USA > Kentucky > History of Kentucky, Volume II > Part 21
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they had feared a serious defeat. The Clay party carried the Legis- lature as usual, and also succeeded in electing the lieutenant-governor Morehead. There was in fact no great reason for Clay's supporters to feel that they had suffered defeat, or that they could not carry the state for their chief. This was one explanation for the defeat of their candidate, Buckner: "Mr. Buckner seems to have lost his election, because, being a member of a particular religious society he was suspected with being opposed to Sunday mails! In many cases he fell short of his ticket, and in others, no doubt, caused it to drag heavily. And so far did the opposition proceed against him on this account, that two 'Clay papers' supported Mr. Breathitt. And the counties beyond the Tennessee River gave majorities to the Jackson candidate that neither party calculated on." 40 The vote in the four counties west of the Tennessee, the so-called Jackson Purchase, was, indeed, remarkable. Breathitt received 1,856 votes here to Buckner's 276. In fact this region gave Breathitt a larger majority than he obtained throughout the whole state, and may therefore, be said to have elected him. With its scattered population, this region cast one vote for less than six free persons. The same region
continued a most remarkably steadfast support of Jackson and the demo- cratic party, which could not even be shaken by the throes of Civil war. Buckner's stronghold was in the Blue Grass region.41 Breathitt was in- augurated soon afterwards, with the booming of cannon, much speech- making, and other forms of welcome and rejoicing.42 Well might this be, for he was the first of his party since the days of Desha, and was destined to be the last until the shadows of Civil war were creeping over the state and party lines were being largely obliterated.
As neither party had won a decisive victory in this election, the un- certainty of the presidential voting was heightened. Both parties im- mediately set to work with great vigor and determination to carry the state for its candidate. Kentucky was considered a pivotal state by the national republicans, who now believed that they had successfully stayed the Jackson enthusiasm that had followed his first election and that their chances were excellent for electing Clay. As a Tennesseean said to Crittenden, "thank God the day is passed by when a man is persecuted and humbled down for being anti-Jackson." 43 Serious defections from the Jackson party which had begun before the August election, were now continued, and the fact was displayed with advantage by the Clay forces. Jackson's vetoes of the Maysville Road and of the United States Bank were losing him much support in Kentucky, especially when coupled with the charges that the President was fast setting up an executive tyranny dangerous to the people's liberties. In June, thirty-seven prominent men of Louisville, who had voted for Jackson in his first election, sent out an invitation for a meeting at which resolutions condemning Jackson and lauding Clay were to be drawn up. They declared in their call that they had believed "that a debt of gratitude was due to General Jackson, for his patriotism and services to his country, together with other reasons of a political nature," and for these reasons they had been "among his supporters to elevate him to the distinguished office which he now holds." But now, "The duty which we owe to ourselves, our country, and to mankind, compels us to express our disappointment and deep regret at the course pursued by him in the administration of our government. The more we reflect and examine into the policy of his administration, the more we deplore and deprecate its effects. Moreover, we regret that General Jackson should have permitted his name again to be presented
40 Niles' Register, Vol. 42, p. 450; Argus, Aug. 29, 1832.
41 Niles' Register, Vol. 43, pp. 3, 20.
42 Argus, Sept. 5, 1832.
43 Crittenden MSS., Vol. 4, Nos. 695, 696. Boyd McNairy to Crittenden, May 9, 1831.
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to the American people as a candidate for that office, as, during the can- vass which resulted in his favor, it was urged with great zeal, by most of his distinguished advocates, that it was dangerous for any individual to hold the office of president of these United States more than one term, and assurances given, of the general's own pledges, that he would only hold it on these terms." They believed that this debt of gratitude had now been paid, and that he had been amply rewarded. Hence, being "conscious that the best interests of our country call aloud upon us to oppose his re-election, we feel ourselves bound, as American citizens. to do so, and we do oppose it, with as much zeal and promptitude as we then vindicated his claims to that office."
