History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources, Part 28

Author: Walling, A G pub
Publication date: 1884
Publisher: Portland, Or., A. G. Walling
Number of Pages: 832


USA > Oregon > Douglas County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 28
USA > Oregon > Jackson County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 28
USA > Oregon > Josephine County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 28
USA > Oregon > Coos County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 28
USA > Oregon > Curry County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 28


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72 | Part 73 | Part 74 | Part 75 | Part 76 | Part 77 | Part 78 | Part 79 | Part 80 | Part 81 | Part 82


Having suggested the most important immediate causes of the war, let us imagine that these causes have produced their inevitable effects, and that open hostilities exist. In such a case it is manifest that the ignoble causes would sink from sight, while pub- lie attention would become engrossed by the more important actual condition of affairs; and practical measures rather than theoretical speculation would be the order of the day. The varying feelings of all white inhabitants would become merged in a desire to speedily conquer, and possibly to exterminate their enemies. These would be the inevitable results, and we might expect those who previously had been the most con- servative and sympathetic to manifest the greatest vigor and enthusiasm on attacking the savages. The population then, we have abundant reason for saying, would become unanimous upon the breaking out of an Indian war. There would have existed a constant though indefinite dread of Indian retaliation among nearly all classes, and this feeling would have assumed a more serious import to men of family and to those who inhabited exposed places. By degrees this wearing annoyance would have become intensified, and the habit of expecting evil would have become, in the less steadfast minds, actually insupportable. The feeling then, we are assured, would have merged into one of deadly hostility towards Indians in general. It is difficult for us, in the calmness of every-day life, to conceive the feverish intensity of excitement to which man may be wrought, when the animal energies of his nature converge to a point, and the buoyancy of strength and courage reciprocates the influences of anxiety and solic- itude. We shall see the bearing of these remarks in treating of the beginning of the war of 1855-6, where they apply with distinguished force to the noted Lupton case. Thus we may believe it was less the actual Indian outrages that inspired the whites to violence than the soul-harrowing expectation of them. In corroboration of these views we find S. H. Culver, Indian agent at Table Rock, expressing himself as follows : " The feeling of hostility displayed by both parties would be almost impossible to realize except by personal observation. Worthy men of standing entertained senti- ments of bitter hostility entirely at variance with their general disposition."


The consideration of the causes of an Indian war divides itself naturally, as has been inferred, into two parts, namely: The immediate cause or causes, and the remote cause. Of the two, the latter is, from its generality, incomparably the more interesting and important, but its discussion leads ultimately to a train of philosophical specula- tions not in consonance with ordinary conceptions of history, and of interest to a very


195


INDIAN WARS.


slight proportion of readers. The student of American history, casting his eyes upon the records of the settlement of this land, observes the multifarious accounts of Indian wars, and remarking their similarity in cause and effect, instinctively assigns them to a single primary cause, sufficiently comprehensive and effective to have produced them. It would be unphilosophical to ascribe the cause of these innumerable yet similar wars to the isolated acts of individuals, although we may credit the latter with their immediate production. The primary cause, says one, is the progress of civilization, to which the Indians are normally opposed. As otherwise stated, the cause is the result of immi- gration and settlement, which are also in opposition to the wish of the Indians. Another authority states it thus: "The encroachments of a superior upon an inferior race." These three propositions appear to set forth three different consequences of a universal truth, but by no means the primary truth itself. Probably the fundamental reason could be found in race differences, or still more likely in some psychological principle akin to that by which men are led to inflict death by preference upon the wilder animals, mauifesting less hostility as species prove more tameable. Races are antagonized though mere facial differences ; and probably the principle, however it should be stated, enters into the actions and prejudices of even the most civilized and tolerant nations to au unsuspected extent.


Finally, if we sum up the opinions brought out by close study of all the phases of the question as to the origin of the war, it seems an unavoidable result of the analogy of the various Indian wars, that hostilities in Southern Oregon were unavoidable under any circumstances attainable at the time, inasmuch as there existed no Quaker colony headed by a William Penn, to peacefully and wisely uphold law and order. Second, the immediate causes of the wars were due to the bad conduct of both parties, but were chiefly caused by the injudicious and unjust acts of reckless or lawless and treacherous white men. After a careful examination of the following pages, the unprejudiced reader will probably acknowledge that these conclusions are stated in singularly moderate and dispassionate language.


