USA > Kentucky > History of Kentucky, Volume II > Part 48
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Entering the state from the eastern mountains, he eluded the Fed- eral forces and had captured Mount Sterling almost before his presence was known. He pushed on into the heart of the state. He was success- ful in an attack on Federal forces near Cynthiana. Later he was at- tacked in his position there and so severely defeated that his command was broken up. He fled from the state by way of West Liberty and took refuge at Abingdon, Virginia. Three months later his romantic career was brought to a close when he was killed at Greenville, Ten- nessee, in an attack on his depleted command. In the same year Forrest invaded the extreme western part of the state. He attacked Paducah, but was beaten off with great loss.
These organized raids and major invasions were by no means the only military attacks made on the state. Almost simultaneously with the beginning of the conflict, unorganized warfare broke out in the most exasperating fashion, when all the hatreds and private spleen that wars can engender were let loose on the state. Guerillas laid waste to an enormous extent and produced a situation which was not confined to military affairs alone, but attributed to a most dangerous political crisis. Groups of raiders unattached to any organized command are likely to be produced by any long-drawn-out war, but conditions in Kentucky
22 Reminiscences of Gen. Basil W. Duke (Garden City, 1911), passim; Official Records, Series I, Vol. XVI, 1088; Collins, History of Kentucky, I, 109-114; Shaler, Kentucky, 291-330; Speed, Union Couse in Kentucky, 212-224.
23 Official Records, Series I, Vol. XX, 154; Shaler, Kentucky, 326; Collins, History of Kentucky, I, 117; Basil W. Duke, History of Morgan's Cavalry, 335 et seq.
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were especially favorable. The deep division in her population, which not only cut through the same community, but directly between mem- bers of the same families, was prolific in arousing animosities, personal as well as otherwise, which seemed best satisfied in organized plunder and murder. These guerillas were the dregs of a more respectable group of fighters employed by both sides, and the line was sometimes difficult to draw between guerillas and Home Guards and between guerillas and organized bands of Confederate raiders. The tendency was always to consider the guerillas as Confederates or their sympathizers, because their operations resulted to the disadvantage of the Federals. That this should be so was due to the very nature of the situation. Kentucky was the area of operations, and the damage done must of necessity make the situation for the Federal occupying troops more difficult and dangerous. That the Confederates profited from these operations cannot be denied, and that the Confederate Government welcomed this plundering of their enemies would not seem unreasonable, but that the real guerillas were ever under the control or command of the Confederacy seems not to have been established.24
The depredations of these mediaval warriors were marked by un- bridled passion and reckless abandon. Private grudges were satisfied in murder, public grievances in the firing of towns and court houses, and primitive instincts in pillage and plunder.25 This plague grew to be the great overshadowing menace of 1864. Of these times Champ Clark said : "The land swarmed with cutthroats, robbers, thieves, firebugs and male- factors of every degree and kind, who preyed upon the old, the infirm, the helpless and committed thousands of brutal and heinous crimes-in the name of the Union or the Southern Confederacy." 26 As exasperat- ing and as unbearable as guerilla ravages were, the remedies applied at times became almost equally so. Goaded almost to distraction, the au- thorities blindly hit at the evil, and in so doing laid themselves open to charges almost as grave as those held against the guerillas. In October, 1863, Governor Bramlette issued a proclamation declaring that "the state shall be free from its murderous foes, even though every arm be required to aid in their destruction." The method he would use was the state guards, and if recruits did not come forward at once, he threat- ened a draft. With conditions growing worse, he issued another proc- lamation on January 4. 1864, laying the growing evil to Confederate sympathizers who harbored the guerillas or refused to report their presence. He, therefore, ordered military commanders in the regions where the guerillas should take off a loyal person to arrest five of the most prominent Confederate sympathizers and hold them as hostages for the safe return of the prisoner. He said: "Where there are disloyal relatives of guerillas, they should be the chief sufferers. Let them learn that if they refuse to exert themselves actively for the assistance and protection of the loyal, they must expect to reap the just fruits of their complicity with the enemies of our own state and people." 27 The great danger in this course was the ease with which persons might be arrested as rebel sympathizers. There were no workable standards, when this discretion was once given into the hands of numerous over-zealous military commanders, of determining what constituted rebel sympathies. In the words of one who knew the situation from experience, "* * * the evidence on which the people were denounced as rebels was generally of
24 See Speed, Union Cause in Kentucky, 242-269.
25 For an almost unending list of guerilla crimes and depredations, see Collins, Histary of Kentucky, I, 105, et seq. and for a compilation of the courthouses de- stroyed see Speed, Union Cause in Kentucky, 261.
