History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 65

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104

USA > Indiana > History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916 > Part 65

Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).

known as the Bankers' Panic. Its rav- ages swept away ruthlessly and pitilessly an undeterminable number of private for- tunes, leaving wholly out of consideration the misery caused in the humbler walks of life.

Within the period of a third of a cen- tury the American people underwent the trials and tribulations of four panics, each of them shaking the foundation of our in- dustrial, financial and commercial system. Each of these could have been avoided had moderation in the pursuit of Mammon prevailed and had common sense and com- mon prudence been permitted to command sway. As if experiences of this sort cut no figure whatsoever and made no impres- sion upon the nation, there was introduced a feature of exploitation that in point of greed and avarice vastly eclipsed all the in- genuity that had previously brought about four paralyzing panics. This method for piling up colossal fortunes on the one hand and curtailing opportunity for legiti- mate accumulation on the other is known as the Trust system. Its immediate effect has been the creation of thousands of mil- lionaires and the concentration of incalcu- lable wealth in the hands of a very small per cent. of the aggregate population. What such a state of affairs begets does not call for particularization. Those in pursuit of knowledge and enlightenment with reference to such matters can enrich their minds with explicit information by studying the cause and effect of the rise and fall of ancient republics and empires and by familiarizing themselves with the horrors incident to the French Revolution.

Let these facts be brought under earnest contemplation and serious meditation. No country can long endure when the rich are constantly growing richer and the poor poorer and more numerous. Abnor- mally acquired riches invariably lead to profligacy, and profligacy leads to vice, and vice to crime. Experience has amply demonstrated that advances in wages are invariably followed by exaction from the

(484 )

HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

earnings of wage workers that effectually neutralize whatever gain may have been made in dollars and cents. Higher rents, higher taxes, higher foodstuffs and higher commodities inexorably swallow up whatever advance in wages may have been granted or forced. This truism is strik- ingly illustrated at the national capital where, when members of Congress voted themselves an increase of 50 per cent. in their salaries, the hotels, restaurants, landlords, etc., immediately put up prices until the additional $2,500 were almost, if not entirely, absorbed.

Everybody understands nowadays that a spirit of discontent and unrest per- meates every industrial center in the land, big or little. Strikes, somewhere, are of almost daily occurrence. Robberies have become so frequent as to have ceased to attract the attention of newspaper read- ers. Bankers and other custodians of de- posited funds are in constant dread of be- ing held up at the point of a revolver. Cold-blooded murders are of more fre- quent occurrence in the United States than in any other part of the civilized world. Our asylums for the insane, fee- ble-minded and other defectives are every- where filled to overflowing. Imbecility is painfully in evidence even in localities where better conditions might reasonably be expected to prevail.

And yet the portrayal of these defects, deficiencies and evils ought not to wholly dishearten, discourage and unnerve those of stout heart and sound mind. Assuming such still to be in the ascendancy, taking the country in its entirety, the mere point- ing out of these shortcomings and evils ought to arouse a spirit of determination and resoluteness to buckle on the armor and fight for betterment everywhere. Don't permit the fallacious notion to find lodg- ment in the public mind that salvation can be attained only under the leadership of some one of strong national character to whose bugle blast there is to be spontane- ous response from every quarter in the

republic. That sort of thing was tried on in 1912, when Theodore Roosevelt essayed to lead the nation from political demorali- zation and degeneracy into the realm of civic righteousness. A glorious opportu- nity was presented him to render the coun- try an inestimable service. But he failed ignominiously to meet intelligent popular expectation. Instead of proving himself a trustworthy leader discreetly to guide the people out of the wilderness he by easy degrees degenerated into much more of a ranter than an effective champion of right and justice. His coarse, vindictive and brutal attacks upon men in public and pri- vate life, in various instances incompara- bly his superiors in point of rectitude of conduct and integrity of purpose, have lowered him immeasurably in the estimate of thousands upon thousands who unstint- edly sounded his praise when and while engaged in commendable work for govern- mental and political reform and who would gladly have continued their support and unstinted praise had he deported him- self in a manner worthy of being recog- nized as a fit leader of men and women who have a decent regard for the proprie- ties and civilities of orderly society.

