USA > Oregon > Douglas County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 29
USA > Oregon > Jackson County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 29
USA > Oregon > Josephine County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 29
USA > Oregon > Coos County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 29
USA > Oregon > Curry County > History of southern Oregon, comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry and Coos counties, comp. from the most authentic sources > Part 29
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The undertaking, however, proved an arduous one ; and Steele and his eleven companions, who included John Galvin, Peter Snellback, James Bruce (afterwards major in the war of 1855-6) Frank Merritt, John McLeod, Dr. L. S. Thompson, James . White, the two hostages, and a Klickitat Indian named Bill, rode to Rogue river in
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the search, taking two Indians captive on the way. The first of these attempted to escape, but was shot by the Klickitat, who was detailed to pursue him. The dead man had been sent out, it was afterwards concluded, to persuade the Shastas to join Sam's band in a proposed war against the whites. The other prisoner was well mounted and armed, and proved to be a son of Tipsu Tyee, the enigmatical chief who dwelt in the Siskiyous. Him they took along and hearing that there was a prospect of finding their refugees at the general encampment of the Rogue Rivers, kept on to that stream. Farther along they met Judge A. A. Skinner, the Indian agent, and by him were requested to camp at Big Bend, where he had arranged for a conference of whites and Indians on the morrow. Certain grievances had arisen between the Indians and whites, which at this distant day cannot be fully made out. Chief among these griev- ances, it was said, was the desire of "Young Sam," son of Tyee Sam, the principal war chief, to possess the hand and heart of little Miss Ambrose, daughter of Dr. Ambrose, afterwards Indian agent, and who was living with his family on an agricul- tural claim adjoining T'Vault's at the Dardanelles. But this is doubtless a mistake, as the writer is informed that the young lady in question had not yet reached two years of age. The cause was a more trivial one, it is said, and concerned only a piece of beef. The settlers near by, alarmed for the safety of themselves and families, applied to the people of Jacksonville for assistance, and a company numbering some twenty- eight or thirty, all young men, under the command of J. K. Lamerick, of after celeb- rity, proceeded instantly to their assistance, arriving on Big Bend, in front of and across the river from the Indian rancheria, a short time previous to Steele's arrival. Besides the companies of Lamerick and Steele, quite a number of neighboring settlers had gathered there, anxious to see the result of the proceedings, and these being armed, attached themselves to Lamerick's company in order to assist in the expected engage- ment. The whole of Joe and Sam's Indians were at the rancheira, and considerable coaxing was necessary to bring them to talk with the whites. Some crossed over, and the rest, emboldened by Judge Skinner's promises, also came, to the number of a hun- dred or more. The Judge, always favorable to the Indians, tried to bring about a reconciliation ; and for this purpose proposed that both parties should remove to a log cabin situated at some little distance away. Suspecting treachery, the Indians refused to go, although Joe, their peace chief, tried to persuade them to do so. Sam, his brother, had recently returned to the rancheria for safety. At this moment John Galvin, one of Steele's Yrekans, rudely pushed the muzzle of his rifle against an Indian's naked back, desiring him to move toward the cabin. The savage made a natural motion to resent the indignity, when Galvin instantly shot him dead. Fighting immediately took place. The dismayed and overmatched Indians got behind trees or sprung into the river and all was confusion. Those of the savages who were on the north side, began firing, but without effect, and hostilities only ceased when thirteen Indians had been killed. No white men were injured. Old Joe, the peace chief, clasped his arms about Martin Angell and clung desperately to him for protection. He was saved from his impending fate by Angell and two or three others, who kept off the excited throng of whites.
