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History of Kentucky
JUDGE CHARLES KERR Editor
STAND DIVIDED
HE
UNITED
WE FALL
BY WILLIAM ELSEY CONNELLEY Author of "Eastern Kentucky Papers" and E. M. COULTER, PH. D. Department of History, University of Georgia
IN FIVE VOLUMES
VOLUME II
THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY CHICAGO AND NEW YORK 1922
I
TO NETT YORK PUBLI LIERARY 180781A
ASTO
DI. NS
L
R
COPYRIGHT, 1922 BY THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY
History of Kentucky
CHAPTER XLVI
THE KENTUCKY CHARACTER AND THE WAR
Peace was thus secured between Americans and British; but an in- cident at the battle of New Orleans produced a war of words that em- bittered those who deserved a better fate than to nurse grievances and misunderstandings over so glorious a victory. The unfortunate flight of the troops on the right bank of the Mississippi was participated in by the 500 Louisiana troops as well as by the 170 ill-armed Kentuckians, but the latter alone received the blame for the defeat. Commodore Patterson, who commanded a battery on the Mississippi, declared that the Kentuckians began the flight and that this disgraceful example "was soon followed by the whole of General Morgan's command, notwith- standing that every exertion was made by him, his staff and several officers of the city militia, to keep them to their post .* * * This flight of the Kentuckians perilized their exertions and produced a re-
treat which could not be checked.
*
*
*"
He furthermore stated
that, "General Morgan's right wing, composed * * of the Ken- tucky militia, commanded by Major Davis, abandoned their breastworks, flying in a most shameful and dastardly manner, almost without a shot."1 In his official report dated the day following the battle and made from information conveyed by the officers who commanded on the right bank, General Jackson declared of these Kentuckians: "What is strange and difficult to account for, at the very moment when the entire discomfiture of the enemy was looked for with a confidence amounting to certainty, the Kentucky re-enforcements, in whom so much reliance had been placed, ingloriously fled, drawing after them, by their example, the remainder of the forces, and thus yielding to the enemy that most formidable position." 2 In an address he bitterly arraigned them to their faces : "To what cause, was the abandonment of your lines owing? To fear? No! You are the countrymen, the friends, the brothers of those who have secured to themselves by their courage the gratitude of their country, who have been prodigal of its blood in its defence, and who are strangers to any other fear than that of disgrace. To disaffection to our glorious cause? No! my countrymen ; your general does justice to the pure sentiment by which you are inspired. How then could brave men, firm in the cause in which they are enrolled, neglect their first duty, and abandon the post committed to their care?" He answered that the reasons must be attributed "to the want of discipline, disregard to obedience, and a spirit of insubordination, not less destructive than cowardice itself." 3
Of all human frailties, cowardice on the battlefield was the one among Kentuckians most detested and despised. They prided them-
