USA > Oregon > Douglas County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 30
USA > Oregon > Jackson County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 30
USA > Oregon > Josephine County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 30
USA > Oregon > Coos County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 30
USA > Oregon > Curry County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 30
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WALLING-LITH-PORTLAND-DR.
STORE AND RESIDENCE OF C. MAGRUDER, CENTRAL POINT, JACKSON CO.
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Indians were hanged, though Taylor tried to excuse himself by saying he only stabbed the whites with a little knife, while the others used large ones.
Thus runs the account, and as it is the only account known to be in existence, we have an important case to consider, without any corroborative evidence whatever, for there were no eye-witnesses to the murder after the Indians had suffered for the crime. There was no investigation at all ; and if such had been fully made it might have resulted in showing that the seven missing miners had, with the characteristic rest- lessness of their class, packed up their tools and left unceremoniously for richer placers, some time before they began to be missed. It is certainly a common enough proceed- ing for miners to desert their claims without giving notice, and possibly this is what the seven did.
It was in the fall of 1852 that Fort Jones, in Scott valley, Siskiyou county, was established. Major Fitzgerald, on returning from the Modoc country, somewhat before the Lost river massacre by Ben Wright, selected the site of the new post, whose first garrison was his company of dragoons. The major being soon ordered hence, was relieved in command of the post by Captain B. R. Alden, and he by Captain, afterwards Major General H. M. Judah. Under the latter were three lieutenants, J. C. Bonnicastle, George Crook and J. B. Hood. The two latter names are now house- hold words for the American people. Crook, as is well known, fought well against the rebellion and became a major general of volunteers, and since the war has done invaluable service as a subluer of Indians, winning thereby a great reputation. Hood was even more famous during the civil war, and taking sides with the south was Joe Johnston's successor in command of the great army that faced Sherman in his cele- brated Atlanta campaign and was disastrously beaten by Thomas at Nashville. Gen- eral Hood died several years since.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE WAR OF 1853.
A Prejudiced Writer Criticised-How the Indians Procured their Arms-Indian Characteristics-Their Allies Not to be Depended on-The Cow Creeks and Grave Creeks in Trouble -- The Rogue Rivers Commit Outrages- - Murder of Edwards An Indian's Revenge-Murder of Wills and Nolan-Killing of Hodgings, Gibbs, Smith, and Whitmore-Miners and Settlers Seek Safety-Organization of a Military Force-Californians Offer their Services-Energetic Officers and Efficient Troops-The Indians also Organize-The First Fight an Indian Victory-Lieutenant Griffin's Battle-Disgraceful Atrocities- The Governor and General Lane Appealed to -- The Indians Evacuate Table Rock-Ely's Desperate Fight-General Lane Arrives and Assumes Command- Disposition for a Campaign-The Army Follows the Indians Finds Them-Battle of Evans' Creek-A Drawn Battle-General Lane Wounded-A Peace Talk-Armistice Arranged-Casualties.
A certain writer for the public prints, while treating of the condition of the In- dian affairs in Southern Oregon in the early part of 1853, made use of the following language :
" The summary justice dealt out to ' Taylor' had the effect to somewhat check for a time the depredations of the Indians north of the Siskiyous, and they became more friendly, and more profuse in their expressions of good will toward the whites. These professions proved only a blind, however, under which the Indians matured plans, and collected munitions of war for the renewal of hostilities on a larger scale. By resort- ing to this ruse, they were enabled to augment their forces from neighboring tribes, and form alliances unsuspected by the whites. In the meantime, being allowed access to the premises of the settlers, they procured more or less guns and pistols by theft or otherwise ; and also to accumulate considerable ammunition. In those days all the tea brought into the country was put up in lead caddies, which being emptied, were thrown out with the rubbish, and from this source the Indians collected a very abund- ant supply of lead, and through a few unprincipled dealers they procured a large amount of powder."