Fighting ceased, and arrangements were made for the morrow's operations. Steele, with his Yrekans, agreed to move up the river to a certain point, cross the
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stream at Hailey's ferry and come down on the north bank to the vicinity of the rancheria. A detachment of Lamerick's company, embracing mainly the settlers who had proffered their services, was appointed to go down the river, cross and gain the top of upper Table Rock, whence they could command the vicinity. The main body, under Lamerick, rendezvoused at Ambrose's ranch and at night returned to the scene of the fight and crossed in the darkness at a very dangerous and difficult ford near the rancheria. When across they stopped until it grew light, and then moved toward the Indian stronghold which was surrounded by thick shrubbery, interlaced and nearly impervious to man or beast. When within shooting distance the Indians opened fire on them, which was returned, and as the expected reinforcements had not arrived, the troops had to wait. Sometime iu the forenoon the settlers appeared, when the Indians immediately proclaimed their desire for a klose wa wa. This the volunteers somewhat objected to, as it dispelled all chance of fighting for which they were eager and now so well prepared. A council of war was held, and it was decided that in view of the fact that the Indians had already suffered much damage, and the cause of the difficulty did not warrant a war of extermination, it would be best to have a talk. The contending forces soon came to an amicable understanding and agreed to let the past be buried with the hatchet, and then the volunteers returned home. Steele's company moved down the river as agreed upon, but found that peace had been restored before their arrival. They then returned to Yreka. Even their homeward journey was not without its share of excitement, for it appears the party, in order to avoid Tipsu Tyee, who was supposed to spend his time watching for the scalps of all those who passed his domains, took a wide and painful circuit through the untrodden wilds and suffered somewhat from hunger as well as apprehen- sion. The Steele expedition failed to arrest the two murderers, and was beside some- what expensive to its leader, who afterwards deposed that it cost him $2,000 which he could get nobody to pay.
About the time of Steele's departure from Yreka, Ben Wright, the Indian fighter par excellence of all the country around, also set out from that town in search of the two murderers of Woodman ; he was accompanied by several Indians, among them being Scar-face, a Shasta sub-chief, a man much suspected by the whites. Proceeding toward the Klamath the party was divided and Scar-face, venturing near Yreka alone, was seen and pursued by several whites who sought to add him to their already long list of "good Indians " slain in revenge for the killing of a man they had doubtless never heard of. The terror-struck Indian, on foot as he was, led them a race of eighteen miles along the hill sides before he was taken by his mounted pursuers. He was then hung to a tree in what is now known as Scar-face gulch. Wright was more fortunate than Steele in his search, for he returned to Scott valley with two prisoners, who were tried by a citizens' court at the Lone Star ranch, where immense crowds of men from Yreka, Humbug, Scott river and other mining centers attended. They found one of the prisoners guilty and hanged him immediately ; the other one was allowed to go. Thus ended the Woodman tragedy.
The people of Jacksonville and Yreka became much exercised in the summer of 1852 in regard to the probable fate of the immigrants of that year, who were coming
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in large numbers by way of the southern route from Fort Hall via Clear lake and Tule lake. The Indians on the route, consisting mainly of Piutes and Modocs, had long been regarded as hostile, and the advance parties of that year's immigration reported them as being exceedingly troublesome. During the previous year the settlers of Yreka had lost quite a number of horses by the Modocs, part of them being recovered by Ben Wright with a small company of miners, who pursued the Indians. This Ben Wright enters largely into the history of Indian matters in Northern California and Southern Oregon, and divides the honors of a successful Indian fighter with such men as Kit Carson and other celebrated frontiersmen. Much has been written of him, and his career would appear to bear out in full both the praises bestowed on him as a courageous and successful scout and a skilled mountaineer. In any other walk of life, or amid any other surroundings, Wright doubtless would never have been heard of. But circumstance, which has made and marred the fortune of so many, raised him into prominence as an "Indian fighter "-an unenviable occupation, one would think, but seemingly the object of many men's ambition. Wright, we are told, was the son of Quaker parents; but the peaceful tenets of that sect were set at naught by their son, who was possessed of a spirit of adventure and a disposition as foolhardy and reckless as ever guided man. After years spent in living with or fighting against Indians, he found himself, in the early part of 1851, on Scott river, a digger of gold. From here he went, during the same year, in search of the stolen horses, and returned measurably successful, driving the horses and carrying some Indian scalps. Indeed he was quite an Indian in habits and appearance, living with a squaw, wearing long, black and glossy hair, which fell to his belt-a fashion aped by the inferior cow boy-dress- ing in buckskin and getting himself up to look the Indian as nearly as possible. He fought Indians after the manner of their own warfare, even to the scalping and muti- lating of the dead, and to the use of strategy and treachery to get the foe within his grasp; but to his own race he was ever true and honorable, though his associates were far below even the low standard of society then existing. By the Indians who encoun- tered him, he was regarded as the greatest warrior living; and taking all things together he was just the man for the emergency. Let the good results and the accompanying circumstances be the palliation of his methods.
