual but certain extinction of the debt. (Here follows resolution 5, of 1840, with the addition) : "And that the results of Democratic legislation, in this and all other financial measures . . soundness, safety and utility in all busi- have demonstrated their ness pursuits."' (Here follow resolutions 7, 8 and 9, of 1840, and 10 and 11, of 1844). 15, 16 and 17. Justify the war with Mexico, and compliments the army for its service therein. 18. Tenders fra- ternal congratulations to the National Convention of the Republic of France. 19. Declares the duty of the Democratic party 'to sustain and advance among us consti- tutional liberty, equality and fraternity, by continuing to resist all monopolies.'

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. 20. Orders a copy of these reso- lutions to be forwarded to the French Re- public. 21. Recapitulates the chief measures of Polk's administration and de- clares that 'it would be a fatal error to weaken the bands of a political organiza- tion by which these great reforms have been achieved, and risk them in the hands of their known adversaries.' 22. Compliments and congratulates President Polk. 23. Presents Lewis Cass as can- didate."

When the convention adjourned the be- lief among delegates was quite general that the New York trouble would be adjusted somehow, as it was four years before. Their hopeful conjectures were, however, doomed to disappointment. To the more thoughtful ones among the dele- gates the signs of the times were ominous. The bitterness of the dispute between the New York factions had filled their minds with apprehension of dire results.

WHIGS NOMINATE TAYLOR AND FILLMORE.

Democratic troubles had not afforded much encouragement to the Whig leaders when they turned their attention to the nomination of a Presidential ticket. They recognized in General Cass a man of high character, of inflexible integrity, and of distinguished ability. He had manifested qualities of both leadership and statesman- ship that at once rendered his candidacy formidable and assuring. As astute ob- servers the Whig leaders realized that their own party was in a dilemma. Presi- dential timber in their ranks had become scarce for the time being. Daniel Webster was no longer considered an available quantity. By reason of his equivocal atti- tude on some of the "burning issues" of that period Henry Clay had forfeited the support of many of his former ardent ad- mirers. He still had a strong hold upon popular affection, but his repeated failures in Presidential races awakened doubts in the minds of even his most devoted fol- lowers as to his further availability. No

one in the North had risen to prominence and distinction to be seriously considered in connection with a Presidential nomina- tion. General Winfield Scott had some support, but he was adjudged too "fussy" to be made a safe standard-bearer. After many earnest consultations the conclusion seems to have been reached that the "man of the hour" was General Zachary Taylor of Louisiana-"Old Rough and Ready" his adherents fondly called him. It was freely admitted, however, that he was not without flaws. He was not a man of con- spicuous ability ; he had no claim to large civic experience ; no one pretended that he was on terms of intimacy with statesman- ship. The only tangible argument in his favor was that he had made a creditable record as commander of the United States forces in subduing the Mexicans. At the same time they were confronted with the fact that the opportunity then to distin- guish himself emanated from Democratic authority and favoritism by being assigned to chief command in preference to Gen- eral Scott. On the other hand, the fact that he was a slaveholder and wholly with- out a political record made the anti-slavery men in the party feel dubious as to the ad- visability of making him the nominee of a party that had all along denounced as un- warranted and unjustifiable the war upon Mexico. Then the only assurance any one had that Taylor even considered himself a member of the Whig party was the some- what vague declaration that if he had voted at the election in 1844 his ballot would have been cast for the Whig nom- inee, Henry Clay. Several attempts were made in the form of resolutions to bind those who had the Taylor interests in cus- tody to something definite, but all motions and resolutions tending in that direction were promptly, arbitrarily and auto- cratically ruled out of order by the presid- ing officer of the convention, ex-Governor John M. Morehead of North Carolina. The convention met in the city of Phila-

