USA > Oregon > Douglas County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 37
USA > Oregon > Jackson County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 37
USA > Oregon > Josephine County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 37
USA > Oregon > Coos County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 37
USA > Oregon > Curry County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 37
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After the shell was fired, the regulars postponed further operations until the morrow, as night was near. When they arose the next morning their birds had flown and the cages were empty. Quite a force of volunteers had gathered upon the scene. There were Captain Rice and his company, from the upper end of Bear creek valley; some men of Alcorn's company, a few volunteers from Jacksonville, and a delegation from the Applegate. A much regretted event occurred during the day ; this was the killing of Martin Angell, of Jacksonville, who set out to accompany the regulars to Starr gulch, the scene of the siege. When two and a half miles from Jacksonville, on the Crescent City road, Angell and Walker, who were about two hundred and fifty yards in advance, were fired on by Indians concealed in the brush beside the road. Angell was killed instantly, four balls passing through his head and neck. Walker was not hit, but escaped death narrowly. When the troops came up the Indians had stripped the dead man and were just retreating into the brush. On the same day (Jan- uary 2,) Charles W. Hull was killed on the divide between Jackson and Jackass creeks, his body being soon found by scouts. Deceased was hunting, but becoming separated from his friends, was waylaid and murdered by Indians. These occurrences, happen- ing so near to the principal town of the whole region, made a very deep impression,
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and there were those who apprehended the greatest dangers from the "red devils." But happily these were not realized; and the clamors of war died from the listening ears in Jacksonville.
The history of the Applegate affair includes still another chapter. After it was found that the Indians had made their escape, the regulars returned to the quiet and seclusion of Fort Lane, while Major Bruce, who had arrived upon the field, set out with portions of Rice's, Williamson's and Alcorn's companies, to follow up the wily strategists who had so valiantly defended their positions, and so unexpectedly escaped. Following the trail of the fleeing Indians to the west, the scouts came upon a single Indian, who ran at the top of his speed directly to the Indian camp. The savages, warned by the shouting of the pursued, prepared for a fight and for quite a while resisted that part of Bruce's command which came into action, killing one man, Wiley Cash, of Alcorn's company, and seriously wounding Private Richardson, of O'Neal's company. Some ten or twelve horses, left unguarded by the whites, were taken by the Indians, and several more were shot. This fight occurred on the twenty-first of January, the locality being Murphy's creek, tributary to the Applegate. Only twenty- five men participated at first, but Lieutenant Armstrong came np with a small rein- forcement, and after a most plucky fight succeeded in saving the lives of the detach- ment. They were surrounded, and being separated from the main body of the troops, could not possibly have escaped but for the providential arrival. The total number of Indians engaged under the leadership of John was probably about fifty.
The organization of the "southern army," as it was called, it will be recollected, was begun by Colonel Jonh E. Ross. For some reason hard to make out, but certainly not from any reasonable cause, the command of the volunteers on Rogue river was, by proclamation of the governor, dated October 20, 1855, placed in the hands of two officers each with the rank of major, and possessing distinct commands. This notable piece of strategy proved not to succeed well, owing to causes which anyone could have foreseen, and after its ineffectiveness became apparent to the governor and his prime minister, Adjutant-General Barnum, the two battalions were united and elevated to the dignity of a regiment, and an election of colonel, lieutenant-colonel and majors was ordered for December seventh. Robert L. Williams was chosen colonel. This officer had attained a deserved reputation as an "Indian fighter," and was popularly supposed to be devoid of fear. His qualifications for the office consisted in a highly developed hatred of Indians, a thorough knowledge of their tactics, and the liking of his fellow-soldiers, who had elected him triumphantly over Bruce and Wilkinson, both efficient commanders. W. J. Martin became lieutenant-colonel, whose command was to be the "right column," which was a newly invented name for the northern battal- ion. James Bruce remained as major, commanding the "left column" (southern battalion), and Charles S. Drew continued in his place as adjutant. Colonel Williams' regiment was officially styled the second regiment of the Orgeon mounted volunteers, and consisted at the time of the colonel's election, of the companies of Captains Bailey, Buoy, Keeney, Rice, O'Neal, Wilkinson, Alcorn, Gordon, Chapman and Bledsoe, the aggregate on paper being 901 rank and file, but the effective force was much less. This imposing force lay the greater part of the winter separately stationed at various points wherever their services were required as guards. Occasionally something
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occurred to break the stagnant routine of camp life, but not often. An Indian raid might be expected, else the war would have lost all attraction. The main body of the army, lying in what is now Josephine county, centered at Vannoy's as their head- quarters. The right column remained about the southern boundary of Douglas county.