Early in the summer of 1852, a letter was received at Yreka from an immigrant, who was on his way to that place, saying that great suffering would ensue if the train was not met by a supply of provisions. In consequence of this statement, a company of men was organized, with Charles McDermit as captain, and provisions being con- tributed by merchants and others of Yreka, the train set out for Lost river. After passing Tule lake they were met by a party of men who had packed across the plains. McDermit and his company went on, and the packers continued toward Yreka. When they reached Bloody Point, on the north side of Tule lake, they were surprised by the Modocs who were hid in the tules bordering the trail, and who rose up and discharged volleys of arrows at them at short range. All these men were killed save one, Coffin by name, who cut the pack from a horse, mounted the animal and riding to Yreka gave the alarm. Bloody Point is a place on the north side of the lake where a spur of the mountains runs down close to the lake shore. Around this spur the old emigrant trail
WALLING-LITH-PORTLAND.OR.
HOTEL PROPERTY OF D.A. LEVENS, GALESVILLE, DOUGLAS CO.
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passed, just beyond being a large, open flat, covered with tules, wild rye and bunch grass. This was a favorite place of ambuscade.
When Coffin arrived in Yreka the news at once spread far and wide. Ben Wright was sent for, and a company of twenty-seven men quickly volunteered to serve under him in an expedition to annihilate utterly and without remorse the treacherous and blood-thirsty hostiles who performed the deed. These set out without loss of a moment, being well supplied with arms, horses and provisions, by the benevolent eiti- zens of Yreka. But meanwhile the savages had not been idle. McDermit, not hear- ing of the tragic fate of the packers, had continued on, meeting at Black Rock two teams, for whose guidance he detailed three men, John Onsby, Thomas H. Coats assem- blyman-elect of Siskiyou county and a favorably known young man, and James Long. About the last of August the teams encamped at Clear lake, and the next day the three guides rode on in advance to select a proper halting place at noon. One of the trains delayed somewhat to make repairs to wagons, and thus was separated from the foremost one, which included thirty men, one woman and a boy. As they came over the divide, they saw the Indians about Bloody Point, while the guides were unsus- pectingly riding into danger. They disappeared around the point when shots were fired, and the three were butchered relentlessly by the savages, who retired again to the tules to wait for fresh victims. The men with the train divided themselves into a front and a rear guard and kept the savages at bay until reaching the flat. Here they made a barricade of their six wagons and retired within it for protection. By being constantly on their guard they managed to thwart the attempts of the Indians to dispossess them, but were kept closely beleaguered until noon the next day, when the Modocs drew off to attack the other train. These men, however, more wise than the first, drove over the hill, thus avoiding the ambush so carefully laid for them, and found safety in the barricade with the others.
In the afternoon Ben Wright appeared, and taking in the situation at a glance, did not pause to communicate with the whites, but furiously charged the Modocs even in the midst of the tules, and attempted to cut them off from their boats. The sav- ages stampeded, and making for the water, were mingled indiscriminately with Wright's men, who killed them almost without resistance. All along the bank of the lake the fight raged; the volunteers shooting and cutting with a ferocity suited to a combat with such cruel adversaries. The savages sought only to reach their boats and get out of range, and even in this they but partly succeeded, for an undetermined number, ranging from twenty to forty, if we may believe the ordinary accounts, met a richly deserved fate.
Several succeeding days were spent in search for the Modocs' victims, and the mangled bodies of many immigrants were found, whose death had not been heard of. Two of these were women and one a little child. They were all mutilated and disfig- ured horribly, beyond recognition in probably every case. Portions of wagons were found, and camp utensils, fire-arms, clothing, money, and other articles, which con- clusively showed that an entire emigrant train must have fallen a prey to the demoni- acal hostility of the Indians. Twenty-two bodies were found and buried by Wright's company and fourteen by that of Captain Ross. Of these last several were of women and children, and all disfigured and mutilated.
