USA > Kentucky > History of Kentucky, Volume II > Part 39
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Before the end of the Mexican war the country was beginning to think of the approaching Presidential election. General Scott had at- tracted some favorable attention of the Whigs, but after the battle of Buena Vista, Taylor quickly arose to be the outstanding figure. The glamour of a military hero had never ceased to carry far in Kentucky, and with Taylor, almost a native born son,25ª filling that role now, Kentucky
20 Collins, History of Kentucky, I, 51.
21 Niles' Register, Vol. 70, p. 199, 200.
22 Ibid., 200.
23 Collins, History of Kentucky, I, 53; Niles' Register, Vol. 70, p. 202.
24 Niles' Register, Vol. 72, pp. 362, 363. In the summer of 1847, an additional call for two regiments was quickly filled, with many volunteers left out. Kentucky Yeoman, Sept. 23, 1847.
25 See Breckinridge MSS. (1848).
25ª He was nine months old when his parents moved to Kentucky. But he was believed by many to have been native-born.
LOUISVILLE LEGION IN NEW YORK, 1889
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whiggery had a mighty battle to fight within itself between this hero and her favorite son, Henry Clay. By a coincidence, on the same day that the battle of Buena Vista began, the Kentucky Legislature passed a reso- lution of praise and appreciation of Taylor's generalship and of the courage of his men, as shown in the battles of Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, and Monterey. It voted him a sword and declared "That the admiration, gratitude and thanks of the people are due, and are hereby tendered, to Major-General Taylor, to his officers and men." 26 Although this was not an indorsement for the Presidency, it paved the way for such a stand later and made it easier.
But Taylor was a Kentuckian and a military hero, so why should any group of Kentuckians have sole claim to him? He had not been a strong party man, and his views on national issues were little known, if indeed he had taken time to formulate them at all. Under such circum- stances, in the spring and summer of 1847 meetings began to spring up over the state, largely non-partisan but most likely more democratic than whig, recommending Taylor for the Presidency.27 A meeting in Scott County wanted Taylor because he was non-partisan and would, therefore, uphold the best interests of the country along all lines. The regular democratic leaders of the state became worried over these meetings. They declared that the people should wait until Taylor came out with his principles before pushing him so far, that he was after all a whig, and that the democrats were playing into the hands of the whigs by urging him. They should wait for the democratic convention to act.28
The whigs were not disposed to relinquish their claims on the victor of Buena Vista, regardless of democratic pretentions, and even at the expense of deserting Clay. In 1844 some discontented whigs had sug- gested in the Kentucky Legislature the name of Taylor for the Presidency instead of Clay, and a resolution was actually offered to that effect in the Senate.29 A definite feeling had been forming in the minds of some of the Kentucky whig leaders that Clay could not be elected, that he had tried three times already, and that it was time now for the whigs to pick a winner for 1848. John J. Crittenden was one of the foremost of those who thought this way. He had been in correspondence with Taylor while he was still fighting in Mexico, and undoubtedly in a general way he was trying to gain an estimate of the man as a candidate. Many letters came to Crittenden suggesting Taylor. George W. McAdams wrote him in November, 1847, that many Kentuckians had determined "to adhere to the Old Hero as the only available candidate, as in truth he is. Mr. Clay cannot be elected! The thing is impossible. Taylor can be, or at all events, if he cannot, no whig can." He believed that the whigs of Kentucky should use their reason and best judgment, and not be bound by the sentimentalism that would make a perpetual candidate of Clay, and as often bring about the defeat of the whig party.30 Many others had the same ideas as to Clay's availability, but they were more sympathetic toward his leadership. The revolt against him seemed to be actuated almost wholly by the conviction that Clay could not lead the whigs to victory, while another might-and that candidate would be Taylor. John B. Bibb wrote Crittenden, December 25, 1847, that, while the Kentucky whigs "would prefer to see Mr. C. President in preference to any other man in the nation, they think General Taylor the most available candidate, and would greatly prefer that he receive the nom- ination." In the light of the feeling, both in Kentucky and in the nation