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delphia June 7, in what was then known as Chinese Hall. All the States except Texas were represented. After a good deal of parleying and sparring a pledge was finally obtained from the leaders of the Taylor element that if not nominated by this convention he would not be the candidate of any other party and that he would support the Whig ticket. Upon final assurances being given by a formid- able array of Southern delegates that Tay- lor would accept the nomination, would abide by the decision of the party, and that he could safely be trusted as an ex- ponent of the Whig party, the hero of the Mexican war was nominated for the Presidency on the fourth ballot. He had 111 votes on the first ballot, 118 on the second, 133 on the third, and 171 on the fourth. Henry. Clay started out with 97, dropped to 86 on the second, 74 on the third, and to 32 on the final ballot. Win- field Scott started with 43, rose to 49 on the second ballot, to 54 on the third, and to 63 on the fourth and last. Daniel Web- ster's vote was 22, 22, 17, 14. The Taylor- ites were considerably chagrined over their inability to secure the adoption of a resolution to make the nomination unani- mous, but some of the New England and Ohio delegates expressed themselves so emphatically against such approval of an unsatisfactory nomination that the at- tempt had to be abandoned. These dele- gates subsequently identified themselves with the Van Buren Freesoil movement, thereby (unwittingly and indirectly) bringing about the election of the very man whose nomination they refused to permit to be made unanimous. It was Van Buren's candidacy that made possible Zachary Taylor's election.

Among the sorest of the participants of the convention was Horace Greeley, sage, philosopher, and editor of the New York Tribune. This truckling to the slave power was galling to that fearless journal- ist and pronounced champion of the anti-

slavery cause. When it was determined not to adopt a platform, by reason of the existing diversity of opinion, and of fear to make any sort of expression on the slavery question, Greeley left Philadelphia in disgust and repaired to his sanctum sanctorum in New York to indite a scath- ing denunciation of the cowardliness of the Whig convention. In terms character- istic of that master journalist the nomina- tion of General Taylor was bitterly de- nounced in the Tribune. The article was headed "The Philadelphia Slaughter- house." It was a terrific arraignment of political cowardice and imbecility and caused a tremendous sensation for the time being. As time wore on and the Van Buren movement began to assume formid- able proportions, Greeley's indignation subsided somewhat. Though in hearty accord with Van Buren on the slavery question, he had fought him for so many years and had denounced him so unspar- ingly as a scheming trimmer and foxy trickster that he could not reconcile him- self to the thought of establishing political fellowship with the Sage of Kinderhook. By and by he banished the unpleasant features of the Philadelphia convention from his recollection and gradually adjusted himself to the support of Taylor and Fillmore. The warmth of this sup- port was somewhat augmented when the New York Whigs caused him to be nom- inated to an unexpired term in Congress. The propriety and expediency of con- ferring this honor upon Horace Greeley was at the election affirmed by a gratify- ingly decisive majority.

There was quite a strife for the Vice- Presidential nomination. Abbott Law- rence, a New England millionaire, was an active candidate. His chief if not only claim to such mark of distinction was the possession of a large-sized "bar'l" which he gave the managers to understand could be freely tapped as the emergencies of the campaign might require. To the credit

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of the convention be it said these dis- tinctively commercial advances were re- spectfully but firmly rejected. On the second ballot the nomination for Vice- President was conferred on Millard Fill- more of Buffalo, N. Y. He was an ardent supporter of Henry Clay, and the conven- tion deemed it "good politics" to placate the admirers of the eloquent Kentuckian by nominating one of their number for second place. Fillmore was a much abler man than Taylor. Struggling with ad- versity in his youth, he forged rapidly to the front after he had equipped himself for the bar and had served three years as member of the New York Legislature. Three times he was elected to Congress, declining a renomination to a fourth term. He was the Whig candidate for Governor in 1844 and defeated by Silas Wright. In 1847 he was elected State Comptroller. Then followed his nomination and election to the Vice-Presidency of the United States and his subsequent accession to the Presi- dency.