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The stay of Captain Ross' Jacksonville company was necessarily shorter than that of the Yreka men, but considerable service was done, nevertheless, in protecting immi- grants and assisting in the search for the murdered people. The company left Jack- sonville in hot haste after thirty men had volunteered, the news of the attack on the pack train arriving in the evening. By the next morning the company was ready to march. Daniel Barnes was chosen first lieutenant, Nathan Olney, second. Returning homeward, Captain Ross escorted Snelling's train, the largest one of the year, safely to its destination at Yreka, and afterwards proceeded to Jacksonville.
A three-months' campaign by Wright's company, with active scouting and a good deal of skirmishing with hostile parties, effectually protected the immigrant trains coming west. Captain Wright being well supplied with ammunition and provisions contributed by the people of Northern California, was enabled to protract his stay until all the immigrants had passed, some of whom were provided with escorts from his com- pany and McDermit's, reducing Wright's strength to eighteen men. With these he determined on a campaign against the savages, the main body of whom were securely posted on an island in Tule lake. A company of U. S. dragoons under Major Fitzgerald, had materially assisted, by scouting along the shores of the lake, obliging all the hostiles to seek refuge on the island. A boat was provided, being hanled out from Yreka, in which six armed men reconnoitered almost daily the savages' position. The Modocs had large supplies of fish, grass seeds, wo-cus (pond lily), camas, and ip-a, which were their chief articles of sustenance, stored away in caches around the lake. These were nosed out by Wright's men, assisted by five Shastas and Swill, a Columbia river Indian, a stray Umatilla, and destroyed. The loss affected the Modocs seriously, and they thought of coming to terms. Old Mary, a stray squaw, was sent out to the island, and after a day or two forty Indians came over and peace appeared about to spread her snowy wings over the scene. The object of Captain Wright, however, was not to secure peace, but to kill Indians; and this he set about. As to the manner in which he did it, accounts differ widely.
Captain Goodall, now residing at Kanaka Flat, near Jacksonville, may be esteemed a credible witness, as he lived in Yreka in 1852 and was intimate with the most of the members of the Ben Wright expedition, particularly with the leader. It is reasonable to suppose that he was in Wright's confidence as he was instrumental in sending out the party, and was the more apt to know with certainty concerning it as he, also, was an Indian fighter of experience. The Captain says: "Ben Wright had several pow- wows with them, and when at length it was found necessary to close the campaign on account of approaching winter and snow, a final talk was had, in which a beef was killed and well dosed with strychnine which I bought in Yreka and sent out to Wright. This was given to them and by them eaten half raw. But the plan failed of killing all of them off, for the heat of the fire deprived the poison of its strength. However it was successful thus far, that it made them all very sick with the 'jerks,' and actually killed five of them-that is, made good Indians of them; or in other phrase 'sunned their moccasins.'" Captain Wright and company were discharged at Yreka, their muster-rolls and accounts made out by Captain Goodall, and they were duly paid by the state in scrip, and afterwards by the United States in greenbacks.
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This is one, and an apparently fair version. Next comes the more commonly accepted, but very improbable one of Wright's having poisoned forty Modocs, thus annihilating the whole band with the exception, some say, of two who slipped out of camp just before the feast of poisoned meat began. Several writers have adopted this tale, for example, A. B. Meacham in his ridiculous book "Wigwam and Warpath." It will be seen that the above stories differ only as to the number of Indians killed ; which would naturally be exaggerated as time went on. Hence as between the two, we must incline to that of Captain Goodall. Wright, it is said, persistently denied the story; not probably from any deference to refined people's feelings, and certainly not from any desire to screen himself from any measure of obloquy, for he was probably very far from caring for anybody's opinion.
