USA > Pennsylvania > Chester County > History of Chester County, Pennsylvania, with genealogical and biographical sketches > Part 30
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72 | Part 73 | Part 74 | Part 75 | Part 76 | Part 77 | Part 78 | Part 79 | Part 80 | Part 81 | Part 82 | Part 83 | Part 84 | Part 85 | Part 86 | Part 87 | Part 88 | Part 89 | Part 90 | Part 91 | Part 92 | Part 93 | Part 94 | Part 95 | Part 96 | Part 97 | Part 98 | Part 99 | Part 100 | Part 101 | Part 102 | Part 103 | Part 104 | Part 105 | Part 106 | Part 107 | Part 108 | Part 109 | Part 110 | Part 111 | Part 112 | Part 113 | Part 114 | Part 115 | Part 116 | Part 117 | Part 118 | Part 119 | Part 120 | Part 121 | Part 122 | Part 123 | Part 124 | Part 125 | Part 126 | Part 127 | Part 128 | Part 129 | Part 130 | Part 131 | Part 132 | Part 133 | Part 134 | Part 135 | Part 136 | Part 137 | Part 138 | Part 139 | Part 140 | Part 141 | Part 142 | Part 143 | Part 144 | Part 145 | Part 146 | Part 147 | Part 148 | Part 149 | Part 150 | Part 151 | Part 152 | Part 153 | Part 154 | Part 155 | Part 156 | Part 157 | Part 158 | Part 159 | Part 160 | Part 161 | Part 162 | Part 163 | Part 164 | Part 165 | Part 166 | Part 167 | Part 168 | Part 169 | Part 170 | Part 171 | Part 172 | Part 173 | Part 174 | Part 175 | Part 176 | Part 177 | Part 178 | Part 179 | Part 180 | Part 181 | Part 182 | Part 183 | Part 184 | Part 185 | Part 186 | Part 187 | Part 188 | Part 189 | Part 190 | Part 191 | Part 192 | Part 193 | Part 194 | Part 195 | Part 196 | Part 197 | Part 198 | Part 199 | Part 200 | Part 201 | Part 202 | Part 203 | Part 204 | Part 205 | Part 206 | Part 207 | Part 208 | Part 209 | Part 210 | Part 211 | Part 212 | Part 213 | Part 214 | Part 215 | Part 216 | Part 217 | Part 218 | Part 219 | Part 220
273
Thomas Harris.
143
Jacob Coffman.
128 10
Christian Zook
18
0
Henry Soudera
30
0
0
Randal Malin
25
0 0
Joseph Malin ..
15
0
0
Thomas Cummings.
3
0
0
John 'Templeton.
291 2
William Harris
4 10
0
James Robinson
33
8
6
Corneliua Dempsey. David Cloyd, Esq ..
20
0
0
John Bartholomew
45
0
0
Millea Welsh
35
0
0
John Rettew.
27
C
0
Thomas Mellon
100
0
0
1415 14 10
TREDYFFRIN TOWNSHIP.
£
d.
Benjamin Davis.
4
0 0
Nicholas Finderbander.
5
0
William Dewees ...
4171
0
0
John Havard
574 11
3
Adam Ginder.
81
16
0
Devault Beaver
125
0
0
Dr. John Davia ..
113
8
6
Abel Reea, at Lord Cornwallia' quarters
303
3
0
William Curry
696
1 0
Isaac Griffith
60
2
0
Christian Workizer.
126
14
0
Valentine Showalter.
250
0
0
Jacob Baugh
50
0
0
Samuel Davis, storekeeper
600
0
0
John Brown.
228
10
0
Thomaa Waters ..
173
3
8
John Wilson.
72
17
6
John Rowland.
95
17
6
John Frick
120
0
0
Lydia Jones.
7
10
0
Samuel Richards
160
8
0
Samuel Havard
540
5
0
Samuel Jones, Gen. Howe's quarters.
171
2
6
The Baptist Meeting-house ..
6
8 10
David Wilson ....
34 16 9
Isaac Davis' estate.
32 .10 0
David Davis.
106 5 e
9358 13 10
# See note on preceding page.
7
4
Lydia Davis.
25
0
0
Richard Goodwin
106 13 4
Mary Howell
David Havard 10 0
91
250
0
0
Thomas Pennington.
Joseph Thomas
404
13
4
Samuel Jonea
103
5
0
John Patton
7 10000
0690 0 6 9
24
6
.
00
£
40
108
HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.
CHARLESTOWN TOWNSHIP.#
£
8
d.
George Lutz. .
54
0
3
Llewellyn Davis.
105
13
9
William Bodley
322
17
6
Benj. Longstreth.