26 Proceedings of Congress * * * in the acceptance of the Statutes of Ben- ton and Blair, 40.
27 Copy of proclamation in Speed, Union Cause in Kentucky, 248, 249.
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a worthless nature-a few words of criticism of some Federal officer, the reported presence of a son or brother in the Confederate army, or
the mere fabrications of someone who had a grudge to pay. *
* *" 28 The Louisville Democrat inquired who was going to protect the person so reporting when the next day he were given a visit himself by the guerillas. "If a citizen is to aid, let him be protected in it ; otherwise any expectation of his active help is unreasonable." 29
The Legislature in February, 1864, passed a law setting a penalty of $100 to $5,000 and imprisonment from three to twelve months for en- couraging or harboring guerillas or failing to give information of their raids. General Sherman, who was now preparing to make his famous "march to the sea," sent General Burbridge, now in command of Ken- tucky, hints on how to deal with the guerillas. He said he had recently asked Governor Bramlette to organize a small, trustworthy band in each county under the sheriff, "and at one dash, arrest every man in the com- munity who was dangerous to it; and also every fellow hanging about the towns, villages and cross-roads who had no honest calling-the ma- terial out of which guerillas are made up; but this sweeping exhibition of power doubtless seemed to the governor rather arbitrary. * * *" As for instructions for Burbridge, he said: "You may order all post and district commanders that guerillas are not soldiers, but wild beasts, unknown to the usages of war. * * *** 30
"Your military commanders, provost marshals and other agents may arrest all males or females who have encouraged or harbored guerillas and robbers, and you may cause them to be collected in Louisville ; and when you have enough-say 300 or 400-I will cause them to be sent down the Mississippi, through their guerilla gauntlet, and by a sailing ship send them to land where they may take their negroes and make a colony, with laws and a future of their own." 31 Measures of a des- perate character were soon undertaken. On July 5 martial law was de-
28 Shaler, Kentucky, 334.
29 Quoted in Collins, History of Kentucky, I, 138.
30 "In the earliest days of 1864, the natural fruitage of protracted civil war became more cruelly and distressingly manifest than at any previous time. So intensely and fiercely were the passions of men inflamed by constant criminations and recriminations, by daily injuries and retaliations, and by tyrannous exactions and resistencies, that even men in authority of good intentions and of ordinary humane impulses were betrayed into measures of injustice and wrong which themselves would not seek to justify on the return of sober reason. But far worse than all for the peace and safety and good order of the people, there began to appear actively in the field organized bands of armed, mounted "guerillas" infesting and raiding the State in many directions. The members of these bands of raiders were mainly men who had formerly given their allegiance to the Confederate service ; but, under different pretext and from different causes, had abandoned that service and defied the authority of the Government, and lent themselves to the lives of marauders and freebooters. Apparently reckless of all responsibility to the laws of God or man, they gave themselves to an unrestrained license of revengeful murder, of bold and daring robbery, and of deeds of violence and ontrage, which were without the pale of the laws of civilized warfare. Men in Federal uniforms, whether paroled and unarmed prisoners, sick and wounded in hospitals, or with or without means of defense, were massacred in cold blood wherever opportunity offered. Banks, railroad trains, public depositories, and stores were robbed, and ontrages marked everywhere the frequent paths of these flying troopers, who scudded from one retreat to another like phantom scourges. These bands were made up of a strange medley of characters. Here, one had become a desperado, devoting his life to revenge for an outrage by some military enemy upon mother or wife or sister. Another in fierce wrath, had declared undying war for the wanton murder, by armed violence, of a father or brother. Yet another, because his house and property had been left to smoke and ashes in the destroying track of an opposing army, had sworn to reimburse or revenge himself on guilty or innocent. These cruel wrongs are but the incidents of war, which even the best men in authority are unable to avert; so this outgrowth of desperate character is the exceptional result of war, which good men and good government can not repress or be responsible for." Smith's History of Kentucky, pp. 668, 669.