While a member of Congress, as chair- man of the Ways and Means Committee, he framed the tariff of 1842. This tariff act is popularly assumed to have been the product of Henry Clay, but Fillmore was its real author. It is interesting to note, right here, what were Mr. Fill- more's views on the tariff after becoming President upon the death of Zachary Tay- lor. In his first annual message, dated December 2, 1850, President Fillmore made this reference to the tariff :

"A high tariff can never be permanent. It will cause dissatisfaction, and will be changed. ' It excludes competition, and thereby invites the investment of capital in manufactures to such excess that when changed it brings distress, bankruptcy and ruin upon all who have been misled by its faithless protection. What the manu- facturer wants is uniformity and per- manency, that he may feel a confidence that he is not to be ruined by sudden changes. But to make a tariff uniform and permanent it is not only necessary

that the laws should not be altered, but that the duty should not fluctuate. To effect this all duties should be specific wherever the nature of the article is such as to admit of it. Ad valorem duties fluctuate with the price and offer strong temptations to fraud and perjury. Spe- cific duties, on the contrary, are equal and uniform in all ports and at all times, and offer a strong inducement to the importer to bring the best article, as he pays no more duty upon that than upon one of inferior quality. I therefore strongly recommend a modification of the present tariff, which has prostrated some of our most important and necessary manufac- tures, and that specific duties be imposed sufficient to raise the requisite revenue, making such discriminations in favor of the industrial pursuits of our own coun- try as to encourage home production with- out excluding foreign competition. It is also important that an unfortunate pro- vision in the present tariff, which imposes a much higher duty upon the raw material that enters into our manufactures than upon the manufactured article, should be remedied."

The first sentence in this quotation must be startling to those who have labored under the impression that the ad- vocates of a protective tariff in the days of Clay, Webster, Greeley and Kelley were as rapacious as are the apologists for and defenders of the tariff devised by Dingley and later on made more extortionate by Aldrich and Payne. Ponder over these declarations: "A high tariff can never be permanent. . It brings distress, bankruptcy and ruin upon all who have been misled by its faithless protection." And kindly note, also, that there is no complaint whatsoever in the Fillmore message about the rates in the Walker tariff of 1846 being too low. The chief contention made by President Fillmore was that duties be made specific, instead of ad valorem. On this branch of the sub- ject there always have been differences of opinion among protectionists as well as among revenue reformers.

As already stated, no platform was adopted by the convention proper. But

4-History

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at a mass meeting held after the conven- tion had adjourned a sort of political manifesto was promulgated, of which the following is a comprehensive epitome:

"1. Ratifies nomination of Zachary Taylor as President and Millard Fillmore as Vice-President. 2. Expresses joy at finding Mr. Taylor's opinions conservative and faithful 'to the great example of for- mer days, and to the principles of the Constitution as administered by the foun- ders.' 3. That General Taylor, in saying that, had he voted in 1844, he would have voted the Whig ticket, gives us assurance that the heart that was with us then is with us now. 4. That we look on his administration of the Government as one conducive of peace, prosperity and union. 5. That standing, as the Whig party does, on the broad and firm platform of the Constitution, braced up by all its inviolable and sacred guarantees and compromises . . we are proud to have as the exponent of our opinions one who has said ‘that he will make Washington's administration his model.' 6. Is occupied with a brief recital of Taylor's military services. 7 Asks united, zealous, resolute co-operation of all Whigs 'in behalf of our candidate, whom calumny cannot reach, and with re- spectful demeanor to our adversaries, whose candidates have yet to prove their claims on the gratitude of the nation.'

"1. 'I reiterate,' said Taylor, 'what I have so often said: I am a Whig. If elected, I would not be the mere President of a party. 2. The power given by the Constitution to the executive to in- terpose his veto is a high conservative power, but in my opinion should never be exercised except in cases of clear violation of the Constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by the Congress 3. Upon the subject of the tariff, the currency, the improvement of our great highways, rivers, lakes and harbors, the will of the people, as expressed through their representatives in Congress, ought to be respected and carried out by the executive. 4. I sincerely rejoice at the prospect of peace. . The prin- ciples of our Government, as well as its true policy, are opposed to the subjugation of other nations and the dismemberment of other countries by conquest.'"

VAN BUREN AND ADAMS TICKET IN LIMITED POPULAR FAVOR.