The meeting was held and a series of resolutions was formulated and adopted. He was condemned for his "indiscreet and arbitrary exercise of his veto," and for expressing his unguarded resentment, "excited by the freedom of debate" in such a way as to "furnish encouragement to his violent partisans to attempt its restraint by the pistol and the club." His "preposterous and monsterous claim" that he had the right to con- struc the constitution as he pleased without the restraint or aid of the judiciary "betrays a disposition to obliterate the fair features of our con- stitution, and threatens us with the wildest anarchy, or a dark and dreary despotism." It was also held, "That in his reiteration and pertinacious endeavors to crush the United States bank, to abolish the tariff, and to check the spirit and spread of internal improvement, the president has waged an unrelenting hostility against the first, best interests of the country." Other acts of the administration were condemned and it was resolved "That with all the zeal, energy and effort of which we are capable, we will by all honorable means oppose the re-election of Andrew Jackson to the presidency of these United States, and do earnestly invite those of our fellow citizens, who like ourselves have been deceived, but still lend a reluctant support to the administration, to renounce the pride of a false consistency, and, confronting the difficulties of the crisis now before us, to co-operate heart and hand in this work of true and most necessary reform." They declared that "Our distinguished fellow citizen HENRY CLAY, who had ever been the undeviating friend of the union, its liberties and its rights, and who has contributed by his talents and honest zeal to exalt our beloved country to her present rank and pros- perity, is entitled to our confidence and will receive our support at the next election for president of the United States." 44
Other meetings were held in Louisville and elsewhere both of former Jackson supporters as well as enemies, and resolutions passed condemning him. A meeting in Louisville was called especially to show displeasure over his bank veto and those who had formerly opposed him declared they were now confirmed in that opposition and those who had formerly sup- ported him vowed to seek penance for their former sins by voting for Clay.45 Forty-seven former Jackson supporters in Fayette County called a meeting "large and highly respectable" in Lexington where it was re- solved that they had found in Jackson "many causes of disappointment ; that the principles that induced our support, are deserted; the pledges on which we confidently relied are unredeemed; our hopes of promoting the welfare of our country, by his election, are unfulfilled, and that his longer continuance in office, would be dangerous to the best interests of our country." Therefore, it should be the duty of all patriots to work un- relentingly for the defeat of Jackson.46 The Clay party called a state- wide convention for speechmaking and for arousing enthusiasm im- mediately after the August election! The hardest fight was now on, and
44 Niles' Register, Vol. 42, pp. 407, 408.
45 Ibid., 408.
46 Ibid., 426.
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according to the press "A high state of political excitement prevails in this state. The electoral election will be furiously contested, we fear. in too many cases." 47
Although the fear of very serious defections from their party was much allayed by the August elections, the Jackson supporters did not relent in their fight. They knew that it was now Jackson against Clay, and they were not forgetful of the peculiar attachment the Kentuckians had for the latter. Well might they fear the results, even though they had carried the state for Breathitt. They also saw the former Jackson supporters deserting and making a very loud noise as they did so. Un- questionably the President's stand on internal improvements was hardest to explain to the people and calculated to lose him the most votes. The bank veto had also been unpopular but with a much smaller number of people. The tariff was little in the contest, as Jackson's record here was less open to attack, for he had just signed the protective tariff of 1832, drawn by Adams along lines indicated by Clay. In early September a state-wide meeting of Jackson supporters was held at Harrodsburg, where much enthusiasm was manifested, and a long address to the people issued, calling on them once more not to forget the base alliance between Clay and Adams and to remember that Jackson was the real friend of the people, and a man out of the West.48 A few weeks later, Jackson, himself, found it convenient to pass through the state. A great ovation was given him at Lexington, where people gathered from fifty miles around to see and hear the President.49