CHAPTER XXIII.


FIRST CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE INDIANS.


Murder of Dilley-Other attacks-Arrival of Government Troops -- Battle with the Indians-Death of Captain Stewart-His Character-General Lane Arrives-Further Operations-The Indians Chastised-Governor Gaines Makes a Treaty with the Indians-Official Acts-Agent Skinner-More Complaints Against the In- dians-Affairs on the Coquille.


About May 15, 1851, a party of three white packers and two supposed friendly Indians camped about thirty miles south of the Rogue river crossing, probably near the site of Phoenix. During the night the two savages arose, and taking the only gun owned by the party shot and killed one Dilley, and then fled, carrying away the mules and packs. The other two whites escaped, and spread the news of the murder. Cap- tain Long, of Portland, then mining near Shasta Butte City (Yreka), raised a com- pany of thirty men to correct the savages, and proceeding north, encountered at some undesignated place a party of them. These they attacked, killing two and capturing four, of whom two were the daughters of the chief. The latter were held as hostages.


Probably in nearly the same locality, and certainly within the Rogue river valley, several other hostile occurrences took place, which are casually mentioned in the public prints of that time. On the first of June, 1851, a band of Indians had attacked twenty-six prospectors, but withdrew, doing no damage. On June second four men were attacked and robbed of their mules and packs while on the way to the mines. On the same day and near by, Nichols' pack-train was robbed of several animals and packs, and one man was hit in the heel by a bullet. Other travelers were beset at about the same time and place, one train losing, it was reported, four men. Says the Statesman: "The provisions stolen by these Indians were left untouched, because a Mr. Turner, of St. Louis, had killed several of them by allowing them to rob him of poisoned provisions (sixteen or seventeen years before)." On June third a party of thirty-two Oregonians under Dr. James McBride, and including also A. M. Richard- son, of San Jose, California ; James Barlow and Captain Turpin, of Clackamas county; Jesse Dodson and his son aged fourteen years ; Aaron Payne and Dillard Holman, of Yamhill county ; and Jesse Runnels, Presley Lovelady, and Richard Sparks, of Polk county; had a severe fight with the Indians near " Green Willow Springs, about twenty miles the other side of Rogue river crossing." At daybreak they were attacked by a party of Rogue River Indians under chief Chucklehead, as he was called by some whites. The assailed party had seventeen guns, the assailants about as many, the most of the latter being armed with bows and arrows. After fighting four and a half hours the Indian leader was killed and the rest retreated. The chief was in the act of aim- ing an arrow at James Barlow when Richardson shot him. Six or seven Indians were killed, but no hurt was done to the whites, excepting that Barlow was wounded in the


WALLING. LITH. PORTLAND, OR.


CEN. JOSEPH LANES TOMB, MASONIC CEMETERY, ROSEBURG.


197


INDIAN WARS.


thigh by an arrow. The Indians drove off four saddle and pack animals, one carrying about fifteen hundred dollars in gold dust.


These events, occurring in rapid sequence, deepened the before general impression of the hostile character of the Rogne Rivers and made it necessary that an armed force should be employed to pacificate the red men. Providentially, it happened at this juncture that Brevet Major P. Kearney, afterwards a celebrated general in the Union army, and killed at the battle of Chantilly, with a detachment of two com- panies of United States regulars, was on his way from the station at Vancouver to that of Benicia, California, guided by W. G. T'Vault. Approaching closely to the scene of hostilities he was invited to lend his aid in suppressing the savages. About the same time Governor Gaines, of Oregon, disquieted by the reports of Indian out- rages, set out from the seat of government with the design of using his executive authority to form a treaty with the offenders; and the task was made an easy one by the prompt and energetic action of Major Kearney and General Joseph Lane, who cleared a way for executive diplomacy, whereas, without their help his excellency would most certainly have failed of his laudable object and possibly have lost his scalp besides.