It may be a pleasing diversion to examine a few of the statements made with such assurance. It is said that the Indians began, in the spring of 1853, to court the friendship of the whites. This article evidently refers to the Rogue Rivers almost exclusively, thus seeming to imply that this tribe had not thus far been friendly to the whites. Yet there is an immense amount of first-rate evidence to show that this tribe was on excellent terms with the whites in 1852, both before and after the fight at Big Bend. So quickly were the scars of war healed that Sam and Joe felt highly aggrieved because they were not invited to the celebration given at Jacksonville in honor of Cap- tain Lamerick and his brave followers. Several highly respected pioneer inhabitants of Jacksonville, including two or more ladies, have now (1883) given testimony con- cerning the unvarying courtesy and gentleness of the principal chiefs of the tribe, when met in times of peace. Sam and Joe, they say, were favored guests in private
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houses ; and by their dignified and manly ways, won the approbation of all who could appreciate their simple yet honorable character. They were, to be sure, only ignorant and uncultured savages, and perhaps entirely incapable of a high degree of civiliza- tion ; yet with proper treatment they remained harmless and peaceable individuals, however intractable and fierce a great part of their tribe might have been. To charge these simple natives, who were merely children of a larger growth, with such a degree of duplicity as that implied by the writer we have quoted, seems absurd. And at the time mentioned nearly all the Rogue Rivers were in the habit of coming into Jack- sonville, where they begged food, fraternized with the lowest whites, and were friendly to all. Sam, Joe, Tipsu Tyee, Queen Mary, and others were familiar figures. These barbarian aristocrats were immeasurably above their subjects, as they never conde- scended to beg, but took with ready grace what was offered. Their indignation was quickly roused when their worth and dignity were slighted, and to neglect to invite them to eat at the dinner hour was an offense which their hanghty blood could not brook. Upon such occasions they would stalk indignantly homeward. Tipsu Tyee, whose home was in the mountains between Applegate and Bear creeks, used frequently to be seen in Jacksonville. This savage, less interesting and attractive than the others, was a bugbear to the miners and settlers, because of his occasional "insolence" and mysterious character. Yet his impulses were not all bad, as the following anecdote will show. This is given on the authority of Henry Klippel, who was an eye-witness. John Sands, a rough miner, intoxicated himself, and meeting Tipsu Tyee in Jaek- sonville, struck him over the head with a stick. The insulted savage, bow in hand, drew an arrow to the head, and appeared about to pierce his assailant's heart; but shout- ing "Hi yu lum; nika wake memeloose mika!" lowered his bow. Experts in the Chinook jargon translate the above as "You are very drunk, or I would kill you!" This is certainly a case of forbearance on the Indian's part, as he had ample opportunity for escape to his brushy kingdom in the hills.
Such incidents and peculiarities throw considerable light upon the character of the savages, and go far to prove the improbability of any such deep plots as many have ascribed. Their schemes could not have taken such a range as we are assured they did. All that we can allow in this connection is that the Indians were in time of war accustomed to receive re-inforcements from such neighboring tribes as were accustomed to fraternize with them in time of peace. But it should not be supposed that this aid was regularly granted or withheld by the chiefs or headmen of the neighboring tribes, for on such occasions the young men were accustomed to use their own discretion as to their individual acts of assistance, and were not under sufficiently strict command to be deterred from doing as they liked in that regard. There is a restless element in every tribe and on every reservation, consisting chiefly of young braves desirous of achieving renown in battle, and the history of Indian wars, almost without an exception, shows that the ranks of the hostiles are swelled by such volunteers from neighboring tribes, without any preconcerted arrangement being made; and, it may be remarked, this element seems at times as willing to fight on one side as the other, and to their assist- ance we owe many of our greatest victories over hostile tribes. The extent of the aid furnished is an important, but indeterminate matter. It seems consistent with the Indian character that aid so furnished would be of a most unreliable sort indeed. It
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would most likely occur that the volatile young warriors would desert the cause of their friends when the novelty of the occasion was worn off. Such seems to have been the case in the principal war in Southern Oregon, as we shall see. Before dismissing the subject we may enunciate the broad general truth, that the tribes of American Indians have been found altogether unable to combine together in the sense in which political combinations are spoken of. It is a significant fact that not even Tecumseh nor Pontiac nor King Philip was able to unite several tribes permanently against the whites. Had the latter, with his consummate strategy, been able to consolidate the New England tribes, the unavoidable result would have been to exterminate the Puri- tan colonists of that country. It is true of the Indians of New York and generally throughout the thirteen original colonies, that in their incipiency a thorough union of the hostile tribes would have resulted in a total extinction of the white inhabitants; but providentially for the pioneers of these now powerful and prosperous states, the Indian character was incapable of such union. It is true that Pontiac, and afterwards Tecumseh and his brother the Prophet, brought about a sort of confederacy between the great Indian tribes of the Ohio valley; but these existed for but little time; and we may conclude that if these chiefs of experience and intelligence, operating as they did at a great distance from the whites, could not effectually unite the Indians of their time, the Rogue River chiefs, surrounded and watched by whites, most certainly could not effect that result. It appears consistent to allow only that the Indian allies were but chance visitors or errant warriors from neighboring tribes.