1 Quoted in McElroy, Kentucky in the Nation's History, 356, 370.
2 Gayarré, History of Louisiana, IV, 486.
3 Gayarré, History of Louisiana, IV, 490.
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selves on the fact that they had been cradled in the Revolution, and that Indian wars for years thereafter had perpetuated the military quali- ties. Therefore to be accused of cowardice openly and in the official report of the commanding general was well-nigh unbearable to the Ken- tuckians so charged and was deeply resented by then as well as their fellow-citizens. The accused Kentuckians answered Jackson's reproof in a communication in which they gave reasons for what happened. It follows in part: "We were ill-armed, we had been on our feet for twenty-four hours, during which time we had hardly tasted food; the cartridges we had were too large for our pieces; on our arrival before day, after a hard march of several miles, partly through mud, without being allowed a moment's rest, we were ordered to advance a mile fur- ther. Having obeyed without a murmur, we found ourselves within view of the enemy, on whom we fired several volleys, maintaining that position, which was none of the best, until, being outflanked on our right, and cannonaded with grape-shot from the brakes on our left, we were forced to retreat on Morgan's line, where we were ordered to take a position along a canal, uncovered and extended on a front of 300 yards, our left separated from the other troops by an unguarded space of ground, and our right covered by a paltry detachment of sixteen men, stationed 200 yards from us; a vast plain, offering no manner of shelter, lying in our rear. We were turned on the right and cut off on the left. In so precarious a situation, how could we avoid giving way?" 4
A court of inquiry met on the 9th of February to investigate the circumstances and causes of the retreat. It made its report the follow- ing day, in which the following decision was announced: "The court, after mature deliberation, is of opinion that the conduct of those gen- tlemen in the action aforesaid and retreat on the 8th of January on the west bank of the Mississippi, is not reprehensible-the cause of the retreat, the court attributed to the shameful flight of the command of Major Arno, sent to oppose the landing of the enemy. The retreat of the Kentucky militia, which, considering their position, the deficiency of their arms, and other causes, may be excusable, and the panic and confusion introduced into every part of the line thereby occasioning the retreat and confusion of the Orleans and Louisiana militia; whilst the court find much to applaud in the zeal and gallantry of the officers im- mediately commanding, they believe that a further reason of the re- treat may be found in the manner in which the forces were posted on the line, which they considered exceptional. The command of Cols. Dijon, Cavallier, Desflett, commanding 500 men, supported by three pieces of artillery, having in front a strong breastwork occuping only a space of 200 yards-whilst the Kentucky militia, composing Colonel Davis' command, 170 strong, without artillery, occupied more than 300 yards, covered by a small ditch only." The report closed with this significant and important statement: "The major-general approves the proceedings of the court of inquiry, which is dissolved." 5
Jackson undoubtedly saw after a fuller investigation of the retreat on the right bank that his words of censure of the Kentuckians was unduly harsh, made in the excitement of a victory otherwise unmarred and on the report of officers who could escape a certain amount of de- served censure only by shifting the blame on others. But Jackson was a man of decided opinions and convictions, and when arrived at, stub- bornly maintained, even in the face of extenuating circumstances. A piece of popular satire of the day made him say: "It has always bin my way, when I git a notion, to stick to it till it dies a natural death ; and the more folks talk agin my notions, the more I stick to 'em." Jackson, therefore, refused to make a public retraction of his charges
4 Gayarre, History of Louisiana, IV, 487.
" Niles' Register, Vol. 8, p. 124; Gayarre, History of Louisiana, IV, 506.
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against the Kentuckians, but he did all he could to allay their wounded feelings short of this. Undoubtedly he would never have made the charges had he been in possession of information he later received. In his general order dismissing the troops under his command in the fol- lowing March, he endeavored to relieve the wounded susceptibilities of the Kentuckians, as far as his own pride permitted him. Shortly after- wards he said: "I hope my general address to my army has shown my impartiality of my mind to every corps and description of troops com- posing my command." 6 He thus began his general address: "The major-general is at length enabled to perform the pleasing task of re- storing to Tennessee, Kentucky, Louisiana and the Territory of the Mis- sissippi the brave troops who have acted such a distinguished part in the war which has just terminated." He then expressed his feelings of gratitude and praise: "In parting with those brave men whose destinies have been so long united with his own, and in whose labors and glories it is his happiness and his boast to have participated, the commanding general can neither suppress his feelings nor give utterance to them as he ought. In what terms can he bestow suitable praise on merit so extraordinary, so unparalleled! Let him in outburst of joy, gratitude and exultation exclaim: 'These are the saviours of their country-these the patriot soldiers who triumphed over the invincibles of Wellington and conquered the conquerors of Europe!' With patience did you submit to privations-with what fortitude did you endure fatigue-what valor did you display in the day of battle! You have secured to America a proud name among the nations of the earth-a glory which will never perish.