Finally we shall consider the account published in the History of Siskiyou county in 1881. This account, evidently prepared with great pains and unlimited attention to accuracy of details, was written to be read by people who might be presumed to know a great deal concerning the matter. Thus far, we believe, it has escaped adverse criticism, which in the event of error it would be nearly certain to meet. A synopsis of the account is as follows:
Negotiations being in progress, word was sent to the Modocs to come in and feast. The camp was on Lost river, and the Indians who speedily came in, camped near by and on the bank of the river, both camps being about one-fourth of a mile above the natural bridge, and not far from the spot where Captain Jack and the troops first fought, ushering in the Modoc war of 1873. Some. half hundred braves, with their squaws, made their home in camp and lived upon the provisions of the whites. Old Schonchin, head chief, foreseeing trouble, left the camp as did others. It appears to have been Wright's intention from the first to endeavor to get the Indians to restore the valuables they were thought to have stolen from immigrants, and then to bring on a fight and kill all of the savages he could. The time was November; the river was very low, and had two banks, forming a high and a low terrace. On the higher one the whites slept, while they cooked and ate on the lower one. The Indians camped but a few yards away, mingled with the whites during eating times, both parties leaving their arms in camp. Wright, it is said, discovered a plan on the part of the Indians to surprise and massacre his force; but be that as it may, he was too quick for them, and put in effect his own plan without delay. Sending six men across the river to where they would be opposite the Indian camp and hence able to cut off their passage across the stream, Wright himself went down among the Indians who were scattered about the camp-fires and shot dead, as a preconcerted signal, a young buck. The other whites being ready, continued the work of destruction and soon no men were left alive except John Schon- chin and Curly-headed Doctor. These two escaped and were heard of twenty years after, in the murder of Canby and Thomas. Forty-seven braves and several squaws were killed. Wright's men numbered but nineteen, including two Indians. Their casualties consisted in severe wounds to Isaac Sanbanch, Poland and Brown. The rest were uninjured. Wright's company then returned to Yreka and were grandly fêted by the people. They rode into town accompanied by a guard of honor, their forty-odd scalps and sundry other mementoes dangling from their rifles, hats, and horses' heads. Cheers rent the air. The enthusiastic crowd lifted them from their horses and bore
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them to the saloons, where the best was none too good. Whisky was free for all, and a grand dinner was given in honor of the returned avengers. For a week, high carnival reigned.
We have seen how these accounts vary ; and probably the reader, in trying to settle his doubts, consciously or unconsciously inclines to the last version. Being the result of long and careful investigation and weighing of testimony of parties of all shades of opinion, it should be accepted in preference to the idea of any one man. That poison was prepared by parties in Yreka is true, but all the surviving members of Wright's company deny any attempt to use it, and give as their reason the very evident fact that there was no fun in it; most of them were there killing Indians for the pleas- ure of doing so, and the use of poison would have taken all the amusement away. In killing them with bullets and knives from an ambuscade all the conditions requisite to pleasure in Indian killing were satisfied. Only sickly sentimentalism could regret the worst fate which might be meted out to such monsters of cruelty and wickedness as the Modocs. It is apparent that in point of cruel vindictiveness and unsparing malig- nity they were the worst savages who ever inhabited this coast. Their attacks on the immigrants were utterly causeless, and could have had no motive except the love of diabolical wickedness, for the property of the whites, even their fire arms, was totally useless to the Indians and the captured women were killed. Hence the motives which are supposed usually to incite barbarous men to such deeds of murder, were wanting.
The aspect of a circumstance which took place at the mouth of Galice creek in December, 1852, and consisted in the murder, or supposed murder, of seven miners, is very peculiar. It would appear that all the evidence respecting the killing was derived, if at all, from the extorted confession of the supposed murderers. The circumstances, as they appear in perhaps the earliest account, stand thus: William Grendage, or Grundage, Peter Hunter, James Bacon, - Bacon, - Bruner, William Allen and - Palmer, miners at the place mentioned, were missed from their accustomed haunts for several weeks. "Suspicion was aroused against the Indians," and when, some weeks later, Chief Taylor, of the Grave creek band, accompanied by a number of his men, visited Vannoy's ferry to trade, further suspicion was excited by the fact of these supposed poverty-stricken creatures having some gold dust about them in larger quantity than was usual (or allowable, probably). They were closely questioned as to their mode of obtaining it, and also as to the whereabouts of the supposed murdered men. They are said to have replied that the seven were washed off their claim during high water and drowned. "Their manners and explanation led to a strong belief that these Indians had murdered the missing miners, and an investigation proved that Tay- lor and his band had murdered the entire party." He and some of his men were arrested by the citizens, and as there were no courts yet organized in this part of the territory, they were brought before a citizens' jury, tried, convicted and sentenced to be hanged. Finding that the decree of the court was about to be executed, and seeing no chance of escape, they related the particulars of the case themselves and boasted of the share each had taken in the murder and robbery. They gave a minute account of the manner in which they tortured the victims after they were taken captive, stabbing them with knives and burning them with fire-brands, "just to see them jump." The
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