What this country needs in order to place it in proper condition for effectively meeting every emergency is organized effort in every village and hamlet, town and city to create a spirit of civic right- eousness and erect higher standards of political activity. In various particulars political campaigns have been abomina- tions rather than means and methods of enlightenment of our voting element. Tirades of boorish abuse of "the other side" have in entirely too many instances been much more in vogue than calm dis- cussion of pending issues to be decided by appeal to rational popular judgment. Re- form of the public press is just now per- haps the most urgent necessity to which attention should be directed. We have in this country entirely too many publica- tions controlled and conducted by individ-

( 485 )

HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

uals who have no sort of conception of the science of government, the needs of the people, equitable taxation, and civic right- eousness. There are too many persons connected with the public press who look upon Truth, Fairness and Justice as whol- ly unnecessary, if not undesirable, ele- ments in the conduct of a newspaper. No real reform in this particular need be looked for until the people in every local- ity where such publications exist muster up sufficient courage to insist on manage- ment that will insure the community that to which it is. rightfully and beneficently entitled. What is commonly known as the metropolitan press in the main stands thoroughly discredited. With some hon- orable exceptions these papers have no re- gard whatever for truth, justice or honor. To create a sensation, to have their prod- uct made the subject of vehement com- ment or boisterous discussion, is appar- ently their chief aim and object. This prostitution of the press has to some ex- tent been going on for years and years. During the earlier part of my newspaper career I was for a time local correspond- ent for some of these metropolitan papers. As a chronicler of current events I sent in reports of actual occurrences only. In the course of some correspondence with the management I was given to understand that rigid adherence to actual facts was not in conformity with the prevailing pol- icy of these publications. "We want some- thing that excites and causes talk," was the sly hint. In reply I stated that I had neither the time nor the inclination to pan- der to sensationalism, therefore asked to be relieved of further service as corre- spondent. Of the utter lack of integrity of some of these metropolitan oracles there is abundance of proof. A conspicuous case in point is this: A New York paper persistently insisted on having Judge Al- ton B. Parker made the Democratic presi- dential nominee in 1904. Its editorial col- umns fairly teemed with arguments and pleas for Parker's selection by

the St. Louis convention. As soon as this nomination had been actually ef- fected, imperative demand was made upon the national committee that all Democratic papers in the United States be supplied with a colored picture of the Parker family for each and every one of their readers. This picture, supplied by the million, was furnished by the very paper that for months and months had so persistently urged upon the party Judge Parker's nomination. How big a profit accrued to that mercenary publication I am not in position to state. That it was not inconsiderable may be inferred from the fact that when the head of this dictatorial sheet passed away his estate was ap- praised at $20,000,000. For years, by this or that cunning process, Democratic pa- pers throughout the country were adroitly utilized to boost by gratuitous advertising the circulation of that unscrupulous polit- ical oracle.

Painstaking readers of metropolitan papers will have observed that about one- third of the alleged news printed in their columns is fiction, pure and simple. If these fabrications were confined to alleged ordinary occurrences not much harm might result from such professional lying, but in many instances impressions are created that even subsequent refutation cannot undo. The poison thus scattered from day to day cannot be neutralized or made harmless by subsequent retraction, refutation or denial.

Any well-directed effort to safeguard and perpetuate free American institutions must be preceded by placing control of the press in the hands of men of sense, hon- esty and integrity, known as such to the community in which the paper is pub- lished. It ought and can be made the de- termination of all localities having the right sort of people for its inhabitants to patronize, tolerate and maintain only a class of papers that deal fairly and honor- ably with their readers by being truthful, fair and just in recording the events of

( 486 )

HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

the day and commenting thereon. De- pendence for editorial enlightenment can not safely be confided in the metropolitan press. John Bigelow, able journalist that he was, said at a memorable press ban- quet held in the city of New York years ago, that telling the truth through the col- umns of New York newspapers would not be tolerated by those in control; that if he, Bigelow, were to undertake to tell the plain, unvarnished truth in his editorial writing he would instantly lose his $150 a week job on the New York Sun. And the Sun was not then and is not now among the worst of the newspapers pub- lished in wicked Gotham.

