USA > Kentucky > History of Kentucky, Volume II > Part 51
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33 Jan. 30, 1871.
34 Lexington Observer and Reporter, March 3, 1866. Act dated February 17, 1866.
85 Acts of Kentucky, 1871, pp. 12-14. Dated January 30, 1872.
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HISTORY OF KENTUCKY
settled conditions, and called upon the legislatures to enact stringent laws against mobs and roving bands. Rewards were offered and the militia was called out on certain occasions. Governor Leslie said in 1871, "In every instance brought legally to the notice of the Executive, all the means authorized by law have been employed to secure the arrest and trial of guilty parties. Rewards have been offered, requisitions issued, the militia ordered to render assistance in the arrest of criminals, and the public invoked by proclamation to discountenance the offenders, and aid in securing their punishment; and though acts perpetrated by such organized bands are decreasing in all sections of the Common- wealth, yet we cannot claim that they have entirely ceased." 36
In the election of 1866, the attempt of certain leaders to divide the democratic party had to a great extent failed; but the Union wing was still far from satisfied with the management by the Southern element. In the election of a United States senator in the early part of 1867 these two wings ran separate candidates, while the radicals ran a third. Powell was run by the Southern wing, while Garret Davis was the candidate of the Union wing. The radicals stood for various men during the long period over which the voting was carried. Although Powell always com- manded a plurality, he was unable to secure a majority. After twenty ballots had been taken, the two democratic factions came together and agreed on Davis. This was in one sense a victory for the Union wing, and it was thought that this would go a long way in bringing that faction back into complete harmony with the party.37
The democrats it seemed would now enter the coming campaign and election for Governor, Legislature, and Congressmen with a united front. Their convention was held in Frankfort on February 22, 1867, and the Southern wing with its skill and daring took complete control and nom- inated a ticket that was declared by the rest of the state to be "rebel throughout." John L. Helm was the nominee for governor and John W. Stevenson for lieutenant-governor.38 The party expressed its sentiments on the main issue of the times, thus, "We declare that the attempt that is now being made by Congress to reduce ten states in this Union to mere territorial dependencies, and to hold them as subjected provinces under the iron heel of military despotism, is not only the greatest political out- rage that was ever attempted in this country, but a malicious and flagrant violation of the Constitution and in direct conflict with the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States." 39 The Union faction was completely disgusted at this "theft of all the offices by the rebels." Led by Jacobs, Bramlette, and others it broke away from the democrats and began a movement to put a ticket of its own in the field. A call for a convention was made and an address issued to the people. It said in part, "No matter what may be his views as to the future policy of the Government ; no matter what he has risked, or what he has suffered for the advocacy of kindness and magnanimity to the South; no matter how true he may be to Southern interests, still if he was opposed to secession and rebellion, and favored the Union cause, he was to be proscribed by that party." 40 Their convention met in Louisville in April and nom- inated W. B. Kinkead for governor. The radicals, having decided to tone down in their advocacy of the extreme measures of the Congres- sional leaders, met in Frankfort in February, nominated Sidney M. Barnes for governor, and resolved, "That we declare our opposition to
36 Kentucky Yeoman, Dec. 6, 1871.
37 Cincinnati Daily Commercial through January, 1867; Collins, History of Ken- tucky, I, 176; American Annual Cyclopaedia, 1867, p. 421.