31 Collins, History of Kentucky, I, 135.
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clared, with the writ of habeas corpus suspended, and eleven days later Burbridge issued an order that all rebel sympathizers living within five miles of a guerilla outrage should be arrested and de- ported beyond the limits of the United States; their property should be seized in a sufficient quantity to meet all losses from guerilla depredations; and for every unarmed Union citizen murdered by guerillas, four guerilla prisoners should be taken to the scene of the outrage and shot. But in the execution of these orders the same difficulty of determining who was a guerilla prisoner and who were rebel syn- pathizers was insurmountable. As a result many innocent people were robbed, deported, and summarily shot, and a new terror little different from what it was trying to stop sprang up.
The growing irritation between the state and the Federal authorities found its best expression in the political conditions that grew more dan- gerous as military interference continued. The use of soldiers in man- aging and controlling elections, which had been first conspicuously manifested in 1862, was to be intensified under more exasperating cir- cumstances. The great mass of Kentuckians at this time were divided into two schools of thought politically. There was a so-called Demo- cratic party, much opposed to the war, but not openly aiding the Con- federates. It was made up of those who had been Southern sympathizers in the days before and during neutrality, and of accessions since, due to exasperation at Federal interferences and the growing radicalism of the North on the negro question. They were a minority at this time (1862-1863). The remainder constituted the greater mass of Kentuck- ians, who, unable to endure the term of republicans, called themselves Union democrats. The former organization, sometimes referred to as peace democrats, laid plans for an early campaign in 1863 for the state offices, this being a gubernatorial year. A convention was called for February, and by the middle of the month delegates were making their appearance in Frankfort. On the 17th the halls of the Capitol were refused them. An attempt was then made to hold the convention in a private hall, but, before any business could be transacted, Col. E. A. Gilbert of the Federal forces appeared in the hall and demanded that the body disperse and the members return home and refrain from "sedi- tious and noisy conversation." In his speech he said: "The democratic newspapers scorn and disown you. Democrats in high places and in low places call your leaders by the one name-TRAITORS !
"There is no use in your holding conventions in Kentucky, as none but men of undoubted loyalty to the United States Government will, under any circumstances, be allowed to run for any office, or to fill it if elected. Such meetings as this you shall not hold within the limits of my command, and, to avoid difficulty, you will disperse to your homes, and in future desist from all such attempts to precipitate civil war upon your state." 32
This interference created indignation throughout the state, irrespec- tive of parties. It was believed by some that if the military could as- sume to manage the political affairs of the state, it might not stop short of complete control of the state government. The Legislature, although strongly against the peace democratic organization, was bitterly opposed to what had happened. The Senate declared that Gilbert's action was condemned "as uncalled for by the exigencies of the times, and not needed or desired by the Union Democracy of Kentucky. * * * Such inter- ference on the part of the military is dangerous in its tendencies and should not pass unrebuked." 33 Having been prevented from holding a convention, the party leaders addressed a communication to C. A.
32 Tri-Weekly Commonwealth, Feb. 21, 1863.
83 Ibid., March 2, 1863.
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Wickliffe asking him to become their candidate for governor. They here set forth their tenets and principles, saying in part : "We hold this rebellion utterly unjustifiable in its inception, and a dissolution of the Union the greatest of calamities. We would see all just and constitu- tional means adopted to the suppression of all one and the restoration of the other." 34 Wickliffe agreed to become their candidate.
The Union democrats met in Louisville in March for the purpose of nominating candidates. After a rather stormy session, in which there was a growing tendency of an element to turn toward radical measures and to condemn the national democratic party, Joshua F. Bell was nominated for governor and Richard T. Jacob for lieutenant-governor. After more than a month had elapsed Bell handed in his refusal to become the Union democratic candidate, whereupon Thomas E. Bram- lette was designated by the party committee.