Political reform, genuine and real in character, need not be expected without a thorough elimination of the objectionable features that have from time to time crept into our political system. So-called re- forms, engendered by the Roosevelt splurge, have in the main proved delusions and shams. Primary elections have not only proved a sore disappointment to their advocates and champions, but they have contributed immensely to political demor- alization and debauchery. Observation and experience teach that of all the systems for making nominations the delegate con- vention system has proved the best and most satisfactory of all methods yet con- ceived, devised, tried and tested. It is not without defect, but in a measure such de- fect can be cured by safeguarding the elec- tion of delegates by rigid legal regulation. The convention system deteriorated when it was perverted to mass meetings in lieu of deliberative delegate assemblies. Al- ways bear in mind, however, that perfec- tion in political methods is not attainable through legislation alone. Unless a com- munity be blessed with the presence of an alert, conscientious and patriotic electo- rate, civic righteousness need not be looked for in that locality. The creation of a wholesome public sentiment should be made the aim and object of every right- minded and justice-loving citizen.

As a result of more than a decade's stimulated immigration we have had an injection annually of a million of aliens into the body politic. This stimulating was the cunning work of the soulless trusts that grew into maturity in defiance of both law and public sentiment. Where these aliens came from and what they were composed of made no difference to these selfish interests. If slavery were still tolerated in this country and legalized slave trade were yet carried on, as it was in the early days of the republic, the jun- gles of Africa would doubtless have been invaded in search of working material for the stupendous mills and factories oper- ated in this country. As it is the atten- tion of the disguised recruiting agents was mainly directed to southern Europe, where all sorts of human beings somehow eke out an existence. In former years the bulk of immigration consisted of a stock of people whose presence was justly re- garded a direct gain and a positive benefit to any community thus favored. These immigrants in the early days came chiefly from Germany, Ireland, Holland and the Norwegian regions. They dug our canals, built our railways, tilled our soil, gave towns and cities the benefit of their me- chanical skill, and in various ways contrib- uted to the upbuilding of municipalities and States. A political blessing was con- ferred upon the republic when, after the failure of the 1848 revolution in Germany, thousands upon thousands of young, vig- orous, bright, intelligent and stalwart Ger- mans sought refuge in the land of the free and the home of the brave. Among them were such men as August Willich, Louis Blenker, Gustav Struve, Otto Reventlow, Carl Schurz, Franz Sigel, Friedrich Hecker, Gustav Koerner, Carl Heinzen, Emil Pretorius, Carl Daenzer, Dr. G. Kellner, Peter Meyer, Dr. Morwitz, Emil Rothe and others of similar high type of manhood. Their coming here and locating in various parts of the Union proved a gain of incalculable value to this country.

( 487 )

HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

This gain was further augmented during the Civil war when vast numbers of young Germans came across the ocean to replen- ish the decimated ranks of the Union army and to put the finishing touches on organ- ized rebellion. There was no difficulty about assimilating these elements. Natives and adopted citizens co-operated and worked together to do the things that needed to be done for the development of American industries. In Wisconsin Carl Schurz was nominated by admiring and appreciative natives for the office of Lieu- tenant-Governor before he had quite com- pleted his fifth year of probationary resi- dence in the United States. I know of a young German who at the age of ten came to this country with his widowed mother and who traveled 156 miles to be made a full-fledged American citizen by obtaining his naturalization papers as soon as he be- came twenty-one years of age. These and kindred instances of Americanization lend force and emphasis to the declaration occasionally adduced in discussing nat- uralization problems: The only real dif- ference between an upright American citi- zen and an adopted one of the same type is that one came here naked and the other with clothes on.

