History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 39

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104

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11. W. J. Hilligoss, Huntington.

12. Charles A. Munson, Allen.

13. H. H. Francis, Laporte.

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS.

At Large-David S. Gooding of Greenfield, John R. Coffroth of Lafayette.

1. Harry C. Pitcher, Posey county.

2. John C. Briggs, Sullivan.

3. Bert H. Burrell, Jackson.

4. Green Durbin, Ripley.

5. Francis T. Hord, Bartholomew.

6. David U. Chambers, Henry.

7. O. J. Glessner, Shelby.

8. John E. Lamb, Vigo.

9. Francis Johnson, Tippecanoe.

10. D. D. Dykeman, Cass.

11. James F. McDowell, Grant.

12. Andrew Ellison, Lagrange.

13. Woodson S. Marshall, Kosciusko.

DELEGATES TO NATIONAL CONVENTIONS

At Large-Senator Joseph E. McDonald, Sen- ator Daniel W. Voorhees, Judge William E. Ni- black, General James R. Slack.

1. John Nester, Warrick county. Dr. W. G. Kidd, Gibson.

2. William A. Traylor, Dubois. A. J. Hostetler, Lawrence.

3. James A. Cravens, Washington. John H. Stotsenburg, Floyd.

4. John R. Cravens, Jefferson. Joseph H. Barkam.

5. D. G. Vawter, Johnson. Eb. Henderson, Morgan.

6. William Thistlewaite, Wayne. Milton James, Delaware.

7. Oscar B. Hord, Marion. W. Scott Ray, Shelby.

8. George A. Knight, Clay. William Mack, Vigo.

9. John R. Coffroth, Tippecanoe. Theodore Davis, Madison.

10. Rufus Magee, Cass. D. F. Skinner, Porter.

11. David Studabaker, Adams. Charles H. Brownell, Miami.

12. Allen Zollars, Allen. O. D. Willett, Noble.

13. Edward Hawkins, Laporte. A. F. Wilden, Elkhart.

There was a sharp contest over the nom- ination for Governor. Six names were

presented for consideration : Franklin Landers of Indianapolis, Colonel Isaac P. Gray of Randolph county, Colonel C. C. Matson of Greencastle, Judge Alexander C. Downey of Ohio county, Robert C. Bell of Fort Wayne and William S. Holman of Aurora. The contest from the beginning was between Landers and Gray. But for the fact that the latter had, while a Re- publican member of the State Senate in 1869, taken a conspicuous part in forcing ratification of the fifteenth amendment, he would undoubtedly have received the nomination over Mr. Landers. As poli- ticians or public speakers there was no comparison between the two men. Lan- ders was awkward; Gray, dexterous. Suavity did not enter into Landers's make- up, but there was no question about his earnestness of purpose, his business quali- fications and his understanding of public wants. He was an ardent Greenbacker, but not an impracticable fiatist. Gray was about as adroit a politician as could those days be found in the arena. On the final ballot there was a difference of only about a dozen votes. Then a motion made by Mr. Bell and seconded by Judge Holman to make the nomination of Mr. Landers unanimous prevailed. Landers appeared on the platform and accepted the nomina- tion in a characteristic speech. Then there were loud calls for Gray, but before the gal- lant Colonel could make his way to the platfrom Austin H. Brown arose and said: "Before Colonel Gray addresses this con- vention, I wish to interpose a motion, which is that Isaac P. Gray be declared the unanimous nominee of this convention as Lieutenant-Governor." There were about a half dozen aspirants for the place. One after another seconded the motion, with- drawing from the field and thus effecting Colonel Gray's nomination by acclamation, amidst such cheering as only a popular movement can evoke. The demonstration over Colonel Gray left no doubt as to his popularity with the multitude.

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With practical unanimity the remainder of the ticket was made up of the follow- ing nominees :

Secretary of State-John G. Shanklin of Evansville.

Auditor-General Mahlon D. Manson of Craw- fordsville.

Treasurer-William Fleming of Fort Wayne. Attorney-General-Thomas W. Woollen of Franklin.

Superintendent of Public Instruction-W. C. Goodwin.

The spirit of the convention was ex- cellent, yet the certainty of victory, so pos- itively asserted two years before, was not at this time foreshadowed by the discern- ing ones among the delegates.

The platform adopted by the convention was well worded, vigorous in expression and comprehensive in its scope. The main planks read thus:

"We, the Democracy of Indiana, in dele- gate convention assembled, congratulate the Democracy of the country upon the harmony prevailing within its organiza- tion, and upon its unanimity in the pur- poses to cast behind it every occasion and sentiment of discord, and to stand as one man for success in 1880; and we give as- surance to the Democracy of the country that, accepting the declaration of princi- ples and purposes that may be made at Cincinnati, and the candidates who may be there chosen, we will give to them our earnest and undivided support.