The campaign attracted much interest, due to party contentions as well as to the part played by the military authorities. The National Administration was exceedingly unpopular in the state, so much so that the Union democrats repelled with indignation the charges of the peace democrats that they favored it. Bramlette took the attitude that the lesser of the two main evils, the present administration or a rebel victory, the former was the more desirable, for "If Mr. Lincoln will not change his policy, we have no power to compel him, and we must correct these evils or leap into others which are far worse." 35 The peace democrats, strongly opposed to the war, carried on their campaign principally by seeking to show that Bramlette and his followers were supporting the National Administration.
As the election approached it took on a sinister meaning to the mil- itary authorities and led the state government itself to take precautions. On July 20 Governor Robinson issued a proclamation against certain classes voting and calling the state's attention to the expatriation act, and on July 31 General Burnside declared Kentucky to be under martial law "for the purpose only of protecting the rights of loyal citizens and the freedom of election." 36 The result of the election was a complete and overwhelming victory for the Union decocrats, Bramlette receiving 68,306 votes to Wickliffe's 17,389.
As the state and national elections approached in 1864, party align- ments were in the process of remaking. The Bramlette democrats and the Wickliffe democrats, both claimed to be the true democratic party, and both sent delegates to the National Democratic Convention in Chi- cago. The supporters of the National Administration were bitter in their denunciations of the action of the Bramlette group, claiming that it had stolen the party machinery and perverted it to rebel ends. Receiving its inspiration from Robert J. Breckinridge, it sent delegates to the National Republican (Union) Convention at Baltimore. This marked the real beginning of the republican party in Kentucky. The two wings of the Kentucky democracy were not far apart, due to the bitter antagonism the Union democrats held toward the National Administration. The Chicago Convention went far toward bringing them together when it admitted both sets of delegates and gave them one-half a vote each. It advised them to work in harmony in the coming campaign and, after much discussion between the leaders of the two wings, the democrats coalesced. The Kentucky democracy now included every species of opposition to the National Adminstration, from the most ardent South- ern sympathizers to the most loyal Kentuckian who stopped short of supporting it.37
34 Congressional Globe, 38 Cong., I Sess., Part 4, Appendix 71.
35 Tri-Weekly Commonwealth, July 24, 1863.
36 Official Records, Series I, Vol. XXIII, Part 2, p. 572.
37 For the events leading up to this situation see Louisville Journal and Lexington Observer and Reporter, March-August, 1864.
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At this time the state was overrun by guerillas, composed largely of the disorganized soldiers and deserters from the Confederate armies. How to deal with their murderous depredations had become a serious problem. Indeed, this element and its control had been a problem for two years at least. In 1864 the military forces for the Union were making desperate efforts to suppress these guerilla bands and protect loyal citizens from their vengeance. Stern and repressive military meas- ures always arouse resentment. It is always easy to picture the alleged tyranny resulting from them. Attention is always directed away from the outrages which brought the military to interference in the interest of the helpless. Many thousands of the Union men of Kentucky were away fighting for the cause, while many of those who had gone out to fight for the Confederacy had returned and were in full cry against the National Administration and the Union soldiers engaged in sup- pressing their inhuman operations. It was made to appear that the actions of the Union forces against the active disloyal element and armed guerillas were against the people generally and against the state. Gov- ernor Bramlette was influenced by it. He heard only the clamor at home, and he misjudged its nature and failed to comprehend its significance. In holding in check rebellious elements, the military always commit errors. In some instances innocent persons suffer injustice, outrage, even death. It is unavoidable. The administration of any governmental measure must be effected by subordinates, and often they seek private vengeance and personal gain. They obtain both without the knowledge or consent of their superiors.38
This condition in Kentucky caused Governor Bramlette to come to an open break with President Lincoln. On September 3 he wrote the President as follows: "Extreme measures, by which they [the military] sought to break the just pride and subdue the free spirit of the people, and which would only have fitted them for enslavement, have aroused the determined opposition to your reelection of at least three-fourths of the people of Kentucky." It was the intention of the military that the disloyal should not be permitted to vote. He declared that Kentucky was dealt with as if it were a conquered province, and he frankly ad- mitted that he was opposed "to your election, and regard a change of policy as essential to the salvation of our country." 39 The election resulted in McClellan, the democratic nominee for president, receiving more than twice the number of votes given President Lincoln.