"Possessing those dispositions, which equally adorn the citizen and the soldier, the expectations of your country will be met in peace as her wishes have been gratified in war. Go then, my brave companions, to your homes; to those tender connexions and those blissful scenes which render life so dear-full of honor and crowned with laurels which will never fade. With what happiness will you not, when participating in the bosoms of your families the enjoyment of peaceful life, look back to the toils you have borne-to the dangers you have encountered? How will all your past exposures be converted into sources of inexpressible delight? Who, that never experienced your sufferings, will be able to appreciate your joys? The man who slumbered ingloriously at home. during your painful marches, your nights of watchfulness and your days of toil, will envy you the happiness which these recollections will afford -still more will he envy the gratitude of that country which you have so eminently contributed to save." 7
Not only the 170 Kentuckians who participated in the fight on the right bank of the river felt outraged at Jackson's charges, but Ken- tuckians in general considered themselves slandered. Just as Jackson was guilty of too much obstinacy, so were Kentuckians too quick to impute a general slander on their state. John Adair, who had led the Kentuckians in the main attack on the left bank, took up the defense of his fellow-Kentuckians, carrying on a long and acrimonious corre- spondence with Jackson. Although the general had approved the de- cision of the court of inquiry absolving the Kentuckians of blame and although he had used unbounded praise for all of his troops in his farewell address to them-not even alluding to the unpleasantness with the Kentuckians-still Adair refused to be satisfied with less than a full and direct retraction. In a letter to Jackson on March 20 he laid the case before the general: "The court of inquiry ordered to investi- gate the affair on the west side of the river have, by their report, acquitted
6 Letter to John Adair, April 2, 1815, in Niles' Register, Vol. 8, Supplement, p. 158.
? Niles' Register, Vol. 8, pp. 124, 125. This address was made March 14.
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Colonel Davis of all blame or censure and have said the retreat of the Kentuckians may be excusable from their position, want of arms, &c. The language in which this opinion is couched, to which I refer you, is not such as can satisfy the pride of a soldier who, having done his duty faithfully, has been slandered by those who have been more to blame than himself. At the request of my fellow soldiers from Kentucky, who have had the honor of serving and, we trust, of having done their duty under your command in this last perilous but most glorious campaign of the war, I have been induced to make this appeal to your justice for a more explicit approval of their conduct, and, if they are entitled to it, for such a one as will enable them to meet their fellow soldiers in Kentucky without a blush." 8 Jackson answered that nothing would give him more pain "than the belief that I had done injustice to any portion of the troops under my command, so nothing, in such an event, would afford me greater satisfaction than to make reparation," but he refused to do more than reiterate his great satisfaction over the report of the court of inquiry.9
Adair also charged that Jackson had deliberately belittled the accom- plishments of the Kentuckians who had fought in the main engagement, by referring to them as a division of the Kentucky militia. According to Adair, "This, taken with other parts of that communication, in which the Kentucky troops are mentioned, has given rise to an opinion in many parts of the Union that but few of the Kentucky men fought on the lines on the morning of the 8th." Adair declared that, instead of 550 Kentuckians, as stated in the account, there were "fully 1,000 men" who fought in the battle on the morning of the eighth. But again Jackson refused to be convinced by Adair's statements and reasoning. "Thus, sir," answered Jackson, "although the Kentucky force in the action of that day has been stated at 550, I have been induced to think, from the best means I have had of judging, that it was even less." Such positive statements were not calculated to sooth the feelings of Adair and his Kentuckians. However, Jackson did say, "On the left, it gives me great happiness to state that the Kentuckians who acted immediately under your command sustained the honor of their state and of our common country." 10 Jackson also stated in a letter to the Secretary of War his appreciation of the bravery of the troops that General Adair led: "Gen- eral Adair, who, owing to the indisposition of General Thomas, brought up the Kentucky militia, has shown that troops will always be valiant when their leaders are so. No men ever displayed a more gallant spirit than these under that most valuable officer. His country is under obliga- tion to him." Il Thus again he paid tribute to the Kentuckians on the left bank of the river and at the same time intimated that those on the right bank would have been equally brave had their leaders been so.
Jackson, in his efforts to placate the irate Kentuckians without at the same time receding from his own position, sought to convince them that they were trying to make a mole hill into a mountain. Just because he had said uncomplimentary things about the 170 Kentuckians on the right bank, did not argue at all than any slur was cast on the bravery of all other Kentuckians. He wrote Adair: "You state that the reputed conduct of those troops was calculated to stain the proud military char- acter of a large and patriotic state. As well might it be said that the disgraceful flight of my rear guard on the 24th of January, 1814, at
8 Niles' Register, Vol. 8, Supplement, pp. 157, 158.
9 Ibid, 158. Letter dated April 2, 1815. On this point he said: "The court of inquiry, greatly to my satisfaction, have acquitted Colonel Davis of any conduct deserving censure, on the right bank of the river; on the left, it gives me great happiness to state, that the Kentuckians who acted immediately under your command, sustained the honor of their state and of our common country."