"The coin and paper money of the coun- try should be of uniform value, and readily convertible, and should have as great pur- chasing power as the money of other first- class commercial countries of the world, and the paper money, like the coin, should be furnished by the United States and should not be in excess of such quantity as will be, and remain always, at par with coin.

"Inasmuch as the outstanding treasury notes are no longer necessary to the Gov- ernment in the use of its credit, and are useful only as money, they should be made subject to taxation, the same as other money.

"We congratulate the people of the State that by the action of the Democrats of the last legislature in basing representation upon population and contiguity of terri-

tory only, the shame and taint of fraud have been removed from the apportion- ment of representation, and that now the people will be equally and fairly repre- sented.

"We hold up to the public detestation the conduct of the leaders in the Repub- lican party in placing Hayes and Wheeler, by criminal practices shocking to every honest sentiment and damaging to our in- stitutions, in offices to which they were not elected. It was an outrage on free gov- ernment, and a crime against the elective franchise that cannot be forgiven, and must not be repeated, and for which the guilty parties must be driven from power and consigned to infamy. And we hold up to public detestation the conduct of the President in rewarding the guilty parties by conferring upon them high and lucra- tive offices. To reward crime is itself criminal."

HANCOCK AND ENGLISH.

The Democratic National Convention was held in Cincinnati on the 22nd of June. John W. Stevenson, of Kentucky, was made permanent chairman. Of the In- diana delegates Senator McDonald served as member of the Committee on Perma- nent Organization; W. E. Niblack on Cre- dentials, and John R. Coffroth on Resolu- tions.

Massachusetts and New York appeared with contesting delegations. A good deal of bitterness was injected into these fac- tional contentions. Tammany was on hand with a contesting delegation. John Kelly was exceptionally bitter in his denuncia- tion of Tilden and the regular organiza- tion. These denunciations led to the con- clusion that Tilden might, after all, have been induced to make the race. His letter of final declination was not made public until the second day, and then only after Tammany had emphasized its attitude of hostility, going to the extreme of declaring that it would not support Tilden if nom- inated. It is significant that in the resolu- tions denunciatory of the electoral fraud of 1876-7 Mr. Tilden's name only is men- tioned, that of his running mate being

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ignored. All this gives color to the belief, then freely expressed, that had Mr. Hen- dricks given his consent to the renomina- tion of the old ticket, the convention would undoubtedly have named Tilden and Hen- dricks.

Two ballots indicated that the conven- tion's choice lay between General Winfield Scott Hancock and Samuel J. Randall, al- though Thomas F. Bayard, Henry B. Payne, Allen G. Thurman, Stephen J. Field, William R. Morrison and Thomas A. Hendricks had some strength. After a good deal of shifting the final ballot gave Hancock 705, Bayard 2, Hendricks 30, Til- den 1.

Hendricks started out with 501/2; on the second ballot dropped to 31, and on the final ballot to 30-that of the Indiana dele- gation.

The Alabama delegation proposed Wil- liam H. English of Indiana for Vice-Presi- dent. Colonel W. F. Vilas of Wisconsin took the platform, and on his motion Mr. English was nominated by acclamation.

The two great nominating speeches de- livered at this convention were those of Daniel W. Voorhees in naming Thomas A. Hendricks and of Daniel Dougherty in presenting the name of General Winfield Scott Hancock. Both were pronounced masterpieces of oratory.

Some interesting incidents are connected with the Cincinnati convention. The In- diana delegation, as already stated, had been instructed to vote as a unit for Hen- dricks for President. Oscar B. Hord, Mr. Hendricks' law partner, was chairman of the delegation. He had an abiding faith that Mr. Hendricks could be nominated, and nothing could shake that faith. It was clearly demonstrated that a majority of the convention was composed of friends of Tilden. This in itself precluded the possi- bility of Hendricks' nomination for first place. In view of all this, some of the In- diana delegates felt that they ought to be released from the binding force of the in- struction. Two of them, Rufus Magee of

Logansport and DeFos Skinner of Val- paraiso, asked to be so released. This provoked a heated discussion and their re- quest was denied. Senator James B. Beck, John G. Carlisle and a number of other equally prominent delegates served notice on Senator McDonald that they had de- cided to place him in nomination for the Presidency. To this McDonald replied: "You must not try to do that. But one man can put me in nomination, and that is Governor Hendricks. Without his con- sent I cannot be a candidate." That con- sent never was given, although General M. E. Ingalls, president of the "Big Four" railway, spent nearly an entire night with Mr. and Mrs. Hendricks at their residence in Indianapolis to procure such consent. General Ingalls was induced to enter upon this mission after a number of the dele- gates had been apprised of the situation. As one of the foremost Democrats of Ohio he felt a deep interest in the outcome of the convention. There was a sharp divi- sion of sentiment among Ohio Democrats, caused by the entry of two distinguished Buckeye statesmen for the Presidential nomination-Henry B. Payne and Allen G. Thurman.