38 For a characterization of the whole ticket see Cincinnati Daily Commercial, Feb. 28, 1867.
89 American Annual Cyclopaedia, 1867, p. 422.
40 Cincinnati Daily Commercial, March 16, 1867.
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HISTORY OF KENTUCKY
the policy and projects of the rebel Democracy in Kentucky in their effort to render treason respectable at the expense of the brave men who wore the blue. * * *" 41
One of the outstanding points in the campaign was the Fourteenth Amendment, with the radicals defending it against the democrats and the democratic union conservatives, as the former Union wing of the democrats called themselves. The first test of strength came in the Con- gressional election, which took place in early May. The regular demo- crats made a clean sweep, electing all nine of the Congressmen. Accord- ing to the press account, "The election for Congressmen is over, and as might have been expected, loyal Kentucky has gone overwhelmingly for the rebels. Not one district has been carried not even a Councilman or a 'Squire elected. * * * Kentucky is today as effectually in the hands of the rebels as if they had every town and city garrisoned by their troops. With a rebel Governor, rebel Congressmen, rebel Statehouse and Senate, rebel Judges, rebel Mayors, rebel municipal officers, rebel policemen and constables, what is to become of the poor blacks and loyal white men God only knows." 42 The election in the following August gave the radicals fresh cause for feeling the pangs of defeat, for never in the history of the state since the days of Federalism had a party been so completely worsted by another. The regular democrats carried the state by an overwhelming majority over their combined opponents. The radi- cals polled only 33,939, which was more than 24,000 fewer than the pre- ceding year when they were aided by the Union wing of the democrats, and over 8,000 fewer than in 1865, when they ran alone. The Demo- cratic Union Conservatives polled few over 13,000 votes for Kinkead Well might the radicals feel that the "Dutch have carried Holland again." A Frankfort editor said, "The 'Lost Cause' is found again in Ken- tucky." 43 Another observer said, "Kentucky failed to secede in 1861. By a strange conjunction of circumstances what the rebels failed to do in that year, they freely realized in the year 1867." 44
Kentucky had so completely turned against the Congressional leaders and their whole program that there soon arose a cry to reconstruct the state, to place it under the Reconstruction Acts. This movement was aided by many Kentucky radicals, who saw in that method the only way to secure control. The correspondent to the Cincinnati Daily Commer- cial said, "To have been consistent, she ought to have seceded with the other Southern states. In that event she would have been whipped with them, and now permitted to enjoy the privileges and immunities of the Reconstruction Act." 45 One of the radical candidates for Congress, who had been defeated, declared, "Kentucky needs reconstruction, and must have it. She is today the most disloyal of all the states. Today she is more hostile to the national authority than any other state. Today she openly and flagrantly defies the laws of the nation's Congress." 46 The discontented radicals soon caught the ear of Charles Sumner, the radical leader in the United States Senate. He declared, "Nothing can be more certain than that Kentucky at this time, is without a republican form of government." 47 The first move was made when Congress met in a special session in July, 1867. A resolution was adopted to refer the credentials of the Kentucky members-elect to the Committee on Elec- tions as "the legal voters * > * have been overawed and prevented from
41 Lexington Observer and Reporter, March 6, 1867; American Annual Cyclo- paedia, 1867, p. 423.
42 Cincinnati Daily Commercial, May 13, 1867.
43 Semi-Weekly Frankfort Commonwealth, Aug. 9, 1867.
44 Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, March 27, 1868.
45 May 25, 1867.
46 Lexington Observer and Reporter, May 22, 1867.
47 Cincinnati Daily Commercial, May 31, 1867. Letter to Brisbin.
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HISTORY OF KENTUCKY
a true expression of their will and choice at the polls by those who have sympathized with or actually participated in the late rebellion." 48 A committee was appointed to visit Kentucky and inquire into the loyalty of the people and report on the conditions in the state. The work of this committee led nowhere; and eventually most of the democratic con- gressmen were seated. There can be little question that there was a well-laid plan by certain radical leaders in Kentucky and the radical leaders in Congress to bring the state under the Reconstruction Acts. But it was so clearly evident that Kentucky was honestly and peaceably overwhelmingly Southern in sentiment that no unusual election frauds had been used, that Congress feared to engage in so unwarranted a pro- gram as to reconstruct a state which had never seceded.
The Legislature elected in the autumn of 1867 met in the following December in no happy frame of mind toward the radicals. It condemned the attempt to reconstruct the state, and proceeded to rake the past for material to use against the whole course of the Federal Government in the state since 1861. The military regime was again examined, and the old contest with Burbridge reopened. The Fourteenth Amendment had already been indignantly rejected, and the Fifteenth was now treated likewise.49 The case of Judge Joshua F. Bullitt was resurrected and he was given complete exoneration. In 1864, Burbridge had sought to arrest him, despite his high position on the bench of the Court of Ap- peals, but the judge had escaped to Canada. In 1865, the Legislature investigated the subject, and declared that his place on the bench was vacant, not for the reasons urged by Burbridge that he was disloyal, but solely on the count that he had himself vacated it since he had fled the state.50 Regardless of the fact that there was no urgent reason for taking up the question now, the Legislature believed it was due Judge Bullitt that justice should be done him in the records. A resolution was passed declaring that whereas he had been forced "by military despotism" to leave the state, and as the civil authorities were under the domination of the military, the address of the governor removing him from office was unjust, "and the proceedings of the said General Assembly against him were a violation of the spirit of the Constitution ( which guarantees to every man a fair and impartial trial) ; a flagrant outrage upon his Constitutional rights; a manifest violation of all rules of equity and jus- tice, and an insult to the honor and dignity of the Commonwealth of Kentucky." 51
The political hold of the democrats on the state was not shaken for years to come and their complacency of mind was not to be disturbed until the Fifteenth Amendment gave them a scare with negro suffrage in 1870. By the end of 1867 the Democratic Union Conservatives had agreed to come back within the democratic fold, with the understanding that they should be given more influence in the party councils hereafter. As Governor Helm died five days after his inauguration, Stevenson be- came governor during the interval until a new election should be held. The next year (1868) was important in the political affairs of the state as the presidential election came in addition to the special gubernatorial contest. In the early part of the year Thomas C. McCreery was elected to the United States Senate to fill the unexpired term of James Guthrie, who had resigned on account of ill health. The Union candidate, Sidney M. Barnes, received only nine votes to 110 for McCreery. Preparations were made early in the year for the gubernatorial election. The demo- crats, now united, nominated Stevenson, and the radicals chose R. T.