38 The situation was similar to that in Missouri which caused General Ewing to issue his famous Order No. II. There the guerillas under Quantrill were increased by stragglers and deserters from the Confederate armies. They murdered Union men in Missouri indiscriminately. They broke over the border and sacked Kansas towns. Their destruction of Lawrence and the murder in cold blood of more than 100 citizens was the most horrible incident of the war. These guerillas took refuge in the border counties of Missouri and were fed, clothed, praised and encouraged by the citizens of these counties. It was impossible to exterminate them or to effectively cope with them. Under Order No. II the district supporting them was depopulated. Then arose a great cry from the Greggs, the Youngers, the Jameses, the Shepherds, the Halls, the Pences and many other families having sons, brothers or husbands in Quantrill's ranks. And this cry was against General Ewing and the Union administration in Missouri, which was of necessity largely military. General Ewing was held up to scorn as a monster by the men who had been in the business of murder and robbery for years. Some innocent suffered, of course, but in dealing with men with whom murder, robbery, and arson are a lust and a profession, and with those who harbor, aid and abet them, only drastic measures can succeed.
Quantrill, himself, driven from Missouri, took refuge in Kentucky. With him were the Halls, the Pences, the Jameses, the Longs, and other cutthroats whose hands were red with the blood of four years of unbridled ferocity. These men associated themselves with Sue Munday, One-Armed Berry, and other guerillas, and killed and burned in a wide district south of Louisville until Col. John M. Palmer organized a special company for their extermination, and Quantrill was mor- tally wounded at Wakefield's barn and the guerillas scattered.
39 Senate Journal, 1865, pp. 32-35-
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President Lincoln had long been troubled over the ever threatening situation in Kentucky. To satisfy the opposition of Bramlette and many others, he dismissed Burbridge and appointed in his place Gen. John M. Palmer. The Louisville Journal hailed his appointment with the an- nouncement : "Maj .- Gen. John M. Palmer, of Ill., has been appointed to command in Ky. Thank God and President Lincoln." 40 But it was soon found that Palmer was as radical in his measures as Burbridge had ever been. The democrats, disappointed and bitter, were soon pour- ing forth their bitter denunciations of the continued military regime.
The end of the war was struck when Lee surrendered on April 9 at Appomattox Courthouse. President Lincoln was assassinated five days later. Loyal Kentuckians felt the pangs of sorrow at the going of the great leader who had saved the Union, so dear to them.
From Capt. Thomas Speed's Military Campaigns a brief review of the military movements in Kentucky is subjoined to conclude this chapter :
"The first recruiting began under Rousseau and Woodruff, at Louis- ville, and Nelson at Camp Dick Robinson, and from these to points notably they were promptly used to resist the advance of the Confed- erates. Also at Owensboro and Calhoun camps were established, from which Crittenden, Jackson and others gave protection to the country north of Green River. And in the upper section of the state the Ken- tucky troops prevented the Confederates taking possession. Up to the middle of November, 1861, all the Federal troops in Kentucky were under the command of Generals Anderson and Sherman.
"On the 15th of November, General Buell was placed in command of the Department of Ohio. He had a force under General Thomas about Somerset. At that time the Confederates controlled the southern part of the state, from Cumberland Gap to the Mississippi River.
"On the 19th of January, 1862, General Thomas defeated General Zollicoffer at Mill Spring. On the 16th of February, General Grant cap- tured Fort Donelson. These successes caused the Confederates to fall back from Kentucky, and General Buell concentrated his army at Nash- ville. Grant's army moved up the Tennessee River to Pittsburg Landing, and March 15th Buell began his march from Nashville for the same point. The great battle of Shiloh occurred April 6th and 7th, after which the Confederates retired to Corinth, Mississippi.
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