In a special train General Ingalls sped on to Indianapolis. Eagerly the Indiana and Kentucky delegations awaited his return, some of the delegates staying up all night to hear early what Ingalls had accom- plished. At last he returned and sub- mitted his report. It was to the effect that the conference lasted the greater part of the night. Mr. Hendricks was told just how matters stood at Cincinnati; that a strong sentiment in favor of Senator Mc- Donald's nomination had developed, and that McDonald positively forbade the use of his name except upon approval by Mr. Hendricks. At times, General Ingalls re- ported, Governor Hendricks seemed in- clined to yield, but when he wavered Mrs. Hendricks would take part in the discus- sion. Finally she retired, and as General Ingalls was compelled to return, he got up

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with Governor Hendricks, who walked with the General to the door. Ingalls again urged Hendricks to yield. He hesi- tated, finally, bidding Ingalls adieu with the remark, "I will think it over and talk with Mrs. Hendricks in the morning, and if I conclude to do as you suggest, I will telegraph you." On receiving this report, the friends of McDonald quickly reached the conclusion that no telegram would come, and none came. The nomination of General Hancock brought that matter to a finality.

Up to this time the relations between Hendricks and McDonald had been popu- larly regarded as unquestionably cordial. Assuredly they had been such for at least two decades. What makes the disruption of a life-time friendship between two great men peculiarly lamentable is that the trouble in this instance was not theirs, but that of their wives. Out of this estrange- ment grew factional disagreements and contests within the party that left deplor- able results. At this writing only two or three of the Indiana delegation to the Cin- cinnati convention of 1880 are living, by far the greater number of them having gone to the grave. There were giants in those days. The great triumvirate-Hen- dricks, McDonald and Voorhees-were necessary to one another and each wrought ably when they picked up the scattered threads of the Democratic party after the war and knitted them into a compact, militant and victorious party. Two ambi- tious women destroyed the friendship that had existed between these trusted and honored leaders of men. Though but little publicity was given these affairs at the time, it remains a deplorable fact that there never was brought about any real reconciliation between Hendricks and Mc- Donald. But for the enmity engendered by ambitious women McDonald would have been made a member of Cleveland's first Cabinet. He would have proved an em- inently capable Attorney-General. Read- ers of this volume who may feel interested

in knowing something of the inner feelings of these two men are advised to read Mc- Donald's formal tribute to Hendricks when the Grim Reaper had done its work, and then turn to Hendricks's guarded speech placing McDonald in nomination for the Presidency in 1884.

PLANKS IN THE NATIONAL PLAT- FORM.

The planks in the Cincinnati platform to which especial importance was attached are herewith reproduced in unabbreviated form:

"Opposition to centralizationism and to that dangerous spirit of encroachment which tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to cre- ate, whatever be the form of government, a real despotism. No sumptuary laws; separation of Church and State for the good of each ; common schools fostered and protected.

"Home rule; honest money, consisting of gold and silver, and paper convertible into coin on demand; the strict maintenance of the public faith, State and National; and a tariff for revenue only.

"The right to a free ballot is the right preservative of all rights, and must and shall be maintained in every part of the United States.

"The existing administration is the rep- resentative of conspiracy only, and its claim of right to surround the ballot boxes with troops and deputy marshals, to intim- idate and obstruct the electors, and the un- precedented use of the veto to maintain its corrupt and despotic power, insult the peo- ple and imperil their institutions.

"The grand fraud of 1876-77, by which, upon a false count of the electoral votes of two States, the candidate defeated at the polls was declared to be President, and, for the first time in American history, the will of the people was set aside under a threat of military violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of representative gov- ernment; the Democratic party, to pre- serve the country from a civil war, sub- mitted for a time in firm and patriotic faith that the people would punish this crime in 1880; this issue precedes and dwarfs every other; it imposes a more sa- cred duty upon the people of the Union

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than ever addressed the conscience of a nation of freemen.

"We execrate the course of this admin- istration in making places in the civil serv- ice a reward for political crime, and de- mand a reform by statute which shall make it forever impossible for the defeat- ed candidate to bribe his way to the seat of a usurper by billeting villains upon the people.