48 Congressional Globe and Appendix, 40 Cong., 1 Sess., 468.
49 Acts of Kentucky, 1869, pp. 119, 120. This was done in its session of 1868- 1869.
50 Cincinnati Daily Gazette, June 1, 1865.
51 Acts of Kentucky, 1867, pp. 116, 117. Dated March 6, 1868.
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HISTORY OF KENTUCKY
Baker. The latter party had reached a rather low ebb in its fortunes, and during the campaign it failed to develop as great activity as had characterized it heretofore. It, therefore, should have caused little sur- prise anywhere, when on August 3, the democrats carried the state by the greatest majority in the history of the party, and the radicals fell to a new low level. The democratic majority was 88,965-Stevenson receiving 115,560, and Baker, 26,605. This unprecedented majority was surprising to the democrats themselves. A Lexington editor said, "We have known that a mighty evolution was going on in the minds of the people against radical rule, but we did not think, encouraging as every- thing seemed, that Stevenson would receive a larger majority than ever before was given to any candidate for office in Kentucky." 52 The presi- dential election in November brought out a considerably larger vote for the radicals but not sufficiently important to prevent the state from going for Seymour by more than 75,000 majority.53 The democrats also suc- ceeded in electing a full delegation to Congress. In the elections of 1869 the democrats succeeded in driving the radicals to new low levels in their popular vote and in their representation in the Legislature. The democrats easily elected the state treasurer, J. W. Tate, with their oppo- nents polling only 24,759 votes for E. R. Wing. The radicals succeeded in electing only eight members to the House, and holding two in the Senate. This Legislature in its first session elected Governor Stevenson to the United States Senate to take office in 1871.
The radical party in Kentucky had now sunk to about the limits neces- sary for existence, and it was plainly evident that something would have to be done to resuscitate it and put it on the highroads to power and respectability among Kentuckians. It would have to abandon the ex- treme radicalism of the Congressional group, from whom it had largely taken its inspiration in time past. The national political situation made this transition easy. With the inauguration of Grant as President, Con- gress ceased to stand apart in its leadership and more conservatism was soon apparent in the treatment of the South. A saner program and abler leaders became apparent about this time, and the so-called radical party was metamorphosed into the republican party of today. Such conservative men as John M. Harlan made the real republican party in Kentucky. There was also a gleam of hope in the enfranchisement of the negroes, who would vote for the first time in the elections of 1870. If this question were tactfully managed the republicans could expect to come within striking distance of offices from which they had long been far removed.
But negro suffrage was a dangerous political experiment for a party to hope to profit by in Kentucky. The negro question in its various aspects had been a continuous firebrand throughout the war and after. The democrats looked with many misgivings on this sudden enfranchise- ment of former slaves not only as an unwise political experiment, but also as a danger to their continuance in power. It was of no avail to them to condemn this brazen attempt to subvert a people and destroy their civil- ization ; something had to be done in a practical way to stay its progress as far as possible. It was, of course, taken as an established conclusion that the negro vote would go to the republicans; but some democrats held that their party should not spurn negro votes nor assume such an attitude as would make it virtually impossible for a negro to vote the democratic ticket. Henry Watterson was using the power of his pen in the Courier-Journal to set the democrats into a reasoning attitude on this subject as well as in other respects. He would have them recognize the results of the war whether they liked them or not. The Frankfort