26 Acts of Kentucky, 1846, pp. 383, 384.
27 Such a meeting was held in Shelby County in May, Kentucky Yeoman, May 27, 1847.
28 Ibid., Sept. 30, Oct. 21, etc., 1847.
29 Coleman, Life of John J. Crittenden, I, 220.
30 Crittenden MSS., Vol. 10, Nos. 1989, 1990. Dated November 25.
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at large, he hoped Clay would soon definitely announce that he would not accept the nomination.31 Many who had followed Clay all their lives felt their heartburns when they were forced to make a choice. If Clay had only declined to be in the race, their aches had been spared. One admirer admitted he was for Taylor, but exclaimed: "But oh how I was and have been pained and mortified at what seemed to me impatient and hasty efforts of Kentucky to be the first to discredit that high and faithful man, Clay." 32 Crittenden expressed himself in a like vein: "I prefer Mr. Clay to all men for the Presidency, but my conviction, my involuntary conviction, is that he cannot be elected." 33
Clay and his friends made a strong effort to head off the movement. Taylor, in the latter part of 1847, was waiting with becoming humility for Clay or some other recognized whig leader to loom up as the out- standing candidate, and he informed Clay that he was "ready to stand aside, if you or any other whig were the choice of the party, and
* * * I sincerely hoped such might be their decision." But as the movement in his favor continued to grow and spread, he informed Clay in April of 1848 that he was in the hands of the people and he would have to abide by their decision.34 In the early period of the Taylor movement Leslie Combs, Benjamin Gratz, D. C. Wickliffe, George Rob- ertson and others sent out a circular letter secretly to certain whigs cau- tioning them against the Taylor enthusiasm and warning them that it was tending to disrupt the party. They declared that Clay should be the nominee.35 Leslie Combs wrote Crittenden in February, 1848, that the Taylor candidacy was dangerous, and that "The whig party will be split to pieces-mark what I say-I see the elements of Strife & Violence already at work." 36 Clay felt very bitterly the desertion of his Ken- tucky life-long supporters. He wrote Crittenden in September, 1847, that he had to own "to you that the Movements in K. have occasioned me some mortification. They wear the aspect of impatience under the ties, which have so long bound me to the State and the Whig party, and an eager desire to break loose from them." 37 And he later wrote to a friend, asking: "What is it, after the long period of time during which I have had the happiness to enjoy the friendship and confidence of that State, what have I done * * * to lose it ?" 38
But the tide was turning from Clay to Taylor, and nothing could stop it. The Legislature, in January, 1848, passed a resolution inviting Taylor to visit Frankfort, as the people were "desirous of testifying their high appreciation of the signal services he has rendered his country in the battles of Palo Alta, Resaca de la Palma and Monterey, and in the last and unparalleled achievement at Buena Vista, their admiration of his virtue, his modesty, his justice, his kindness and benevolence to the soldiers under his command. *
* *" 39 On its face the resolution had no political significance, but it could not help but greatly further Taylor's cause. However, as a patriotic move, perhaps to combat the impression that the Taylor resolution was political, in February the Leg- islature complimented General Scott and his men.40 Despite the absence
31 Crittenden MSS., Vol. 10, Nos. 2015, 2016.
32 Ibid., Vol. 11, Nos. 2098, 2099. L. W. Andres to Crittenden, Feb. 14, 1848.
33 Coleman, Life of John J. Crittenden, I, 290. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley, January 8, 1848.
34 Colton, Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, 557-560.
35 Kentucky Yeoman, Nov. 26, 1847.
36 Crittenden MSS., Vol. 11, Nos. 2123, 2124. Dated February 27th.
87 Ibid., Vol. 10, Nos. 1969, 1970. Dated September 27th.
38 Colton, Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, 554. To H. T. Duncan, Feb- ruary 15, 1848.
39 Acts of Kentucky, 1847, pp. 479-480.
40 Ibid., 482, 483. Dated February 18th. It read in part: That General Winfield Scott by a series of glorious victories unparalleled in the history of war
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of a resolution to the direct effect, the Legislature was strongly in favor of Taylor, and, according to John L. Helm: "Nothing but a reluctance to wound Mr. Clay's feelings prevents the presentation of a legislative nomination of Genl. T., and indeed such is the coming in of popular opinion that I doubt whether it will be much longer restrained." 41 There was little harmony in the state convention, but the Taylor supporters were in a majority.42 It was a misfortune of Clay's that he had no mil- itary renown to stand him in good stead when all his other qualifications failed him, in a state where the glories of war were such potent weapons.
GEN. ZACHARY TAYLOR, MONUMENT 12th President of United States
But, regardless of such aids, he had held his state true to himself against the outstanding military hero of the times, Andrew Jackson, and there can be no question that he would have completely routed the victor of Buena Vista, had he not already failed three times to bring the whigs victory.