In marked contrast with this longing for becoming clothed in the habiliments of American citizenship stands out the re- cent revelation in Chicago and elsewhere occasioned by the operation of the draft. Men between the ages of twenty-one and thirty-one, for years engaged in commer- cial and industrial pursuits, complacently claimed exemption from military service on the plea of being aliens and never hav- ing thought of declaring intention to be- come naturalized citizens. During the memorable campaign of 1896 the discov- ery was made that there resided within the city of Chicago upward of 30,000 Canadians engaged in various branches of business but not naturalized. Party zeal and business interests led to an organized effort to make citizens of these British

subjects. The outcome of this organized effort in the interest of "sound money" was an astounding increase in the "Mc- Kinley and Prosperity vote" and a protest against the free and unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1.

Clearly and plainly the alien who en- joys the benefits of a prosperous free coun- try ought to be made to understand by the force of law that if averse to becoming a citizen of the American republic he should be directed to return to the land from whence he came and remain there.

Twenty years were consumed before there was enacted an immigration restric- tion law. It was a case of locking the sta- ble after the horse had been stolen. For a decade immigration, mainly from south- ern Europe, came in at the rate of a mil- lion a year. In the entire history of the world no nation besides our own ever ex- perienced such an infusion of alien blood. Three presidents-Cleveland, Taft and Wilson-interposed four vetoes to the enactment of an immigration restriction law, allegedly on the ground that it con- tained an objectionable literacy clause. Judging from the weakness of each of these vetoes the inference is warranted that the veto was inspired not so much on account of injustice being done to illiterates knock- ing for admission as by reason of appre- hension that the big mills and factories might fall short of the sort of unskilled labor they were in need of and seeking to obtain. Be that as it may, the mischief done by way of excessive and unassimila- ble raw material is an accomplished fact that calls for treatment from a common sense and not a lamentation point of view. This task of applying relief is by no means an easy one. Had there been made pro- vision that these thousands and millions of aliens could gain admission within our gates only on condition that they locate permanently in the agricultural regions of the West and South. instead of squatting down in the slums of New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Chicago, etc., al-

( 488 )

HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

ready overcrowded with the same class of beings, the situation would be vastly differ- ent and very much better. Now that they are there, their utilization for political or voting purposes should be rendered nuga- tory, in so far as possible, by curtailing the power of large cities in legislative assem- blies. The State of New York provided for something like this by incorporating into her constitution a provision rendering it impossible for the city of New York to gain numerical control of the General As- sembly no matter how much larger its pop- ulation over that of the remainder of the State might be. Connecticut and some other New England States steadfastly ad- here to the originally adopted system of limiting or curtailing representation of the larger towns and cities in the legislative departments of their respective state gov- ernments. Indiana should avail herself of the earliest opportunity to safeguard her- self in like manner. Governor Marshall had something of this sort in mind when he sought to reconstruct the State Constitu- tion by a shorter process than that thith- erto applied. His purpose was to assure to each county a representative in the lower house of the General Assembly and appor- tion to the more populous counties 25 rep- resentatives according to a prescribed ratio for excess population representation. That, or something of a similar character, would answer the purpose. No one who believes in the American plan of government could properly or rightfully object to such an ar- rangement-a modification of the plan of representation in the United States Senate. There is no good reason to believe or to con- jecture that the welfare of the State would be jeopardized by judiciously limiting the power of populous cities like Indianapolis, Evansville, Gary, Fort Wayne, Terre Haute and South Bend in the General Assembly.