52 Lexington Observer and Reporter, Aug. 8, 1868.
53 Tribune Almanac, 1869.
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HISTORY OF KENTUCKY
Weekly Commonwealth declared that the Courier-Journal and the demo- cratic party were "quarrelling over the valley of dry bones. The former is solicitous to cover them up and forever hide their repulsive vision from the sight of men, while the latter are as determined that they shall not be covered up but remain as idols of worship and objects of pro- found contemplation and personal adoration among the unregenerated at heart." 54 Although the democrats were accused of reorganizing the militia to resist negro suffrage, there was no intention of using force to keep the negro from the ballot box. To those well versed in the law and the constitution, there were many ways suggesting themselves for han- dling the problem. The charters of some cities were changed in such a way as to leave out of the corporation the section inhabited by negroes. Nicholasville thus escaped negro domination.55 Lexington received a revised charter, which moved up the election to a date before the negro suffrage should become effective and increased the term of her officers to three years.56 Danville used the most clever evasion. Her charter was amended to require three years residence for voting and to give the right to citizens of the county to vote in the municipal elections if they owned real estate in the city, "including the owners of Cemetery lots." The three years residence requirement excluded for the time the large number of negroes who had recently flocked to Danville, and the real estate clause allowed county citizens to buy four-inch strips of land in the city and thereby exercise the right of suffrage there.57
The democrats saw the election approaching with much trepidation. They strengthened their organization as far as possible and sought to reason with the negroes. Suffrage they declared would get the colored man nothing worth while but would likely cause him much trouble. Should negro workmen, they asked, expect to continue in the employ- ment of their democratic friends if they should use the ballot against the best interests of those who made it possible for them to live? The democrats also sought to stir up trouble for the republicans by urging the negroes to demand a division of the offices and to seek political equal- ity along all lines with their republican allies. A Georgetown editor dared "the radicals of Fayette or Scott to be just to the negro by nom- inating him for office." 58 Of course, the republicans could not jeopard- ize their white following by placing negroes on their ticket. The same disturber of the republicans exclaimed, "Negroes! you have been cheated by your professed friends. You have a large majority in the party and can control its action. You are entitled to a majority of the nomination, and you have been put off with idle promises." 59 The republicans sought to hold the negroes true to them and consoled themselves with the thoughts that "Elections in Kentucky hereafter won't be the one- sided affairs of 1867, 1868, and 1869." 60
The first elections of 1870 were for county officers, which took place in August. None of the dire results or political overturns that had been both hoped for and feared came to pass. On the contrary there were few disturbances and the democrats won as usual, but with reduced majorities. The democrats had successfully kept down the negro vote by election tricks. Negroes were questioned long and extensively be- fore being allowed to cast their ballots; they were made to produce tax receipts, and in general the handling of the negroes was done with great
54 July 22, 1870.
55 Acts of Kentucky, 1871, I, 4.
56 Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Jan. 25, 1870.
24, 1871, Aug. 5, 1870. 68 Georgetown Weekly Times, June 8, 1870.
57 Acts of Kentucky, 1871, I, 2, 252, 253; Frankfort Weekly Commonwealth, Feb. 59 Ibid., June 1, 1871.
60 Louisville Commercial, Feb. 11, 1870.
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HISTORY OF KENTUCKY
delay. It was declared by the republicans that whites were passed by the ballot box about four times faster than negroes. Even the critical Cincinnati Daily Commercial could say of the fairness of the election, "There was a wholesome respect for the law, and a resigned spirit of obedience to existing statues. Various dodges were resorted to to keep the blacks from the polls, but there were but few instances where a col- ored vote was rejected, when it was apparent that the voter was in all particulars qualified." 61 The democrats felt that their worst fears had not been justified and were able to dismiss the subject thus: "We have seen it and had it-negro suffrage in all its gorgeousness and have smelt it in the passing breeze." 62 A few negroes voted the democratic ticket. and were rewarded with new suits of clothes and flaming neckties to be the envy of many of their republican friends.63
In November the Congressional elections were held and the imme- diate results of negro suffrage on the strength of the republican vote is very clearly shown, according to the following table :
Congressional
District
Vote in 1868
Vote in 1870
I
1,73I
2.913
II
3,538
5,490
III
2,303
5,657
IV
1,751
3,831
V
. 1,525
5,426
VI
6,183
4.578
VII
.2,373
10,916
VIII
.9,861
12,202
IX
6,55I
6,242
But despite the addition of negro votes the democrats won all nine Congressmen, carrying the state by a total majority of over 31,000.