The most intelligible accounts which can be gathered represent that Major Kearney found the main body of the Indians on the right bank of Rogue river, about ten miles above Table Rock and nearly opposite the mouth of a small creek which enters the river from the east, and above Little Butte creek. The troops consisted of two com- panies ; one of dragoons, commanded by Captain Stewart, the other a rifle company, under Captain Walker. The latter officer crossed the river, probably with the design of cutting off the savages' retreat, while Captain Stewart, dismounting his men, charged upon the Indians who were gathered at a rancheria. The conflict was very short, the Indians fleeing almost immediately. A wounded Indian lay upon the ground, and Captain Stewart approached, revolver in hand, to dispatch him ; but the savage, fixing an arrow to his bow-string, discharged it at close range and pierced the captain's abdo- men, the point transfixing one of his kidneys. The fight and pursuit soon ended and the wounded man was taken to the camp of the detachment which spot was named, and subsequently for several years known as Camp Stewart, and is popularly supposed to be the spot where the battle occurred. Jesse Applegate is the authority for fixing the location as above stated. Accounts of the battle proceed to say that the wounded man was mortally injured, but remained sensible to the last. He lived a day, and, before dying said: " It is too bad to have fought through half the battles of the Mexican war to be killed here by an Indian." He was buried with military honors in a grave near the present village of Phoenix, nearly at the place where the ditch crosses the stage road, and where Mr. Culver's house now stands. In later years the remains were exhumed and taken to Washington to be re-interred near those of his mother. General Lane said of the deceased : " We have lost Captain Stewart, one of the bravest of the brave. A more gentlemanly man never lived; a more daring soldier never fell in battle."


Captain Stewart's engagement is supposed to have taken place on June 26 or 27. It happened that at the same time Major Alvord, with Jesse Applegate as guide, was making an examination of the canyon or Cow creek mountain, between the Umpqua


198


INDIAN WARS.


and Rogne river regions, to determine a feasible route for a military road. The sur- veying party, which included several other well known early pioneers as well as a small military escort, was in the neighborhood of Cow creek. At the same time Gen- eral Lane, who was on his way south, had arrived in the canyon. Here he was met by men who informed him of the occurrences of the preceding days, that a severe fight had taken place, and that the Indians were gathering from every quarter; that they were hy-as solluks, (fighting mad), and that heavy fighting was anticipated. This was news enough to arouse the warlike spirit of the General, and without losing a moment by delay he and his little party pushed for the scene of hostilities, anxious to be the first to strike a blow in the cause of humanity. It was characteristic of the man to make all possible haste to the scene, and accordingly we find him on Rogue river in the shortest possible time, an enthusiastic volunteer, armed with no military or civil authority, but taking, as became the man and the time, a most active and important part in the events of the succeeding days.


In his own words; "On Sunday night, while picketing our animals, an express rider came, who informed us that the Major [Kearney] had set out with his command that evening to make a forced march through the night and attack the enemy at day- break. Early Monday morning I set out with the hope of falling in with him or with the Indians retreating from him. We made a hard day's ride, but found no one. On Tuesday I proceeded to camp Stewart; but no tidings had been received from the Major. Late in the evening Captain Scott and T'Vault came in with a small party, for supplies and re-inforcements. They reported that the military had fought two skirmishes with the Indians, one early Monday morning, the other late in the afternoon, the Indians having, after wounding Stewart, posted themselves in a dense hummock where they defended themselves for four hours, escaping in the darkness. The Indians suffered severely, and several whites were injured.


" By nine o'clock at night we were on our way, and at two o'clock the next morn- ing we were in the Major's camp. Here I had the pleasure of meeting my friends Applegate [Jesse], Freaner, and others. Early in the morning we set out [soldiers and civilians together], proceeding down the river, and on Thursday morning crossed about seven miles from the ferry. We soon found an Indian trail leading up a large creek, and in a short time overtook and charged upon a party of Indians, killing one. The rest made their escape in dense chaparral. We again pushed rapidly forward and late in the evening attacked another party of Indians, taking twelve women and chil- dren and wounding several males who escaped. Here we camped; and next day scoured the country to Rogne river, crossing it at Table mountain and reaching camp at dark.


"The Indians have been completely whipped in every fight. Some fifty of them have been killed, many wounded, and thirty taken prisoners. Major Kearney has been in the saddle for more than ten days, scouring the country, and pouncing upon the Indians wherever they could be found. Never has an Indian country been invaded with better success nor at a better time. The establishing of a garrison in this district will be necessary for the preservation of peace. That done, and a good agent located here, we shall have no more trouble in this quarter. As for our prisoners, the Major was anxious to turn them over to the people of Oregon, to be delivered to the Superin-


-1


- --


199


INDIAN WARS.


tendent of Indian affairs; but no citizens could be found who were willing to take charge of them. Consequently he determined to take them to San Francisco and send them from there to Oregon."