In the Whig National Convention at Philadelphia in June, Taylor was nominated on the fourth ballot, and Clay's chances for the Presidency were forever gone, deserted by seven of the twelve Kentucky delegates. Clay felt with bitterness the loss of the nomination and the desertion of a majority of the Kentucky delegates, "who, in violation of the de- sire of their constituents, voted against me. *"' 43 Crittenden
by which he has attracted to himself and his army the admiration of the world, has entitled himself to the thanks and gratitude of the people of Kentucky, which are hereby tendered and cordially given."
41 Crittenden MSS., Vol. II, Nos. 2042, 2043. To Crittenden, January 11, 1848.
42 See Ibid., Nos. 2111, 2112; Breckinridge MSS. (1848), W. C. Anderson to Rob- ert J. Breckinridge, February 17, 1848.
43 Colton, Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, 566.
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wrote him: "It has along seemed to me that there was not the certainty of success which alone could warrant your friends in again presenting your name as a candidate." 44 These two distinguished Kentuckians became estranged and Clay never wrote Crittenden thereafter.45 The democrats met in Baltimore in May and on the fourth ballot nominated Lewis Cass, of Michigan, for the Presidency. William O. Butler, a Kentucky statesman and warrior, was named for the Vice Presidency.46
The state nomination and campaign for governor were of much interest. John J. Crittenden resigned his position in the United States Senate to make the race for governor for the whigs. The democrats nominated Lynn Boyd and set about starting the campaign, when to their surprise Boyd declined the nomination. A tangle in party affairs now developed which virtually destroyed any chances the democrats might have had in carrying the state. The State Central Committee had the power to fill all vacancies in the nominations, after the conven- tion should adjourn, but for some reason it was slow in acting. In the meantime Richard M. Johnson, a democrat of high standing and at one time the Vice President of the United States, came forward on the solicitation of many of his friends and announced his candidacy. Then the Central Committee announced the name of Lazarus W. Powell, and confusion was worse confounded. But the tangle was not yet com- plete. Boyd felt mistreated because, as he claimed, the committee had not met certain conditions he had laid down in his resignation. Johnson at first refused to withdraw, with the result that the party was split asunder. County meetings were gotten up throughout the state to ratify the action of the Central Committee in naming Powell. In the face of this, and to save party unity, Johnson withdrew-but not without the feeling by him and his friends that he had been badly treated.47 The campaign was hotly fought by the democrats, with Powell carrying the fight into every county of the state, except ten. The old trick of maneu- vering in the Legislature to pass the resolution for firing the salute for the Battle of New Orleans was carried out in a little different fashion this year. A resolution was passed, but not signed by the governor until January 12, providing for the salute to New Orleans (but the anniversary had passed four days previously), for Washington's birthday, and for the battle of Buena Vista. The resolution so mixed passed the whig majority, and was signed by the governor in time to catch the last two occasions only.48 The result of the state election was a whig victory as usual, but not by the majority that the whigs once had. Even Critten- den was unable to carry the state by scarcely more than 8,000 majority in a total vote of over 110,000.49 The democrats took their defeat with good grace, with the feeling that it might have been much worse, and the next time victory might be theirs. A democratic editor said: "We do not intend to be captious about it-we were beat, and we stand a beating well; we are used to it." 50 Taylor carried the state by a major- ity of over 17,000 votes, beating Cass throughout the country by 163 electoral votes to 127, and Kentucky for the first time was honored with one of her sons in the Presidency. When Taylor passed through the state in February, 1849, he was enthusiastically received. The Legis- lature resolved to appoint a committee to meet him at Louisville and escort him to Frankfort, where his arrival was to be announced by a salute of thirty guns.51