In 1871 the first gubernatorial election under negro suffrage was held. The republicans were distinctly on the road to greater influence and power in the state. The Louisville Commercial, the first republican daily newspaper of high standing to be established in the state, was started about this time and it began a campaign to put the party on a higher plane. It advised the republicans to ostracise the self-seeking so-called leaders who were attempting to use the negro vote for selfish ends. It also asked the negroes particularly to avoid them. The party sought to banish from its program the meaningless sectional issues used to fan into flames national prejudices and to confine its discussions to problems of direct interest to the state. Railroads should be encouraged and schools should be aided. John M. Harlan was nominated for gov- ernor and the party now began to play a new role with new leaders. An optimistic republican in the Louisville Commercial said of the new prospects, "The long, dark, dreary night of republicanism in Kentucky is fast passing away ; the grey streaks which foretell the coming day are plainly visible over the murky horizon, and if we act wisely, ere long our sun will shine forth in noonday splendor." 64 Harlan carried out a vigorous campaign, causing the democrats much worry and concern. Preston H. Leslie was nominated by the democrats on a platform which looked to the past more than to the future. The republicans sought to inject the question of the Cincinnati Southern Railroad into the cam- paign and promised their willingness to aid this great undertaking if
61 Aug. 8, 1861.
62 Georgetown Weekly Times, quoted in Cincinnati Daily Commercial, Aug.
8, 1870.
63 See Georgetown Weekly Times, Aug. 3, 1870.
64 Nov. 5, 1870.
Vol. II-23
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HISTORY OF KENTUCKY
given power.65 The democrats won by over 37,000 majority, but the republican vote jumped up to almost 90,000. The republicans also elected eighteen members to the House of the State Legislature. A Cin- cinnati editor said, "One more time and we shall fetch them. * * * The Kentucky democracy cannot stand another victory like that of this year." 66 Due to democratic dissentions in the state and nation, the re- publicans lacked less than 12,000 votes to carry the state for Grant against Horace Greeley.
Out of the hatreds and dissensions, confusion and corruption of this period following the war, two parties had evolved which by 1872, had run out of war issues and were now ready to contest the power of the state government on questions and problems of concern to Kentucky alone.
The social and economic development during this period had been beset with much the same confusion that had marked the political evolu- tion. Too often political animosities were not allowed to stop with politics but were protruded into the social and economic life of the people. Too often did the radicals complain that they were ostracised socially and boycotted in trade and commerce. The labor situation was highly uncertain with a continually moving population of newly freed negroes drifting about and roving over the state to forever remind themselves that they were actually free and need work no more. The Freedman's Bureau did more harm than good, due to mutual misunderstandings. Farmers for a time debated dispensing altogether with dependence for labor upon the negroes and importing whites from whatever region pos- sible or Chinese coolies. Up to 1867, in education the state had made no progress since 1861; indeed, it had scarcely recovered from the ravages of the war. But under the driving force and energy of Z. F. Smith, the superintendent of public instruction, the schools were put on a better basis. The tax rate was increased to 20 cents on the $100 of property, and with increased funds the whole system was set going again with vigor. Just as Robert J. Breckinridge had founded the public school system of the state, Zach F. Smith refounded and remade it after the blight of war had all but destroyed it. Attempts to stir up enthusiasm for woman suffrage afforded only amusement for a people busied with other problems of real importance. The prohibition movement was re- ceived with more interest and consideration and made no mean headway. The livestock business gradually recovered after the state had been aban- doned by the hungry armies, and before the end of the decade Texas cattle were being shipped in to be fattened before their final journey to market. The agricultural and livestock fairs returned to play a promi- nent part in agricultural advancement as well as in social betterment. New industries grew up and old ones enlarged themselves, and by 1870 the state was manufacturing products to the annual value of almost $55,000,000. Scarcely had the fighting ceased when the states seemed to have suddenly discovered its unbounded opportunities in developing its hidden mineral wealth and other natural resources, A mania burst forth for securing charters for oil wells, coal mines, and for running turnpikes to the most inaccessible regions. In the session of the Legis- lature beginning in December, 1865, more than sixty charters were granted to oil companies, about eighty-five to oil and mining companies, and thirty-five to turnpike companies. Improvements on the rivers were also being made, as a greater amount of coal began to float down from the mountains of the eastern part of the state.
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