10 For this correspondence see Niles' Register, Vol. 8, Supplement, 156-158.
11 Gayarré, History of Louisiana, IV, 503, 504.
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Enotochopeo, had stained the proud military character of the State of Tennessee. The cases were similar-I witnessed both. And could any- one ever think that the disgraceful flight of a few, whilst others of the same corps fought bravely and sustained the honor of the country, could attach disgrace to a state? Surely not. The fact is that the Kentuckians, like all other good materials, have and ever will cover themselves with glory when well officered and gallantly led; but, like all other troops, when badly officered and timidly led, will be covered with disgrace." 12 Here the case rested for a time.
This contest had been closely followed by the state, and when in 1816 it appeared that the discussion had died, the Legislature extended to Adair its highest approbation and thanks and particularly commended him for "the deep interest he took in vindicating a respectable portion of the troops of Kentucky from the inappropriate imputation of cow- ardice most unjustly thrown upon them" by General Jackson.13
But this unfortunate contention, so needlessly begun and so persist- ently carried on, had not yet come to a definite end. Conceived in mis- understandings, the struggle was destined to burst forth again through the same element and continue to feed upon it. The secretary of General Thomas, one of the Kentucky officers, on sending an official copy of the report of the court of inquiry to the governor of Kentucky, added the following postscript: "The general is impressed with a belief that the conduct of the detachment of Kentucky militia composing Colonel Davis' command on the 8th of January has been misrepresented, and that their retreat was not only excusable, but absolutely justifiable, owing to the unfortunate position in which they were placed." As no signature or initials followed, it was immediately seized by the people of Kentucky as meaning that General Jackson had retracted by this method his former charges, when, as a matter of fact, General Thomas was meant. This postscript and explanation, though published extensively in Kentucky, escaped the notice of Jackson.14
In 1817, R. B. McAfee's History of the Late War in the Western Country was published, in which the supposed postscript retraction of Jackson was repeated, with the addition of certain sarcastic comments on the tardy admission of the general "in a dry, reluctant sense of justifi- cation" that he had been wrong. The Kentucky Reporter, in announcing the appearance of McAfee's history quoted this comment, and in this way Jackson was first made acquainted with the situation. He promptly and indignantly denied that he had ever written the words attributed to him and that this was "a forgery of the blackest kind," "wicked, willful and corrupt," and that the author was a villain. He demanded that the editor of the Reporter should publish completely all correspondence between himself and Adair. The editor refused on the ground that it had already been published once and he did not want to encumber his paper with it again. In a second letter Jackson insisted on publishing the correspond- ence as the only way of settling the question. But, as if misunderstand- ings and unfortunate mistakes had not yet been sufficiently numerous, in addition to Jackson's lately acquired quarrel with the editor of the Reporter, the latter, through a typographical error in printing Jackson's letter, reopened the old contest with Adair. Jackson, in his letter, said that Adair had furnished McAfee with the forged paper, but the Reporter made him say that Adair had forged the forged letter. Adair was nat- urally incensed at what he believed to be charged against himself by Jackson, and replied to him in a very cutting and sarcastic manner. This provoked a long letter trom Jackson, who had thus been goaded, in which he assumed a more uncompromising attitude toward the Kentucky