44 Coleman, Life of John J. Crittenden, I, 301.
45 They became reconciled on Clay's death bed.
46 See Library of Southern Literature, XV, 65.
47 Kentucky Yeoman, March 30, April-June, 1848.
48 Acts of Kentucky, 1847, P. 479.
49 Collins, History of Kentucky, I, 57.
50 Kentucky Yeoman, Aug. 3, 1848.
51 Acts of Kentucky, 1848, p. 447. Resolutions of January 8th and 13th.
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From strong interests in national affairs, which had engaged most Kentuckians for the past decade, the state now turned to a problem persistent and long-standing-the calling of a convention to amend the Constitution. A demand arose for the revision of the Constitution of 1799 before that instrument was a half dozen years old, and it continued with varying degrees of intensity down until success was had in 1849.52 A strong recurrence of the movement came in 1837, when a bill for the first time passed the Legislature "to take the sense of the people as to the expediency and propriety of calling a convention to revise the Con- stitution of this state." 33 The fight was carried through chiefly as a democratic move, and generally opposed by the whigs. However, the reformers of every party and of every type and character stood for the convention for their own particular and peculiar reasons. Some wanted the judiciary elective, others wanted the Legislature elected every two years, while the emancipationist boldly seized the opportunity to urge the incorporation of an emancipation clause into the new constitution.54 The whig leaders were strongly opposed to the call, and early convinced themselves that this was a democratic trick to gain power and perpetuate it. They warned the whigs against voting for the convention.55 Or- lando Brown wrote Crittenden on the passage of the convention bill : "The Van Buren men are elated beyond measure, and well they may be. They have succeeded in opening the way for them to come into power and to perpetuate it. We, of course, will do our duty to stop the tide, but we battle with fearful odds." 56 But the democrats had started something they did not care to see continued, for the emancipationists made it virtually an anti-slavery fight. With or without their invitation, Northern abolitionists entered the fight and almost discredited it. The New York Emancipator considered it almost as a New York fight and roused up against the convention many Kentuckians who would have otherwise voted in its favor.57 The result was that only a few over 28,000 out of a total vote of more than 104,000 favored the convention. As less than 27 per cent of the voters, instead of the required majority, voted for the convention, the question was now dead.58
But there was discontent back of the convention question that could not be permanently silenced, even by the fear of abolitionists or emancipa- tionists gaining control. In January, 1847, the Legislature again passed a bill calling for a vote on a Constitutional Convention, carried in the House, 81 to 17, and in the Senate, 30 to 8. Again the democrats were found pushing the fight, but in a whig Legislature the foregoing vote indicated a strong whig support. The whig leaders feared to boldly and openly attack the convention; they rather remained silent and hoped. A very few of the whig editors supported it; more remained silent; and some opposed. The real friends of the convention sought to make the movement wholly non-partisan. They were partially successful. The first popular vote was taken in August, 1847, and resulted in a good majority favoring calling the convention. The vote stood 92,693 for the convention out of a total of 137,311 qualified voters in the state.59 Greatly heartened by this victory, the friends of a convention carried
52 In the session of 1805 the Legislature defeated a bill to submit the question to the people. Marshall, History of Kentucky, II, 374. In 1830 such a bill was defeated in the Senate by only one vote, having previously passed the House. Niles' Register, Vol. 37, p. 341.
63 Collins, History of Kentucky, I, 42.
54 Kentucky Gazette, Feb. 1, 1838.
55 Crittenden MSS., Vol. 6, Nos. 991-993. M. Brow to Crittenden, February 19, 1838.
56 Ibid., Vol. 5. Dated December 20, 1837.
57 Kentucky Gazette, March 22, 1838.
58 Vote given in Collins, History of Kentucky, I, 43.
59 Ibid., 54, 55; Niles' Register, Vol. 72, P. 400; Kentucky Yeomon, Aug. 19, 1847.
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forward the campaign for the next year with great vigor-a second ma- jority vote being required by the constitution before the convention could be called. The Convention, a newspaper edited by R. C. McKee in the interests of the convention during the past campaign, was continued, and the Examiner was continued by the opposition.60 When the vote was taken in August, 1848, it was found to be even much larger than the former one. Almost 102,000 out of a total qualified vote of slightly over 141,000 stood in favor of the convention.61 The Legislature was required to call for an election of delegates. Governor Crittenden, in his message of December 30, 1848, referred to the new situation with a touch of warning: "The people of Kentucky should remember that their old constitution has been to them the shadow of a great rock in a weary land ; that it has protected them in the midst of strong excitements and the most embittered party conflicts; and that it had the power to do this because it was not the work of party, but of patriotism and political wisdom." 62
As the time for the election for delegates approached, there was much searching of hearts and minds as to why the convention had been called and what should be done. The program of action for the con- vention ought not to be unknown and undefined before that body should meet, for in its hands lay the destiny of the state. Every ancient right and usage now came in their power to be amended or abolished. Every- one except the emancipationists was anxious to mark out the reforms that should be made, to set limits beyond which the convention should not go. This was done through a constant stream of articles in the press of the state from the voter with no pretense to leadership up to the statesman. A general meeting to map out a program for the convention was sug- gested and urged by the Kentucky Yeoman, to convene in Frankfort on January 8 (1849), but nothing came of its efforts. But in the early part of February a meeting was held at the same place, not well attended, which, however, laid down twelve reforms that should be carried out in the new constitution. It specifically urged that the relation between master and slave be left untouched.63 Other meetings were held at different places in the state, suggesting their reforms, and almost in- variably calling for no tampering with slavery. Both democrats and whigs were agreed on ignoring the slave question in the convention, with the former occupying the stronger position in the confidence of the peo- ple on that question.64
Apart from the disturbing question of slavery, which was kept so prominently before the people by the emancipationists, there were de- mands for various reforms that stood out. The people had long felt that their constitution was not abreast of the times, that it was far from being in accord with the advancement in democracy that had been made in other states, and that it ill comported with the desires of Kentuckians in this respect. The very heart of the movement was that a host of officials were appointed, whom they thought should be elected by the people. And foremost among these was the judiciary, which had been the cause of the bitter struggle in the days of the court troubles. Some saw a virtual tyranny in the thousands of judges, justices of the peace, sheriffs and various other officers whom the people had no power over in election.