It goes without saying that the abomi- nation of allowing an alien to vote upon a one year's residence in the United States and declaring his intention to become a cit-

izen ought to be gotten rid of at the earli- est possible moment. It is to be regretted that the step taken to provide for a re- vision of the constitution and the certain elimination of this senselessly premature enfranchisement was defeated by a re- markable decision of the State's Supreme Court. There is no denial of the inherent right of the people of the State to revise or remake their constitution whenever it suits their pleasure so to do. But four of the five supreme judges concur in the opin- ion that in the absence of specific declara- tion as to the manner in which a new con- stitution may or shall be framed, the Gen- eral Assembly, acting for and in behalf of the people, has no right to make it possible for the people to exercise the right inher- ent in them by naming a time and place for giving force and effect to this prerogative. The court's conclusion is astounding and bewildering. The only comfort it affords is that neither of the two leading political parties can be held accountable for the amazing discovery how not to do it. Two of the judges are Democrats and two Re- publicans. It is very much to the credit of Judge Moses B. Lairy that he dissented from his colleagues' opinion that the peo- ple can't elect delegates to a constitutional convention without first having counted noses as to whether they want such an election and such a convention to be held. For a job of artistic hairsplitting this latest exhibition of refined skill in that line surpasses all previous efforts.

By crowding a century into a decade we have brought upon the country conditions that will tax the skill, ability and genius of the very ablest among us to solve the numerous problems calling for solution. It is not improbable that the war spirit which by almost superhuman effort has been aroused, at least in some localities, may result in a general realignment before and at the next election. Just in which direction the heaviest blows may fall can- not even be conjectured, much less fore-

( 489 )

HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

told, at this time. So much may, however, be safely asserted at this writing: There will be a momentous rattling of dry bones after the ballots shall have been tabulated. Let us indulge in the earnest hope that henceforth every voter may put on his thinking cap and give himself over to pa- tient, persistent study as to the part he should take in shaping the affairs of State

and nation so as to insure to the inhab- itants of this singularly blessed land all that is implied in the assurance of life, lib- erty and the pursuit of happiness. Eternal vigilance being the price of liberty, there can be no excuse for any one being remiss in the faithful and conscientious perform- ance of any duty resting upon an American citizen, native or adopted.

( 490 )

HISTORY INDIANA DEMOCRACY-1816-1916

SOME OF THE VITAL QUESTIONS

Faith in American invincibility is thus tersely set forth in this paragraph, emanat- ing from the pen of a well-poised Indiana editor: "With a country made up of peo- ple like this, no foreign enemy can conquer the United States. When America's power wanes it will be because of weakness with- in. Internal weakness can come only from a decadence of individuals-a loss of indi- vidual initiative, individual efficiency, indi- vidual integrity or individual courage. Our future depends upon the encouragement of enterprise, ability, honesty and fearless- ness. Nothing in governmental activity should be permitted to discourage the de- velopment of any of these essentials of a high standard of citizenship." * * *

A well-edited Nebraska paper sizes up the present situation in this pithy para- graph: "The grave problem before the American people today is that of complet- ing the process of nation-building. It is the problem of setting our house in order. It is the problem of integrating America. It is the problem of subordinating every personal ambition, every class interest and policy, every race attachment, to the one dominant idea of an America free, just, powerful, forward-facing, that shall stand out in the history of nations as the name of a people who conceive their mission and their true greatness to live in service to mankind."

The National Morals Committee of the Federation of Catholic Societies of Amer- ica, at the annual meeting held in Kansas City, gave expression to this deprecation of a deplorable lack of moral probity and stability : "It is the American boast today that we have progressed in all directions to a place of first and highest development. In spite of the claim right no longer rules; justice is fast declining, order is upset, the family is endangered, the home is dis- rupted; virtue, public and private, is de-

cadent; materialism is in the ascendancy, vicious propaganda runs riot and religious indifference dominates. It may be a start- ling statement, yet it nevertheless is a fact that the rapid drift of this country is to- ward paganism. What can be its cause other than a system of education which has totally eliminated God ?"

Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.

History of the Indiana democracy, 1816-1916, Part 65

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926 Publication date: 1917 Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co. Number of Pages: 1104

Author: Stoll, John B., 1843-1926
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Indianapolis : Indiana Democratic Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1104