After much earnest consultation the "Barnburners' " delegation to the Balti- more convention and others who were in sympathy and accord with them decided upon holding a State convention at Utica, N. Y., June 22, and inviting thereto dele- gates from other States for the purpose of definitely determining what course to pursue to promote the cause in which they had enlisted. Delegates from Massachu- setts, Connecticut, Ohio and Wisconsin attended this conference and convention. After two days of earnest deliberation Martin Van Buren was formally nom- inated for President and Senator Henry Dodge of Wisconsin for Vice-President. Senator Dodge was a native of Vincennes, Ind., had a good deal to do with Indian affairs, served as Territorial Governor of Wisconsin, was three times sent to Con- gress, elected Governor in 1846 and chosen United States Senator in 1848. He was "quite a man" and would have added much strength to the ticket had he con- cluded to "stick." He was in sympathy with the Freesoil movement, but believed in party "regularity" and had a very high opinion of General Cass. These consid- erations impelled him to decline the proffered honor and to give his support to Cass and Butler. Van Buren, on the other hand, readily accepted the nomina- tion, which acceptance served as notice to the country at large and the Democracy in particular that the voice of the anti- slavery men would be heard and felt at the November election.

This movement grew rapidly in popular favor, so much so that the leaders declared it to be expedient to convene a much more representative body to complete the ticket of the Freesoil party. Accordingly such a gathering was held at Buffalo, N. Y., on the 9th of August. It was largely at- tended and had accredited representatives from seventeen of the thirty States.

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Charles Francis Adams of Massachusetts presided. John P. Hale of New Hamp- shire had already been nominated for the Presidency of the Abolition party. He was a United States Senator at the time and had won a national reputation. There was a strong sentiment in his favor and he developed remarkable strength when the convention proceeded to a ballot. Van Buren's nomination was favored by 159 delegates and Hale's by 129. Charles Francis Adams was by acclamation named for Vice-President. Mr. Hale was so de- lighted over the platform submitted to the convention that immediately after its adoption he formally withdrew as the Presidential nominee of the Abolitionists and throughout the campaign gave earn- est support to the Van Buren-Adams ticket.

The platform, unanimously and vocifer- ously adopted by the convention, con- sisted of nineteen planks, of which thirteen related to the slavery question. It had evidently been prepared with great care. Every sentence in it seems to have had painstaking consideration. Persons familiar with the writings of Samuel J. Tilden would at once detect in the phrase- ology of this pronunciamento the master mind of the Sage of Gramercy. Every phase of the slavery question was treated with sublime courage and absolute fear- lessness. In terms that could neither be misunderstood nor misinterpreted the slave power was notified that concessions to it were already too generous and that henceforth no more slave territory could be created under the forms of law. And there wasn't!

Epitomized, this document presented to the consideration of the American people this declaration of principles :

"Freesoil Platform of 1848 .- An elo- quent and impassioned appeal, in a three- fold preamble and sixteen resolutions, against the extension of slavery, from which the following are brief extracts: ‘A common resolve to maintain the rights of

free labor against the aggressions of the slave power, and to secure free soil to a free people.' 'We propose no interference by Congress with slavery within the limits of any State.' 'It was the settled policy of the nation (from 1784 to 1800) not to extend, nationalize or encourage slavery, and to this policy the Government ought to return.' 'Congress has no more power to make a slave than to make a king.' 'The only safe means of preventing the extension of slavery into territory now free is to prevent its ex- tension into such territory by an act of Congress.' 'We accept the issue which the slave power has forced upon us; and to their demand for more slave States and more slave territory, our calm but final answer is, no more slave States and no more slave territory.' 'There must be no more compromises with slavery; if made, they must be repealed.' 'We demand cheap postage for the people.' 'River and harbor improvements are ob-

jects of national concern.' 'The free grant

to actual settlers of reasonable portions of the public lands, under suitable limitations, is a wise and just measure of public policy.' 'Honor and patriotism re- quire the earliest practical payment of the public debt.' 'We inscribe on our banner, "Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor and Free Men," and under it we will fight on, and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions.''