"The resolution of Samuel J. Tilden not again to be a candidate for the exalted place to which he was elected by a majority of his countrymen, and from which he was excluded by the leaders of the Republican party, is received by the Democrats of the United States with sensibility, and they declare their confidence in his wisdom, patriotism, and integrity, unshaken by the assaults of a common enemy, and they fur- ther assure him that he is followed into the retirement he has chosen for himself by the sympathy and respect of his fellow-cit- izens, who regard him as one who, by ele- vating the standards of public morality, merits the lasting gratitude of his country and his party.

"The Democratic party is the friend of labor and the laboring man, and pledges itself to protect him alike against the cor- morant and the commune."

THE CAMPAIGN.

General Winfield Scott Hancock was a grand character. Much, very much, could be said in his favor. Popular audiences could easily be brought to a pitch of en- thusiasm by dwelling on his admirable qualities as man, citizen, administrator and warrior. In course of time consider- able enthusiasm was injected into the campaign. This had the effect of inspir- ing a goodly number of doubting ones with confidence in the final outcome of the con- test. As in former years, Indiana was the real battleground. Its State election in October-the last one, by the way-was depended upon as a trustworthy indicator of what was to be expected in November.

William H. English became chairman of the Democratic State Committee and as such personally managed the 1880 cam- paign, notwithstanding his nomination to

the Vice-Presidency. Mainly with a view to making the campaign exceptionally in- teresting to Mr. English, the Republicans procured a complete list of the mortgages held by him in Marion county, as recorded in the courthouse. The list of these mort- gages covered two pages of a newspaper. It made "mighty interesting reading" for cynics, but was far from edifying to Dem- ocrats. Doubtless this publication added somewhat to the depression of the cam- paign.

Unwisely a series of joint discussions between the rival candidates for Governor, Franklin Landers and Albert G. Porter, was made a conspicuous feature of the campaign. Landers had become consider- ably elated over the success that attended his campaigning in 1874 for a seat in Congress. He doubtless imagined that he would fare equally well in a joint debate with Mr. Porter. The difference between a school district campaign and a State canvass became apparent to Mr. Landers after he had had a few rounds with his adversary, a skilled debator and a capti- vating public speaker.

Despite the heroic efforts of Democratic workers, the tide turned in favor of the Republicans. Issues were presented that proved enticing to that class of voters who fondly connect business prosperity with election returns. Inability to center the main issue on the majesty of the ballot was the inevitable result of the failure to renominate the old ticket by the Cincinnati convention. The golden opportunity un- failingly to win a certain and glorious vic- tory had been foolishly frittered away. The penalty followed with unerring cer- tainty and painful severity. Here is the story of the verdict of the ballot:

STATE AND NATIONAL ELECTION, 1880.

FOR GOVERNOR.

Albert G. Porter, Republican. . 231,405

Franklin Landers, Democrat. 224,452

Richard Gregg, Greenbacker. 14,881

10-History

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FOR LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR.

Thomas Hanna, Republican. 229,642

Isaac P. Gray, Democrat. 224,872

Thomas F. DeBruler, Greenbacker 16,202

The votes cast for other State candi- dates did not vary largely. Emmanuel R. Hawn defeated John G. Shanklin in the race for Secretary of State by a plurality of 5,134; Edwin H. Wolfe's plurality over General Mahlon D. Manson for Auditor of State was 4,774; that of Roswell S. Hill over William Fleming for State Treasurer was 5,852.

FOR PRESIDENT.

James A. Garfield, Republican. . 232,164 Winfield S. Hancock, Democrat ... 225,522

James B. Weaver, Greenbacker. .. 12,986

In the General Assembly of 1881 there were in the Senate twenty-four Repub- licans, twenty-four Democrats, two Green- backers. In the House, fifty-eight Repub- licans, forty-one Democrats, one Green- backer. . This preponderance enabled the Republicans to elect their able champion,

General Benjamin Harrison, to the United States Senate to succeed Joseph E. Mc- Donald.

CONGRESSIONAL DELEGATION.

Eight Republicans and five Democrats were elected to Congress. The Democrats thus chosen were Thomas R. Cobb in the Second district, Strother M. Stockslager in the Third, William S. Holman in the Fourth, Cortland C. Matson in the Fifth, Walpole G. Colerick in the Twelfth. Of these Stockslager and Matson were new members.