A few days later when the troops and General Lane had reached the diggings near Yreka, the General himself, having determined to return to Oregon, took charge of the prisoners and delivered them to Governor Gaines, at the Rogue river crossing (near Vannoy's). The General closes his account by assigning due credit to different members of the expedition, as Major Kearney, Captain Walker, of the Rifles; Dr. Wil- liamson, Lieutenant Irvin, Messrs. Applegate, Scott, T'Vault, Armstrong, Blanchard and Boon, Col. Freaner and his volunteers, etc. Quite a number of miners assisted against the Indians, many having come from the newly discovered diggings on Jose- phine creek to take part. A great rush of men from Yreka and that vicinity had taken place just previous, and many of these, not finding sufficient inducements to remain, were on their way back to California, but stopped at Bear creek and lent their aid to suppress the Indians.


The campaign of June ended by the departure of the regulars, who took up their line of march for California and will be heard of no more in our story. But before the effects of their operations in the Rogue river valley had died away, and while most of the men who inflicted such sudden punishment on the Indians were still near by, Governor Gaines came to the Rogue river crossing and arranged a treaty of peace. The terms of this treaty mainly consist of a promise on the part of the Indians that they would be very good Indians indeed, and not kill or rob any more white men. They would stay on their own ground, which for official purposes was recognized as the north side of the river; and they would cheerfully obey the commands of what- ever individual was sent among them as agent. To this treaty the signatures of eleven chiefs were appended, whose bands were bound thereby to obey its stipulations. But the most troublesome and desperate individuals of the native tribes refused to be thus bound ; and the strong parties known as the Grave creek and Scisco mountain bands, refused to meet the governor or have aught to do with the treaty.


Something of an organization had been given to the department of Indian affairs of Oregon, by the creation of a superintendent thereof, who being the governor of the territory, held the former position ex officio. But the administration of this depart- ment not proving, for some reason, satisfactory to the authorities at Washington, the two offices were separated, and Doctor Anson Dart was appointed superintendent in 1851, soon after the Rogue river treaty was formed. Judge A. A. Skinner, formerly on the territorial bench, was chosen agent for the Indians of the southern part of the territory, and set about his duties. The judge was a gentleman of the strictest honor and probity, but was singularly unsuccessful in his dealings with the Rogue river bands. Within a short time after his accession to office, the terms of the Gaines treaty being still recognized, a number of white immigrants took up donation claims on the north side of Rogue river, within the region informally set apart for the Indians. Judge Skinner expostulated ; but commands and appeals to the new-comers were alike unheeded ; the settlers remained and the Indians took umbrage at what they consid- ered a breach of faith on the part of the whites. It does not appear that the intrud- ing settlers in all cases maintained a permanent residence upon the land assigned to


200


INDIAN WARS.


the Indians, and this cause of complaint seems never to have assumed much magni- tude. However that may have been, Judge Skinner was much liked by his wards, and was lamented by them at his departure. He was ever ready to interpose his authority, limited though it was, between the whites and the Indians, and with ampler power might have served to obviate, for a time, the ills of the subsequent year, though not even the ablest of minds could have permanently settled the causes at issue, since they were inevitably bound to terminate in war.