The writer further says: "They procured more or less guns and pistols by theft and otherwise." Giving its due weight to the word otherwise, no one can dispute that assertion. To ascribe procurement by theft, when it is an undisputed fact that their arms were usually procured by a much viler means, is to avoid a topic whose relative importance excuses the indelicacy of naming it. Every one of experience knows that the Indians often came into possession of their guns, horses, ammunition and other valuables through the sale of their women. It is useless to disguise the fact. White men became the eager purchasers, and the Indian who had traded a bad wife for a good gun, felt equally the gainer. Thus both parties were satisfied and harmony prevailed. But by and by the new found bride might tire of her white lord, and taking advantage of his absence, might run away, seeking again the wigwam of her earliest love. In such a case the impassive brave awaited the coming also of the white Lothario, whose judgment was warped by affection, and who to regain the society of his bright particu- lar star, would give a second gun. Thus the Indians grew rich in guns, while the white men found their compensation in gentle woman's blessed companionship. Thus the Indian warriors placed themselves on a war footing, while the whites were figura- tively sunk in luxurious ease. This is certainly an easier mode of providing arms and munitions of war than by theft, even were Sam and Joe's men such expert thieves as certain individuals insist.
Throughout the spring and the first part of the summer of 1853 little was heard of the depredations of the savages, only one incident seeming to mar the ordinary relations of white man and native. The event referred to was the murder of two miners, one an American, the other a Mexican, in their cabin on Cow creek, and the robbery of their domicile. As a matter of course the deed was laid to Indians and probably
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WALLING-LITH-PORTLAND-OR.
SAW MILL, STORE AND SHIP YARD, PROPERTY OF E. B.DEAN & CO. MARSHFIELD, Coos Co.
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justly; for the Indians along that creek had a very bad reputation. They were of the Umpqua family, but had independent chiefs and were far more fierce and formidable than the humble natives of the Umpqua valley proper. They had committed several small acts of depredation on the settlers in that vicinity, such as attempting to burn grain-fields, out-buildings, etc., but had not, it appears, entered upon any more danger- ons work until the killing referred to. The unfortunate Grave creek band allowed themselves to be mixed up in the affair, and suffered ill consequences ; for a party of whites proceeded to their encampment and fired unceremoniously into it, killing one Indian and wounding another. The total number of Grave Creek Indians who were killed in consequence of their supposed complicity in the acts and in the so-called mur- der on Galice creek previously spoken of was eleven; of whom six were hanged and five shot. The Grave creek tribe was rapidly becoming extinct.
In August, 1853, the Indians broke out into open war, or to limit this assertion somewhat, certain Indians, indifferently from various bands of the Rogue Rivers, com- mitted several bloody atrocities in the valley, alarming the settlers and causing them to seek the protection of fortified places, while the Table Rock band under Sam and Joe, joined by several other bands, left their pleasant location and retired to the hills to escape the vengeance of the whites from whom their leaders wished to permanently remove.