Despite their hard fight the Jackson party went down in defeat in Kentucky. Clay won his state by more than 7,000 majority, which was truly a personal tribute.50 Under any circumstances Clay had proved himself invincible in his own state, but throughout the nation he failed to secure a majority. Jackson, thus, became president for a second time. Although party names had been used locally not as indicating a platform of principles, but rather the personality of men, hereafter the parties were referred to in state as well as national affairs as national republi- can for a short time and then whig, and democratic. Niles in 1829, had called attention to the lack of party names and deprecated its significance : "As we are pretty soon, it seems, to have another great political con- troversy, though the names of the persons on whom parties are to be rallied are not yet determined-and while we do not intend to take any part in the personal conflict more than heretofore, it is earnestly wished that some terms may be adopted descriptive of the PRINCIPLES of parties,-and politics not be suffered to exist as though the people were divided into petty clans of Campbells and McGregors, owing allegiance to their lords, and required to join issue in the quarrels, without an under- standing of, or regard for, the merits of them. The events of the next session of congress may bring about a gratifying result, in this respect, and arrest the progress of what must be esteemed derogatory to the re- publican character, and unsafe in its practice." 51
Jackson had scarcely been re-elected before he was confronted with one of the most serious problems with which any President up to his time had ever been forced to deal with. This was South Carolina's nullifica- tion ordinance. As heretofore noted, the South generally had looked with strong disapproval on internal improvements at national expense and on the protective tariff. South Carolina had assumed the leadership in this opposition as early as 1824. The tariff of 1828, the so-called "Tariff of abominations," all but used up the patience of the fiery Carolinians.
47 Niles' Register, Vol. 43, pp. 134, 135.
48 Argus, Sept. 19, 1832.
49 Argus, Oct. 3, 1832.
50 Argus, Nov. 21, 1832; Collins, History of Kentucky, I, 37.
51 Niles' Register, Vol. 37, p. 68.
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About this time Calhoun set forth his theory of nullification in what was known as "The South Carolina Exposition." The Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions were studied closely and levied upon for ideas and prec- edents, with the former being much more conspicuously used than the latter. Finally when the tariff of 1832 was passed, South Carolina lost all patience and on November 19, 1832, her Legislature called a conven- tion to take the situation into consideration. This convention promptly passed the South Carolina Ordinance of Nullification, declaring that the tariff acts of 1828 and 1832 were without effect in the state. Jackson, contrary to the belief of many supporters as well as opponents, acted quickly and with vigor. He put the military forces of the nation on the alert, and proceeded to issue on December 10th a stern warning to those who would obstruct the execution of the laws of the Union. "The laws of the United States must be executed," he declared. "I have no discre- tionary power on the subject ; my duty is emphatically pronounced in the constitution. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent their execution, deceived you; they could not have been deceived themselves. They know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they know that such opposition must be repelled. Their object is disunion. But be not deceived by names. Disunion by armed force is treason." 52 The so-called "forcebill" giving the President the right to call out the army and navy to enforce the laws of Congress, was introduced in January and pushed through before the end of the session. In the meantime, Clay had been working on a compromise tariff which he succeeded in also getting through by the same time. This tariff of 1833, or Compromise Tariff as it is often termed, brought about a gradual reduction of the rates over a period of ten years, and was accepted by South Carolina as preferable to her nullification course.
In her mad plunge toward destruction, South Carolina was unable to induce a single other state to follow her. Kentucky's lack of sympathy for the South's views on the tariff had been expressed on numerous occa- sions before the nullification troubles, and she had come to be looked upon askance on this subject by that region, and especially by South Carolina. In 1828, Governor Metcalfe called upon the South to return to a becoming sense of patriotism to the Union, which all had fought to make and preserve. The opinions of some of these Southern leaders were at war with the fundamental principles of the Union. But not- withstanding the sacred duty of all to uphold these principles, "we have the mortification to see the firebrand of discord thrown among us by hands that ought to be the first to remove every obstacle to our peace and quietude. According to the views of these men, if the minority can- not rule, they are at liberty to dissolve the government. The promulga- tion of these principles forms but a part of the business of these em- pirics .- Laying aside the courtesies of life, they strike at the sensibilities and honor of those who constitute the majority on the subject of a pro- tective tariff, no matter to what side they may belong according to recent divisions of party. The motives of your sages and patriots are assailed ; strong epithets of denunciation employed; and the advocates of the American system traduced. Kentuckians are reproached because of their long established and fixed opinion of public policy, as if it originated in time serving and unworthy motives. But while I consider it my duty to point to this disaffection, originating as it does, with men filling exalted stations, I am gratified in the belief, that we may reply with perfect safety upon the constituted authorities to carry into effect the laws of which they complain, and against which they would have their constitu- ents to rebel. The great body of our southern brethren are too patriotic,
52 Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, II, 640-656.