60 See Kentucky Yeoman, Oct. 21, 1847.
61 Nites' Register, Vol. 75; Collins, History of Kentucky, I, 57; Kentucky Yeo- man, Aug. 7, 1848.
62 Coleman, Life of John J. Crittenden, I, 332.
63 Kentucky Yeoman, Jan. 25, et seq., 1849; Niles' Register, Vol. 75, pp. 122, 256.
64 The Democratic members of the Legislature met on January 23 (1849) and pledged themselves not to vote for Clay for United States Senator under any cir- cumstances "on account of his free soil principles, and, as we understand, his emanci- pation tendencies." Kentucky Yeoman, Feb. 1, 1849.
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One reform editor declared that the state was sorely beset by these ap- pointees, "in all four or five thousand officers, who visit every house, insinuate themselves into every man's business and their hands into every man's pockets-who are arbiters of our lives, liberties and property, and yet are totally irresponsible to the great appointing power-the peo- ple." 65 Closely connected with this horde of appointed office-holders, in fact an integral part of the system, was the long-decried practice of selling offices. As charged by the editor of the Kentucky Yeoman, "In very truth, the whole system of official appointments and tenures in this State at present is but one vast mart for the sale and retention of official plunder." He charged that it was one vast system of corruption and nepotism.66
There were many other lesser reforms desired-all looking toward a greater degree of democracy. Elections extended over a period of three days, and made it easy for corruptions and manipulations of many kinds to creep in. This should be changed by having all votes cast on one day. The state had wasted the people's money lavishly on internal improvement projects and in other ways, borrowing vast sums and ob- ligating unborn generations. The right of the Legislature to borrow money should be restricted. The people had seen time and again beau- tiful plans for popular education adopted and large sums of money set aside for the purpose ; but the people still remained uneducated and with- out a public school system. The new constitution should provide for the education of the masses, and the school fund should be protected. People overtaken by poverty and misfortune were sold out of their homes and all. A homestead exemption should be incorporated in the new instrument. Many people believed that it was a needless expense and a waste of the people's time without recompense to elect the Legis- lature every year and thereby have annual sessions. Biennial elections and sessions would better conserve the people's interests. A reappor- tionment of representation was also urged as necessary to the outgrowing centers of population. Each county had only one senator, regardless of its population. Jefferson County, with its great City of Louisville, which showed no signs of slacking in its fast population growth, had only one senator and, under the present arrangements, regardless of the increase, no greater representation in the Senate could be had. This should be remedied in the new constitution. The constitution was, fur- thermore, vague in numerous places-a vagueness which had on more than one occasion caused great trouble and inconvenience. The most dangerous of these obscurities was the method of providing for the gubernatorial succession. The dangerous commotion connected with Slaughter's accession was not forgotten. There was also a general dis- content with the character of the Legislature, and more particularly of the legislation they turned out. Bills without number, of the most trivial importance, were enacted, taking up the valuable time of the legislators, while vital measures were allowed to die. Special legislation ought to be prohibited. The Legislature which adjourned in 1848 was declared to have afforded a striking example of these evils. This Legislature passed about 600 laws, and it was charged that "not half a dozen of which will probably ever be of the least public utility to the country. They were engaged sixty days in every species of legislation it is possible to think of, and we venture to say if there had been no Legislature this winter, the country would have been one hundred thousand dollars better off. The number of private bills is unusually great, and the number of divorces alarming. There are forty-four distinct laws divorcing persons, and one of them, known during its passage through the Legislature as
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