On the fourth of August the first act of the new era of hostilities took place, being the murder of Edward Edwards, an old farmer, residing on Bear creek, about two and a half miles below the town site of Phoenix. In his absence the murderers. secreted themselves in his cabin, and on his return at noon, shot him with his own gun, and after pillaging the house, fled to the hills. There were but few concerned in the deed, and subsequent developments fixed the guilt upon Indian Thompson, who was surrendered by the chiefs at Table Rock, tried in the United States circuit court in February, 1854, and hanged two days later. According to the prevailing account of the circumstances of this murder, the deed was committed in revenge for an act of injustice perpetrated on an Indian by a Mexican named Debusha, who enticed or ab- ducted a squaw from Jim's village, and when the chief and the woman's husband went to reclaim her they were met by threats of shooting. Naturally disturbed by the affair, the aggrieved brave started upon a tour of vengeance against the white race, killing Edwards and attempting other crimes. Colonel Ross, a prominent actor in the events that followed, identifies the murderer as Pe-oos-e-cut, a nephew of Chief John, of the Applegates, and represents the difficulty substantially as above stated, adding the particulars that Debusha had bought the squaw, of whom the Indian had been the lover. She ran away to a camp on Bear creek, and the Mexican, with Charles Harris, went to the camp and took her from Pe-oos-e-cut, much to his anger and grief. The disappointed lover next day began venting his rage against the whites by killing cattle and also shot Edwards as described. No sooner had the murder become known, than other savages became imbued with a desire to kill, and during the following fortnight several murders were committed, through treachery mainly.
On August fifth, occurred the murder of Thomas Wills, a member of the firm of Wills & Kyle, merchants of Jacksonville, who was shot when near the Berry house, on the Phoenix road, and almost within the town of Jacksonville. The murder was
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committed at about the hour of twilight. The report of the Indian's gun was heard, as well as the wounded man's cries, and immediately his saddle-mule galloped into town, with blood on the saddle. Men went hurriedly to his assistance, but saw no Indians. The wound was through the back-bone, and necessarily fatal, although the victim lingered until August seventeenth. Excitement prevailed throughout the place and every man of Jacksonville's overflowing population armed himself and constituted himself a member of an impromptu committee of safety. The alarm was increased by a third murder which took place the following morning (August sixth.) The vic- tim was Rhodes Nolan, a miner on Jackson creek, who, in returning from town, at sunrise, after a night of watching to repel anticipated assaults, was shot as he entered his cabin door.
Somewhat later than the events mentioned above, a very serious murder, or per- haps it may be called massacre, took place in the upper part of Bear creek, resulting in the death of several persons aud the serious wounding of others. Tipsu Tyee became hostile, probably in consequence of the influence of the Indians in the lower valley, and an attack was made on settlers in the vicinity of the site of Ashland. Tipsu Tyee was not present at this event, and no evidence tends to show the degree of his participation therein; nor is it material to the story. A detached party of his band, under sub-chief Sambo, being temporarily encamped on Neil creek at the time of the Edwards-Wills-Nolan murders, excited the suspicion of the white men newly settled in the upper part of Bear creek valley and on tributary streams, who united to the number of twelve and proceeded to the Indian camp. The whites being armed, fired on the savages, who took refuge, as is their invariable custom, in the brush, whence they fired at the whites and shot Patrick Dunn through the left shoulder and Andrew Carter through the left arm. "One Indian only is known to have been killed, and a few slightly wounded." According to the accounts of interested parties this action ocenrred on the thirteenth of August. On the same day or that following, the Indian women and children of the encampment were collected and taken to the camp of the whites, which was the house of Messrs. Alberding and Dunn (now the General Tolman place), where a stockade had been constructed for the protection of the settlers and their families. On the seventeenth, Sambo and his warriors, number- ing a dozen or so, came in voluntarily and surrendered to the whites and were pro- vided for and retained at the "fort." Several families, including those of Samuel Grubb, Frederick Heber, Asa Fordyce, Isaac Hill and Robert Wright, were at this station, besides several single men whom the idea of mutual protection had drawn there. Having ample confidence in the good faith of their savage guests, no great precautions were taken to guard against surprise, and so the Indians had ample op- portunity for an outbreak, which they effected on the morning of the twenty-third of August, as asserted by survivors, but on the seventeenth as given in various printed records. On this occasion they killed Hugh Smith, and wounded John Gibbs, Wil- liam Hodgings or Hudgins, Brice Whitmore, Morris Howell and B. Morris. Gibbs died soon after at the stockade at Wagner's, where the whites moved for protection ; Hodgings expired while being taken to Jacksonville, and Whitmore, reaching that place, died within a few days. The others recovered, as did Dunn and Carter, pre- viously wounded, both of the men being alive and well at this day.