Almost the only interesting bit of information of a jocular character which survives to this day is the memorable trip of Captain Keeney from his post to the verdure-clad plains of the Willamette. Captain Keeney was dissatisfied with guard duty. He hun- gered for a sight of the hills of Lane county. He applied to Colonel Williams for a furlough, but his commanding officer refused, saying no furloughs would be granted until the last Indian in Southern Oregon was killed. The Captain persisted; the Colonel told him to " go to grass." Captain Keeney returned to his command and indignantly related the story of his wrongs, when a private suggested, "He probably meant the Willamette; that's the only grass we've seen." The Captain, elated, said, "Boys, shall we go to grass?" The answer was unanimously affirmative. They broke camp, a hundred strong, arrived in Roseburg December 27, and were in sight of their own homes in time to wish their friends a happy new year. The joke was a good one; bnt Lieutenant-Colonel William J. Martin failed to see it as such. He made it a part of his official business to prefer charges against the home-siek farmers who found the war so different from their joyous anticipations. This stern martinet accused Captain Keeney of disobedience to orders, abandoning his position in face of the enemy, " uni- form ungentlemanly conduct," and other like charges of formidable tenor. The gov- ernor suspended him, but at a later date, as we perceive, the company with their cap- tain were restored to all the rights and privileges pertaining to the most obedient, steady and reliable of soldiers.
In this time of monotony and ennui charges and counter-charges (verbal) were fre- quent. In February, Major Bruce incensed by the torpor of the volunteers, addressed a communication to Governor Curry, preferring charges against Colonel Williams for inactivity, failure to make public certain orders addressed by the Governor to the troops, etc. Captains O'Neal, Rice, Alcorn, and Wilkinson, also appended their names to these charges, whose outcome was the appointment of a brigadier general, to shoulder the responsibility which Williams was unequal to. These charges were based on the latter's supposed partiality toward a certain clique of speculators who were thought at the time and since, to be using their influence to prolong the war in order to further their pecuniary object. The whole subject of the war is entangled throughout with political and financial relations that are exceedingly difficult to unravel, and seem to ill repay the investigator, but nevertheless are so intermingled in people's minds with the cause of the war that it would be impossible to enter upon an examination without giving offense to those whose opinions are already formed. These chapters are written in the firm belief that hostilities with the aborigines were unavoidable, which it requires no very deep reasoning to make apparent. Wherever the Caucasian and the American Indian have come in contact, war and bloodshed have resulted. Even in the remote Eastern States, where the Pilgrim Fathers made head against opposing man and nature, the red men were the first and their worst enemies ; and even their Puritanical prin- ciples could not avoid a war of extermination. Then from analogy we declare that the removal of the Indians from Southern Oregon was a necessity. We admit its
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inexpediency, while on sentimental grounds we commiserate the unhappy and unfor- tunate humans whom ill-starred fate drove from a land which was theirs by the right of long possession.
Sometime in the last days of January Colonel Williams removed the headquarters of the army to Charles Drew's farm, known as Forest Dale, near Jacksonville, and began the construction of barracks, stables and other buildings suitable for his pur- poses. This measure proved an unfortunate one for him, as it created quite a burst of indignation, being thought to be instigated by the owner of the land, whose interests would be enhanced thereby. Very soon after J. K. Lamerick was appointed brigadier- general, and displaced Williams in the chief command, the latter retaining his rank of colonel of the second regiment, subordinate to Lamerick. The new selection does not seem to have been a very happy one; it was made at a time when much dissatis- faction existed against Lamerick, instigated, probably, by the speculative clique, and to add to his embarrassments, the period of enlistment of many men had come to an end, and these were receiving their discharges. The work of re-organizing the forces was very difficult. Most of the former captains and subordinate officers were preju- diced against the new general, and many of these declined to serve under him. The inaction of the troops through the winter had given ample opportunity for political manipulators and others to bias the minds of the troops as they chose, and those small politicians looked upon the war as affording a satisfactory opportunity to urge their claims for preferment.