As some pretended to have foreseen the Gaines treaty proved an unmitigated fail- ure. Hardly had the governor set his face toward the valley of the Willamette, than quarrels, misunderstanding, and serious difficulties broke out between the red and white occupants of Rogue river valley and neighboring localities. The one race speedily grew "insolent" and the other began, as usual, reprisals. There were not wanting unprincipled men of both races, whose delight was to stir up war and contention, and ruffianly bands of either color paraded the country and a condition of terrorism pre- vailed. Among the Indians, it was said, were several white men who had adopted Indian dress and manners, and these, if such existed, as there doubtless did, must have proved among the worst enemies of peace. Much complaint of the Indians began to be rife very soon after the treaty was signed; and the Cow Creek Indians, always a pugna- cious tribe, were charged with the commission of several outrages within two months or that event. The whites mining at Big Bar and other places on the Rogue river, and industriously prospecting the numerous streams which flow into it, were in constant danger. Lieutenant Irvin, of the regular army, was kidnapped by two savages (Shastas probably) and a Frenchman, removed to the trackless woods, tied to a tree and sub- jected to many sorts of personal indignity. He escaped however, injured only in mind, but deeply convinced that the locality was too dangerous for a pleasant existence. This occurred in July. In consequence of this and other occurrences, General Hitchcock, commanding the Pacific Department, dispatched a force of twenty regular troops from Vancouver and Astoria to Port Orford, a newly located place on the coast of Curry county, thirty miles north of the mouth of Rogue river and then supposed to be accessible from the former seat of war near Table Rock. Subsequent explora- tions have dispelled this idea and proved that the military, so far as their effect upon the malcontents of the upper portion of Rogue river valley was concerned, might as well have been left at Vancouver. However, they were well sitnated to awe the hostiles who had broken out nearer the coast. Contemporaneously with the events above mentioned had occurred on the coast several incidents of the greatest celebrity. The accounts of two of these, the defense of Battle Rock, at Port Orford, and the mem- orable T'Vault-Williams exploring expedition, will be found in another part of this work, the space deemed suitable for their proper presentation being too extended for this article. The Indians of the Coquille river being thus found hostile, the detach- ment, somewhat re-inforced, proceeded under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Casey, to teach them a lesson. Dividing his small force into two bodies, the commander proceeded to the forks of the Coquille, and near the locality now called Myrtle Point, attacked a band of natives, who retreating from the one detachment fell in with and were beaten by the other. This took place in the autumn of 1851.


.


H


WALLING-LITH -PORTLAND. OR.


RESIDENCE OF CAPT. J.B. LEEDS, GARDINER, DOUGLAS GO.


CHAPTER XXIV.


HOSTILITIES OCCURRING IN 1852.


Events of the Year -- Murder of Woodman-Pursuit of the Murderers-The Steele Expedition-Affairs at Big Bend-A Slaughter of Indians-A Peace Talk-Steele Returns to Yreka -- Ben Wright-His Character -- The McDermit Expedition -Massacre at Bloody Point -- Ben Wright Sets Out for Tule Lake-The Indians De- feated-Discovery of Murdered Immigrants-Scouting at Tule Lake -- The Lost River Massacre-Three Ver- sions-Triumphal Return to Yreka-Concerning a Murder at Galice Creek or Vannoy's Ferry-Fort Jones Established.


The main events of importance in 1852 included the murder of Calvin Wood- man, the massacre of Bloody Point, wherein thirty-six persons lost their lives; and the killing of the seven miners on Rogue river, near the mouth of Galice creek. Of these events, only the last took place within the limits of Southern Oregon, but they are all of sufficiently connected interest to justify a narration herein.


The date of Woodman's death is unsettled ; the author of the history of Siskiyou says it occurred in May, 1852; but certain official documents, particularly a report on the number and names of those whites killed by various Indian tribes in Southern Oregon and Northern California, mention it as occurring in June of that year. June second has been specifically mentioned ; but the exact date is immaterial. The man- a miner-was killed while riding along the banks of Indian creek, a tributary of Scott river. Two Indians did the bloody deed, and fled. Quickly the whites gathered at Johnson's ranch and fired upon whatever Indian they could find, and making the peaceful natives of Scott valley the principal victims. These Indians who had never broken out into hostilities, but had rather signalized themselves by moderation and an obliging disposition toward the whites, retaliated upon occasion and severely wounded S. G. Whipple, the deputy sheriff, but late captain in the regular army. Old Tolo, Tyee John of Scott valley, and Tyee Jim offered themselves as hostages to secure the whites against the Shastas, and accompanied Elijah Steele to Yreka, where the real culprits were supposed to have fled. All were convinced that the Shastas had nothing to do with the murder, and that it was most probably committed by Rogue River Indians, who, it was said, had been seen in the vicinity, and who had now gone north to join Tipsu Tyee, or the bands on the river near Table Rock. There was a great deal of excitement at Yreka concerning the matter, and the court of sessions authorized Steele to apprehend the suspected parties, it not being supposed that much time or travel would be necessary to enable him to comply.




Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.