The Republicans chosen were William Heilman from the First, Thomas M. Browne from the Sixth, Stanton J. Peelle from the Seventh, Robert B. F. Pierce from the Eighth, Godlove S. Orth from the Ninth, Mark L. DeMotte from the Tenth, George W. Steele from the Eleventh, Wil- liam H. Calkins from the Thirteenth. Peelle, Pierce and Steele were new. Orth died during his term and was succeeded by Charles T. Doxey.

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[CHAPTER XXXVIII.]

BY THE DEATH OF GOVERNOR WILLIAMS NOVEMBER 20, 1880, ISAAC P. GRAY BECAME ACTING GOVERNOR -SERVED NEARLY TWO MONTHS

HE irony of fate denied to Isaac T P. Gray the coveted nomination for Governor and later on a re- election to the office to which he had been chosen in 1876, yet decreed that he serve as Gov- ernor for nearly two months. Governor James D. Williams died after a lingering illness, at Indianapolis, Novem- ber 20, 1880. So excellent had proved his administration, so strongly had he in- trenched himself in popular affection, that the announcement of his death caused genuine grief throughout the Common- wealth.

James Douglas Williams was born in Pickaway county, Ohio, January 16, 1808; moved to Indiana and located at what is known as Wheatland, in Knox county, in 1818; engaged in farming ; was first elected a member of the Indiana Legislature in 1843, and thereafter served almost con- tinuously for nearly thirty years in one or the other branches of the General Assem- bly. In 1874 he was elected to Congress. During his term he was nominated and elected Governor. December 1, 1876, he resigned his seat in Congress, thus afford- ing him a few weeks of time within which to prepare for the inauguration in the early part of January.

During the 1876 campaign Daniel W. Voorhees was Mr. Williams's constant companion on the stump. Not being an orator, Mr. Williams modestly confined himself to a brief discussion of State mat- ters. More elaborate discussion of State and National issues was wisely delegated to Mr. Voorhees. The relations between these two men naturally became close and cordial. It is fitting, therefore, that a richly merited tribute to Governor Wil- liams by Senator Voorhees be incorporated

into this volume. Upon the unveiling of a monument erected to the memory of Gov- ernor Williams at Wheatland, Ind., July 4, 1883, Senator Voorhees reviewed the career of the departed in a manner that will make it possible for the present gen- eration to gain a fair conception of the chief characteristics of the plain farmer who in 1876 was elected Governor over the distinguished and accomplished lawyer, Benjamin Harrison, afterward chosen United States Senator and later on Presi- dent of the United States. In the course of his eloquent address Senator Voorhees said:

"In looking at the career of Governor Williams and in studying the influences under which his character was developed, a long and most striking retrospective view is presented to the mind. Born in 1808, he came to Knox county in 1818. Here, at the age of ten years, he began his life work on the farm, and here, at the close of more than three-score years and ten, he rests in the soil and in the midst of the people he loved so well. He lived in Indiana and in this county sixty-two years, beholding with intelligent observa- tion the growth and development, step by step, of his own State, and of all the North- western States, until from a nominal be- ginning he witnessed the glory of their civ- ilization and power fill the whole earth. His life embraced almost three-quarters of the present marvelous century, and cov- ered such a period of human progress as the eye of man had not rested on until then, in all the wide and varied annals of human effort.

"His first reading was on grave and seri- ous matters. His youthful mind knew nothing of fiction. His thoughts and life were real. He read the messages of the early Governors - Jennings, Hendricks and others, in which there glowed a fer- vent love of country and a firm faith in the people.

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"The glorious traditions and the high American flavor of the Revolution were also fresh, and everywhere prevalent, and as a boy Governor Williams often listened in silent wonder to men not much past middle life who had been under fire with Washington and in council with Jefferson, Madison and Monroe. It has been said that from lack of education and travel he had a certain narrowness of view in public affairs. On the contrary, Governor Wil- liams was developed and instructed from youth to robust manhood in a school of thought and action which never yet failed to make broader, stronger and more useful men than the Greek lexicon or a tourist's guide-book. He formed his earliest ideas of government and of public duty from the purest and best sources, and there was not a proscriptive, intolerant or narrow senti- ment in his nature. His love of country was of the old-fashioned kind, inspired by the spirit of 1776, and it was broad enough to embrace every star of the flag, and every foot of American soil beneath its folds. But there was still another power- ful reason why Governor Williams carried into the discharge of his duties a sound judgment and a stanch heart. He lived and died a practical farmer. He knew the laboring people better than any public man Indiana ever produced. He was born in their ranks and remained there to the end. He was at home in the broad and whole- some field, and he was familiar with the wants and ways, the hardships, and the hopes of those who eat their bread in the sweat of their faces.

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History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 39

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926 Publication date: 1917 Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co. Number of Pages: 1104

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104