By the middle of February two-thirds of the men had received their discharges, and the diminution of the necessary guards made it unsafe, we are told, for anybody to travel alone. Indians were seen repeatedly at points before deemed free from them, and alarm was felt lest there be a repetition of the sad tragedies of the preceding autumn. In this state of affairs General Lamerick removed the headquarters of the regiment again to Vannoy's, deeming that a more suitable place than the retired glades of Forest Dale. In February the companies of Bailey, Keeney, Gordon and Lewis received their final discharge, and those of O'Neal, Sheffield, Abel George, Bushey, M. M. Williams, Wallan, Robertson and Barnes were enlisted. Of these, Abel George and M. M. Williams had commanded companies attached to the ninth regi- ment, in the preceding fall; but being mastered out, along with numerous others, they had entered the service again at the date named. It was thought that it would be difficult to induce a sufficient number of men to enter the service, but these anticipa- tions were met by the re-enlistment of nearly every man of the discharged companies, and within a few days a sufficient force had been raised to meet all wants.
The weather continued unpropitious for military movements throughout the months of February and March, and whatever strategical operations were then resolved upon by General Lamerick were not carried out. The companies remained in winter quarters, guarding suspected localities and taking care of themselves. No incidents of much importance occurred during the time, the Indians remaining mostly at their old haunts upon the lower river, until a-weary of waiting to be attacked. They made disconnected attempts at robbery on sundry occasions, wherever arms or ammunition were to be obtained; but there is no record of serious loss of life from these raids, until the famous one of March twenty-fifth, when Evans' pack-train was robbed, and the battle of Eight-dollar Mountain was fought.
CHAPTER XXXI.
THE SPRING CAMPAIGN.
Removal of the Table Rock Band-Their Peaceful Character-A Flag of Truce-The Governor's Proclamation- Matters in Illinois Valley-A Pack-train Taken by Indians-Battle of Eight-dollar Mountain-Election of Officers of the Second Regiment A Grand Campaign Resolved Upon-March to the Meadows-Arrival at the Little Meadows-Reconnoissances in Force-The Enemy Found on Big Bar-A Plan of Attack-The Indians Retire-The Army at the Bar-Fort Lamerick Built-The Army Goes Home-Results.
Subsequent to the events just detailed, a transaction of considerable importance took place at the reservation across the river from Fort Lane. This was the removal of Chief Sam's band to the coast reservation west of the Willamette valley. It was mentioned in treating of the Indian outbreak of the ninth of October, that the Table Rock band took no part in those proceedings. On the contrary, the members of that band crossed the river to Fort Lane, and besought the protection of Captain Smith, assuring him of their peaceful feelings and deprecating the possible and ever probable violence of the white settlers, which, but for such protection, would surely have befallen them. During the succeeding months they remained under the immediate care of Captain Smith and Agent Ambrose (successor of Culver), and gave not the remotest cause for suspicion on the part of the whites. Chief Joe, celebrated as the foremost member of the Rogne River tribe, was dead. For a long time he had wielded with his brother the divided authority of the tribe. He had been eminent in council; he was not a despicable enemy in battle. He died at his lodge at the lower end of Big Bar not long after the Lane treaty was signed. Notwithstanding the loss of their wisest counsellor, the band remained true to the agreements made in 1853, and with a striking devotion to their word, refrained entirely from giving aid or countenance to the hostiles, in spite of the utmost inducements to a contrary course. The whole annals of Indian wars have nothing more admirable than the truth and firmness with which these sorely troubled yet constant barbarians maintained the honor of their obligations. Finally, when the bureau of Indian affairs had decided to remove all the natives from Southern Oregon, the Table Rock band-being with the Umpquas, the only Indians accessible to authority-were sent to the permanent reservation about Yaquina bay. Such was the state of public sentiment that a guard of one hundred soldiers was deemed necessary in order to protect this little remnant on their progress northward. And this, notwithstanding the fact that by their friendship for the whites, they had incurred the enmity of all the hostile Indians on Rogue river. The people of the Willamette valley, jealous of the removal of such celebrated warriors into their neighborhood, and scarce understanding the situation of affairs, called loudly for the citizens to raise an armed force to resist their coming, and exterminate them; but the excitement soon calmed, and the Indians found a final home by the shores of the Pacific.