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In consequence of the murders described, a spirit of alarm necessarily spread itself throughout the country. The miners on Applegate, Foot's, and other creeks aban- doned their places and come into Jacksonville for protection. The settlers in various directions did the same, some of those who were better prepared, " forting up," with the intention of resisting Indian attacks. The people who thus prepared to defend them- selves were gathered mainly at T'Vault's place (the Dardanelles), N. C. Dean's (Willow springs), Martin Angell's (now Captain Barnes') and Jacob Wagner's, in Upper Bear creek valley. As soon as possible a military company was formed in Jacksonville, having Ben Armstrong as captain, and John F. Miller, B. B. Griffin and Abel George as lieutenants, and Charles E. Drew, quartermaster. But within a few days this organi- zation was superseded by others, a company of home-guards taking the most of the men. This latter company was under the command of W. W. Fowler. A large pro- portion of the houses outside of Jacksonville were abandoned by the owners, and these were mostly burned by roving parties of natives, who were scattered for a few days over the whole valley.
The people were compelled to seek assistance from wherever it might be procured and with this view dispatched messengers to Fort Jones the newly established military post near Yreka. The messengers arrived there on the eighth of August, and Captain B. R. Alden, 4th U. S. Infantry, commanding Fort Jones, instantly set out for the scene of hostilities with a very small force of infantry, not more than twenty men all told, but with forty or fifty muskets, and a supply of cartridges. Simultaneously a large number of volunteers presented themselves at Yreka and agreed to serve under Captain J. P. Goodall and Jacob Rhoades, well known as Indian fighters. Captain Goodall's company numbered ninety men, all mounted, as were those of Rhoades' com- pany which was about sixty strong. Unfortunately the muster-rolls of these two com- panies have been lost, so that it is impossible to present the names of all the members. Of Captain Goodall's company a partial list only is given, which will be found in its appropriate place.
The volunteers raised in Southern Oregon were six companies in all, having as captains, R. L. Williams, J. K. Lamerick, John F. Miller, Elias A. Owens, and W. W. Fowler. They were ordered-with the exception of Fowler's company, which was raised exclusively for the protection of Jacksonville, and which did no outside service- to rendezvous at Camp Stewart. An organization was here effected and the troops, the most formidable, and numerous body of men thus far seen in this part of Oregon, assumed the semblance of an army. Each volunteer furnished, as a matter of course, his own riding animal and equipments. A quartermaster's department was extem- porized for the occasion, and B. F. Dowell became master of transportation or equivalent title. Captain Alden, by wish of the volunteers, assumed command of the whole force, whose numbers probably reached three hundred men. All the volunteers were of course without uniforms, wearing merely their ordinary clothes, and carrying rifles and revolvers as dissimilar in pattern as their own garments. Their saddle animals were horses and mules indiscriminately. It would be difficult to conceive a body of soldiery of more irregular type than the "army" at Camp Stewart; but it would be equally difficult to imagine a body of men better adapted for Indian fighting in a rough coun- try, or for that matter, in any country. The sequel of the short campaign which they
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carried on showed conclusively that with energetic and reliable commanders they were capable of the greatest services. The successful issue of their expedition it would seem was due to the energy and vigor with which their leaders moved upon the foe, and having found him, fought him relentlessly.
Meanwhile, the malcontents who were scattered about the valley doing much dam- age in the way of burning houses, barns, fences, etc., left that employment and sought security with Joe, Sam and other chiefs, who were gathered at Table Rock, making what preparations they could against the threatened attack of the whites. They selected a naturally strong position and fortified it with considerable skill, digging a ditch, rearing a wall of rocks and earth, and otherwise strengthening the place. They were reported to be in strong force, numbering not less than 300 (an exaggeration, doubtless), and consisting of the Table Rock band, and the subsidiary bands of Jim and Jake (the Butte Creek Indians), with the Applegates and a few Grave Creeks. These minor bands had been worse treated by the whites than had the Table Rock Indians, and in consequence were much worse affected toward them, and as a result they entered into the coming contest with alacrity. The attitude of Tipsu Tyee was a subject of anxiety to the endangered whites, but much to their surprise this Indian refrained entinely from hostilities throughout the war, which would have been thought a fitting opportunity for his hatred to vent itself. But he kept aloof from either party, doubtless fearing the whites less than the defection of the lukewarm chiefs, Sam and Joe, who were deemed likely to accept the first overtures on the part of the whites. Be the cause what it may, he remained personally in seclusion until after the close of hostilities.
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