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too well aware of their own interest, and too strongly attached to the republic, to countenance any treasonable designs." 53
The Legislature in 1830, at the same time when it passed its set of resolutions favoring the tariff and internal improvements, also included a long report in reply to South Carolina, setting forth the principles on which the Union was founded and on which it must still exist, if at all. The federal powers included the right to pass protective tariffs and to aid internal improvements, and it was time that South Carolina take a new view on her duty to the Union and abandon the assertion, " 'That the measures to be pursued, consequent on the perseverance in this system [Tariff], are purely questions of expediency, and not of allegiance.'" Kentucky's argument grasped strongly the national view of the union of the states; she was here making a complete but tardy retraction of every principle she had so manfully brought forward, herself, in her Resolutions of 1798 and 1799. If one state had a right to resist a law because it judged it unconstitutional, then any other state had the same right, and what would immediately become of the Union? If such a law should be enforced, "There is civil war; if abandoned without being repealed, a virtual dissolution of the Union." If a law may be declared by a state unconstitutional and void because of its "enormous injustice," "Who is to be the judge of that enormity? Who is to prescribe the limits of enormity, which will authorize resistance, and that which falls short of conferring that right? History and the nature of man demonstrate, that when his prejudices are aroused and his passions inflamed, it is not difficult to persuade that mild and equitable laws are fraught with the most abominable injustice." No quibbling argument about the Union being a compact among the state should be dealt in; "there can be, there ought to be, but one rule, that is, that the majority must govern." Of course it was possible that a tyranny might rear itself which would have to be resisted with force, but surely South Carolina did not intend to assert, "that the system of measures denominated the Tariff of the American system, present a just cause of civil war but that without pro- ducing civil war, that State may lawfully resist the execution of the sys- tem within its jurisdiction." Of course, resistance to the Federal Govern- ment had been threatened before, and most prominently by the New Englanders during the War of 1812, but they were an "unprincipled faction ; and the posture in which impartial history will present them to future times, ought ever to operate as an example to deter, rather than to be imitated."
These sentiments were so strikingly opposite to the ones so vigorously asserted in the old Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 and 1799, that the Legislature in an argument exceedingly weak, and much better left un- said, sought to show that after all there was a difference between Ken- tucky's position then and South Carolina's position now, and that in fact the former had been consistent throughout her course. It said: "From the principles now advanced, there has been no deviation on the part of the General Assembly of Kentucky. At a former epoch, when certain acts passed by Congress, called the alien and sedition laws, which were believed to be unconstitutional by the General Assembly, it neither inter- posed or threatened the adoption of any measure to defeat or obstruct their operation within the jurisdiction of Kentucky. It expressed, and expressed in very strong language, its disapprobation of them and its firm conviction that they were unconstitutional and therefore void. There it stopped, and that is the limit which no state should pass, until it has formed the deliberate resolution of lighting up the torch of civil war. Every state, as well as every individual, has the incontestible right freely to form and to publish to the world, its opinion of any and of every act