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Equally illustrative of the tone of public feeling, was a circumstance which hap- pened about the middle of February, a little time subsequent to the departure of the Table Rock band. At this time Chiefs Limpy and George, with about thirty warriors well armed, and mounted on horses, some of which carried two braves and others three, came up from the Meadows carrying flags of truce, and camped on the reserva- tion opposite Fort Lane. They sent a messenger to Captain Smith to announce their arrival and desire for a talk. Their object was not to make peace, but to secure the surrender of some squaws who were in the hands of the agent. The news of their arrival got abroad instantly, and the various volunteer companies assembled at Forest Dale in haste, no one yet understanding the circumstances, but all inquiring as to the purpose of the invasion. Messengers went to the fort and were informed that the regulars would not allow the Indians to be molested in consequence of their coming under a flag of truce, as these same Indians had respected that symbol on a certain occasion. The law of nations and the regular army prevailed in spite of threat, and the savages returned unmolested to their lair. The Sentinel published a fiery editorial against the United States troops, and refused to be pacified. "We are informed by Major Bruce that Captain Smith said that if anyone fired upon the Indians, he would return the fire. We would ask if our citizen soldiery are to be intimidated by the threat of any one from avenging the innocent blood that these savages have caused to flow?" This sort of rhetoric did the Indians no hurt; but it proved very expensive to those who furnished army supplies.
Returning to our main subject, we find that the Illinois Indians, previously at the Indian encampment at the Meadows on Rogue river, had become tired of the monotony of life sufficiently to induce them to make trips to their old hunting grounds in search of plunder, and excitement. On the twelfth of February they killed John Guess in his field on Deer creek, leaving him dead in the furrow. On the morning of March 24, news came to Vannoy's that the enemy had ambushed and killed two travelers, Wright, Vannoy's partner, and Private Olney, of O'Neal's company, who were encamped at the foot of Eight-dollar mountain, and that the attacking party had at a later hour met another party consisting of five men, and mortally wounded John Davis. Orders were at once sent by Major Bruce to the various companies of his battalion to repair instantly to Fort Vannoy. Captain Hugh O'Neal, who with his company was nearest to the scene of action, had immediately set out for Hays' ranch, or Fort Hays, as it was called. Hoping to reach there before the Indians could do so, as that post had but few defenders. A sharp skirmish ensued when within a few hundred yards of the post and private Caldwell was mortally wounded, and some pack mules loaded with provisions etc., were taken by the Indians, who besieged the fort after the volunteers had taken refuge within it. The enemy abandoned the ground, during the night, and returning along the road southward, met and attacked Evans' pack-train which was coming from Crescent City. They killed a Mexican packer, and wounded "Big Dave." Evans escaped to Reeves' farm, but the mules and packs were all captured by the marauders, who gained a large amount of ammunition by the capture. On receiving the news of this late attack, Lieutenant-Colonel W. W. Chapman (recently elected to that office) ordered Major Bruce to attack the enemy with all his available force. There were per- haps 125 men who proceeded under the Major's orders to the scene of Evans' misfortune.
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WALLING.LITH-PORTLAND-OR.
RESIDENCE OF I.B. NICHOLS, COW CREEK VALLEY, DOUGLAS CO.
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The foremost of these engaged the enemy while yet the remainder were dismounting. All horses were left at the foot of the hill which it was necessary to ascend to find the enemy ; and a long line of battle, reaching several hundred yards along the side of the mountain, was formed and the troops advanced up the rise. Private Collins led the way up but was shot dead when near the top, falling in the road. John McCarty was also shot, dying soon after, and Private Phillips was mortally wounded. Abel George's men dismounted, and tying their horses to a fence, started up hill on the side next Deer creek, intending to outflank the Indians, while Captain M. M. Williams engaged them in front, assisted by members of Alcorn, Rice's (Miller's) and other companies. Major Bruce with about fifty men kept along the road to the place where Collins fell. The battle was now a lively one; the rattle of rifles and revolvers was almost continuous, and frequent attempts were made by each party to charge the other. All sought cover, and there was little chance for life for the man who neglected thus to protect himself. At this interesting juncture a shout was raised that the Indians were making off with the horses, left at the foot of the hill. A number of the savages, spy- ing the condition of affairs ran hastily to the spot and mounting some and leading others, escaped with some fifteen of the animals belonging to Abel George's Yreka company.