Several other tickets had been placed in the field, but after the Buffalo conven- tion no attention was bestowed upon these offshoots. It soon became apparent that the American people were intent on making their choice of favorites from the three tickets named. The Van Buren ticket rapidly gained. in popular support. At first the Taylor-Fillmore leaders feared that more anti-slavery Whigs than Demo- crats might vote the Van Buren ticket, but after any number of prominent Demo- crats had declared themselves for the Buffalo ticket the Taylorites mustered courage and gradually assumed an air of confidence. In the main the campaign was fairly decently conducted. The hottest partisan battle was fought in Georgia, where Alexander H. Stephens,

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who thirteen years later, in 1861, was made Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy, led the Taylor forces. Stephens was physically diminutive but lion-hearted as to courage. During the campaign he had a personal encounter with Judge Francis Cone of Greensboro. The difficulty grew out of a quarrel on the Clayton compromise of 1848. Cone cut Stephens terribly with a knife, and cried: "Now, damn you, retract, or I'll cut your throat!" The bleeding, almost dying Stephens cried: "Never! Cut!" and grasped the swiftly descending knife blade in his right hand. That hand never again wrote plainly. Few of the wit- nesses of the affair, which occurred on the piazza of Thompson's Hotel, Atlanta, expected him to recover. He did, how- ever, in time to make a speech in favor of Zachary Taylor for the Presidency, the carriage being drawn to the stand by the people. This affray doubtless had some effect on the vote of Georgia. Stephens was dearly beloved by the people of that Commonwealth. Georgia was throughout the campaign in the doubtful column. When the votes were counted Taylor had 2,742 more than Cass. Quite helpful to the Taylorites was the result of the State election in Pennsylvania in October. The Keystone State had been considered safe for Cass, but when the Whig candidate for Governor carried it by 305 majority Democratic confidence began to waver. At the November election Taylor and Fillmore were triumphant in Pennsyl- vania by a plurality of 14,337 and by a majority of 3,074 over both Cass and Van Buren.

Of the popular vote Taylor had 1,360,- 101; Cass, 1,220,544; Van Buren, 291,263. Of the electoral vote Taylor received 163; Cass, 127; Van Buren, none. Of the fif- teen Southern States Taylor carried eight; Cass, seven. There were then just as many slave States as free States-thirty in all. Of the Northern States Cass car-

ried eight; Taylor, seven. Every State west of Pennsylvania-Ohio, Indiana, Illi- nois, Michigan and Wisconsin-went for Cass. Down East Cass carried New Hampshire and Maine-due to the rela- tively large Van Buren vote. Van Buren's strength was greatest in New York, Massachusetts, and Ohio. In Massachu- setts, New York and Vermont Van Buren received more votes than Cass. Relatively the poorest showing made by Van Buren was in New Jersey, where he polled only 829 votes; in Rhode Island he had 730. In the South Van Buren was credited with eighty votes in Delaware, 125 in Mary- land, and nine in Virginia. The State that divided its vote nearest equally was Wisconsin, which gave Cass 15,001; Tay- lor, 13,747; Van Buren, 10,418.

As to the effect of the election, it may be said to have been nil. The only signifi- cance about it was the vote cast for Van Buren and the platform upon which he stood. Not a single slave territory was thereafter organized or admitted into the Union. But for twelve long years the nation experienced the liveliest fight over the slavery question that had been wit- nessed during its entire existence. As for the Whig party-well, it succeeded in electing its candidate for the Presidency in 1848 by putting forth a negative quan- tity, a slaveholder whose only prestige was that of having won in the Mexican war, which Whigs had all along denounced as an outrage and a national disgrace. They were unable to control either house of Congress, were literally snowed under in the next Presidential contest, and saw the party go to pieces in 1854.

INDIANA IN THE CAMPAIGN OF 1848.

For the purpose of organizing for the Presidential campaign of 1848 the Indiana Democracy met in State convention at Indianapolis on historic Jackson Day, the 8th of January. Hon. J. G. Read of Clark

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History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 13

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926 Publication date: 1917 Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co. Number of Pages: 1104

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104