12 James Parton, Life of Andrew Jackson (New York, 1860), II, 396.
18 Collins, History of Kentucky, I, 28.
14 Parton, Life of Andrew Jackson, II, 383, 384.
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troops. "You well know, sir," he said, "that your misrepresentations and falsehoods, combined with those of your colleague and the editors of a newspaper, have been disturbing the tranquillity of the public mind, by endeavoring to cast a stigma on the well-earned fame of brave and meritorious officers and seeking to convince the world that men were heroes who ingloriously fled from the enemy." Jackson was tempted into other fields to attack Adair. He used veiled charges against him as to the part he played in the Burr episode, and accused him of using the present embrogolio for political purposes, to further his chances of obtaining a seat in the United States Senate or of being elected governor of the state. Adair dismissed the latter accusation with contemptuous sarcasm, and as for the former, in thinly veiled satire, he remarked that "Whatever were the intentions of Colonel Burr, I neither organized troops at that time, nor did I superintend the building of boats for him, nor did I write confidential letters recommending him to my friends, nor dil I think it necessary after his failure was universally known to save myself by turning informer or state witness." 15
After the heat of the occasion had cooled and both had had time to examine the real issue and to see the misapprehensions and misunder- standings both were laboring under, they buried their enmity and became good friends thereafter. But this did not alter the fact with many Ken- tuckians that Jackson had accused Kentucky troops of cowardice, and long after everybody had ceased to think about or care primarily what Jackson had said this episode continued to be a bone of contention, not now between Jackson and Adair, but in Kentucky politics. The conflict was always precipitated by the customary resolution of the Legislature to fire a salute on January 8th in honor of Jackson and his brave troops at the battle of New Orleans. A lively discussion always immediately followed, in which the participants did not fight over again the battle of New Orleans ( for all good Kentuckians were agreed), but the Jackson party and the Clay party were striving for advantage. Sometimes this resolution was passed, other times it failed; but always the vote on it was a perfect barometer of the strength of the political parties in Ken- tucky. The further effect and importance of this episode will appear when the political history of the state is taken up.
Kentucky characteristics of prowess in war and military ardor and strong feelings of nationalism and patriotism stand out in bold relief in this war. From being a backwoods settlement, despised by the ruling powers in the East and hence discontented, even intriguing with foreign agents, with their scurvy propositions and ambitions, Kentucky was now the leading power in the West-a people who had at times assumed in the West an almost complete direction of a war which they had willed and done much to produce, and who were actuated with a feeling that they had an important part and responsibility in the direction of na- tional affairs and that this was duly recognized and appreciated by the rest of the country.
The patriotism and feeling of responsibility in Kentucky was not only shown in her appointment of Harrison and the hurriedly raising of an army after the defeat of Hull, but it was especially evident in her movements to beat the British back from lower Louisiana. She felt par- ticularly interested in this expedition, for if the British were successful,
15 For extracts of this correspondence see Parton, Life of Andrew Jackson, II, 383-391. In maintaining his position Jackson stated this rule of life he had laid down for himself: "Justice and truth are my polar stars, from which I never have, nor ever will knowingly depart; and permit me to add, that neither wealth, power, or any other consideration, can ever draw from me a falsehood, or prevent my doing justice. Whenever I could be operated upon by such ignoble feelings as either flattering or fear to do an ungenerous act, I should loathe myself and wish to close my mortal career." Ibid., 387.
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Kentucky, herself, might lie in the path of invasion and fall a prey to permanent conquest. But, if the ambitions of the British were not so extended, still their occupation of the lower Mississippi Valley would put Kentucky in the position commercially she had occupied a quarter of a century ago. Governor Shelby had this very fear that it would be in their power "entirely to shut up our commerce down the river, or to shackle it by restrictions and duties little short of absolute prohibition. Its effect upon the Western country are too obvious to need cominent." 16 The shades of nightmares which all had hoped were gone forever arose. Although Shelby had hurriedly dispatched troops to Jackson as soon as the call came, still it appeared to him that many more would be needed before the British could be expelled. Without waiting for calls from the Secretary of War or from General Jackson, Governor Shelby, in a spe- cial message to the Legislature on January 25, 1815 (the news of the victory at New Orleans had not yet reached Kentucky), called upon that body to enact legislation for organizing 10,000 men "to hold themselves in readiness to march when required." "We have too deep an interest at stake," he declared, "to rest our sole reliance upon the general Govern- ment. A lengthy session of Congress is drawing to a close, and no adequate provision has been made for raising forces for the defence of the country. Whilst they are disputing about the details of a bill, the time for acting may pass away, not again to return." 17 The following day a bill was introduced providing for the raising of the 10,000 troops recommended and also placing at the disposal of the governor $100,000 to be used in equipping them and supplying them with proper transporta- tion facilities by land or water to any place he might direct. The news of the victory at New Orleans put a stop to further preparation, and the Legislature, in the joys of the occasion, passed a resolution of thanks- giving and prayer and of gratitude to General Jackson and his men.18
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