The most of the fighting for a time was done by M. M. Williams and about a score of his bravest men, who stood their ground valiantly, and only retreated when the Indians had nearly or quite surrounded them. Alcorn's men and others fought well, also, but the general applause was marred by the conduct of a great many who either ran away during the fight, or else could not be brought into it at all. Over 200 men were within sound of the firing, but not one half that number took any part in the fight, and probably not over fifty engaged in it with energy and resolution. A hundred or more of the readiest fighters ever known among the Indians of this continent held with determination the hill and the thick woods and successfully barred the way. Against this force the volunteers effected nothing. Shortly they began to retire, and gaining the base of the hill, they mounted and returned to Fort Hays, hardly yet sensible of a defeat. The Indians withdrew in their characteristic manner and hostilities for the time were over.
Lieutenant-Colonel Chapman now established a permanent camp at Fort Hays, making it the headquarters of the companies of Alcorn, George, O'Neal, Wilkinson and Williams, and of himself, Major Bruce and Regimental Surgeon Douthitt.
On the eighteenth of March, 1856, an election was held in the various camps of the second regiment, and John Kelsey became colonel of the regiment in place of Williams, W. W. Chapman succeeded W. J. Martin as lieutenant colonel, and James Bruce and W. L. Latshaw were elected majors of the two battalions. The respective positions of the battalions remained unchanged or nearly so, that of Bruce being stationed in the Illinois and Rogue river valleys, while that of Latshaw occupied various posts in the southern part of Douglas county, notably Fort Sheffield, so-called, on Cow creek, a post in Camas valley, Fort Leland, on Grave or Leland creek, Fort Relief and other points considered to be of strategical importance. The total force of the second regi- ment, as appears by the rolls, was 807 non-commissioned officers and men, commanded by fifty-one commissioned officers inclusive of the staff. 33
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With a portion of this force General Lamerick set out in April for an active cam- paign to the Big Meadows, on Rogue river, then recognized as the rallying point and base of supplies of the entire horde of hostiles, known to number at least 250 and popularly supposed to be twice as numerous. Having collected all his available force at the mouth of the Applegate, the General appointed a day of parade, and fixed upon the fourteenth of April as the day for setting out upon the proposed expedition. On the morning of that day the army set out, under the immediate command of Lieuten- ant Colonel Chapman, who proceeded in advance with one hundred men, guided by the scouts of Lewis and Bushey. A very long pack-train came next, and Major Bruce brought up the rear with the remaining volunteers. A herd of beef cattle was driven along as a part of the commissariat, to be drawn upon as occasion required, and ample provision had been made for anticipated emergencies, even to supplying a couple of canvas boats, portable and collapsable, to be used in crossing the river. Shovels for constructing roads were supplied, and twenty-five days' rations were taken, besides 100 rounds of ammunition for each soldier. General Lamerick announced his intention to remain ont until the Indians were completely conquered, or until the army had to return for provisions.
The southern battalion marched down the south side of Rogue river, and in two or three days reached Peavine mountain, some twelve miles from the Little Meadows of Rogue river, the objective point of Colonel Kelsey's command. This latter division fitted out at Fort Leland, on Grave creek, and set out on or about the seven- teenth of April and arrived safely at their destination within two or three days, having come via Whiskey creek. No enemy was met upon the route but shortly after halting at the end of their march the pickets were fired upon by concealed Indians, whom a diligent search failed to discover. The country over which each detachment passed was thoroughly "scoured" by large numbers of scouts, and Indian " sign" in abundance was found, but the wily savages retired secretly before the army, and made no stand. On April twenty-seventh, three men, McDonald, Harkness, and Waggoner, express riders between Lamerick's command and Fort Leland, were attacked by Indians at Whiskey creek, and Harkness, a partner of James Twogood, in the Leland Creek House (otherwise called the Grave Creek House), was killed. His body was found horribly mutilated.
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