53 Niles' Register, Vol. 35, pp. 278, 279.
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of the federal government. It may appeal to the reason of the people, enlighten their judgments, alarm their fears, and conciliate their support, to change federal rules, or federal measures. But neither a state nor an individual can rightfully resist, by force, the execution of a law passed by Congress." 54
This reply to South Carolina was not merely the sentiments of the Legislature; it truly represented the great weight of public opinion throughout the state. The Legislature should not have marred an other- wise good exposition on government by refusing to admit an incon- sistency. The state had grown in material wealth since 1798, and it had also grown in the knowledge and experience of government and in love and appreciation of the Union. Immediately after the Nullification Or- dinance had been passed by South Carolina in November, 1832, a Union meeting made up almost equally of Clay and Jackson supporters was held in Louisville to discuss the crisis. With James Guthrie in the chair, a resolution was passed declaring that "we solemnly protest against the doctrine of nullification; believing that it will, if acted upon, as proposed by South Carolina, effect a severance of the Union." 35
In due time after the Legislature had met, Governor Breathitt com- municated to it copies of South Carolina's nullification ordinance and accompanying addresses. He boldly denounced the course of action an- nounced by that state, and left no uncertainty as to Kentucky's position if that course were carried out. The contemplated activities of South Carolina were "so subversive of all good government, that I need not, I am sure, urge upon you the necessity of prompt action on your part." After dealing at length with the pretensions put forward by South Caro- lina he set forth the meaning of the Union to Kentucky and every other state, and gave no uncertain idea of the position Kentucky would take in the event of war. He said: "It is desirable, gentlemen, that our sister state should be informed, what is believed to be the fact, that, while Ken- tucky is ready to relieve her from all just ground of complaint, she will not permit this union, which protects us in the enjoyment of so many blessings, civil and religious, to be torn asunder for any cause. Her infant blood flowed freely to extend the settlements in the frontiers ; and both the north and the south can bear witness that, although her position shielded her from invasion, her gallant sons, during the late contest with Great Britain, were forward to meet toil, privation, and all the horrors of savage, as well as civilized warfare, to maintain the dignity and assert the rights of our common country.
"She cannot consent that her treasure and her blood shall have been expended in vain-she cannot consent that her sister state shall give to our children waters of bitterness to drink.
"It is considered proper that the general government, and each of our sister states, should clearly understand the course, which a deep sense of duty will require Kentucky to take. I therefore recommend that your opinions be embodied in a series of resolutions ; that you disapprove of the revolutionary doctrines contained in the ordinance communicated ; that if all has been done that can be towards a reconciliation of this un- pleasant. unnatural controversy, and if South Carolina shall resort to force, and resist the execution of the laws named, or make a violent at- tempt to sever herself from the union, that the people of this state will stand upon their duty and their allegiance, and will support the general government in the use of any legal and constitutional means necessary to prevent the accomplishment of so sad a catastrophe; and that a copy of these resolutions be sent to the governor of South Carolina, to the
54 Acts of Kentucky, 1829, 287-300. Quoted in Ames, State Documents on Fed- eral Relations, 158-161.
55 Argus, Nov. 28, 1832.
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president of the United States, the governors of each of the other states, and to each of our senators and representatives in congress." 56
Shortly after this message, the Legislature acted with energy and patriotism. It went over again at great length its arguments for the Union and the powers of Congress to pass tariff laws. It then appealed with sonorous words to the patriotism of South Carolina: "We would remonstrate, we would adjure South Carolina, or those who guide her councils, by the blood and suffering of our common ancestors, not to mar their work; not to insult the memory of the dead; not to em- bitter the last hours of that small remnant of the revolution, who yet linger upon earth, by demonstrating that a republic, that vision of glory which led them on through toil and privation, was a delusion and a cheat. *
* * Should they succeed in goading enthusiasm to mad- ness; should they succeed in infusing their own wild passions into the people of the South, and precipitate the United States into all the horrors and dangers of civil war, the glory which hallows the tomb of the patriot martyr will not be theirs; their past honors will turn to infamy, and they will set in storm and darkness, amidst the deep execrations of all man- kind." 57
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