342
10
0
Patrick Anderson
303 3
6
John Varley.
100 0
0
Philip Rapp.
7
13
6
Alex. McCalla
231
9
4
Richard Tompkin
115
8
0
Samuel Roberts
39
10
0
Daniel Dowling.
21
7
3
Theophilus Davis
179
3
0
George Scholfeld
41
7
0
David James
60
4 7
Henry Miller
42 15 0
1967 3 2
PIKELAND TOWNSHIP.
d.
Christopher Teany
252
7 6
EAST NANTMEAL TOWNSHIP.
£ d. d.
Branson Vanlear.
200 0 0
COVENTRY TOWNSHIP.
£
d.
Jacob Shook.
18
0 0
WEST CALN TOWNSHIP.
£
d.
William Clingan, Esq ..
73
0 0
William Henry.
15
0 0
88
0 0
RECAPITULATION.
£
d.
New Garden,
from
8 persons.
951
2
8
Oxford,
1
500
0
0
New London,
2
114
9
0
Londongrove,
1
66
451
7
6
Kennet,
4
=
109
4
6
Newlin,
4
213
12
6
West Marlborough,
5
225
4
0
West Bradford,
5
583
9
2
East Bradford,
1
12
¥
894
2
9
Birmingham,
20
5,844
6
7
Thornbury,
6
44
787
18
1
4
¥
2,372
13
8
Willistown,
13
636
18
4
66
17
420
7
6
West Whiteland,
10
1,116
14
4
East Whiteland,
18
1,415
14 10
Tredyffrin,
30
9,358
13 10
Charlestown,
15
1,967
3
2
Pikeland,
1
¥
252
7
6
East Nantmeal,
1
200
0
0
Coventry,
1
18
0
0
West Caln,
2
88
0
0
Chester,
16
31
2,742
12
6
Chichester,
1
87
17
6
Aston,
6
1,245
2
9
Concord,
12
961
9
6
Marple,
¥
3
=
217
1 11
Newtown,
3
6
7
504
16
0
Haverford,
22
1,733
1
3
Darby,
26
1,475
18
2
Radnor,
29
1,499
9
0
363
41,372 6 10
The above amount was equal to more than $110,000.
In these losses were 318 horses, 546 horned cattle, 1480 sheep, 580 hogs, 9062 busliels of wheat, 2324 of rye, 2881 of Indian corn, 775 of buckwheat, 4287 of oats, and about 550 tons of hay. Doubtless large numbers of horses and other stock were driven by their owners from the route of the army to places of safety.
As has already been observed, the members of the So-
# Inoluding the present township of Schuylkill.
ciety of Friends generally declined to furnish estimates of their losses to the authorities, and many others probably made no returns, and therefore the losses reported probably do not amount to half the real aggregate. In Kennet town- ship, where the greater part of the British army halted the night before the battle of Brandywine, the losses must have been very much larger than reported. They must also have been largely in excess of those returned in New Gar- den, East Bradford, East Marlborough, and Willistown townships, which were largely inhabited by Friends, and the same thing may probably be said of other townships.
NOMENCLATURE OF REVOLUTIONARY POLITICS IN CHESTER COUNTY: WHIGS AND TORIES.
One of the great difficulties with which the American cause had to contend during the entire period of the Rev- olutionary war was the fact that a portion of the people were cither apathetic or disposed to favor the British in- terests.
This was the case in the central and eastern portions of Chester County, where, the truth of history compels us to say, there were large numbers of persons inimical to the American cause, many of them active in their hostility ; and there was not among the masses of the people that support and sympathy extended to the struggling cause which was its due.
It is not, however, to be wondered at that there were many persons in the provinces who took no part in the con- test, and that there were others who were favorable to the views of the crown. The uprising against the British gov- ernment-dignified, and rightly so, as " our glorious Revo- lution"-was, until it became successful, but a rebellion. Many persons honestly could not see any sufficient reason for throwing off the allegiance which they believed was due from them to the home government, and others believed the time had not come to sever the connection with the mother-country. It was esteemed by many in those days a terrible thing to. rebel against the powers which it was believed had been divinely appointed to rule, and, as it were, " to beard the monarch on his throne." The right of the king to tax his subjects had never been questioned, and many could not understand the difference between taxing a subject abroad and a subject at home.
Some were in favor of the established government, be- lieving that, bad as it was, it was better than rebellion and the anarchy which, there was reason to fear, would follow it. Others, while conceding that the British government was acting oppressively towards the colonies, believed that with a little more patience under the provocations, and a little more readiness for patient negotiation, a peaceful redress of grievances might be brought about.
Even in the Congress which declared the colonies free and independent there were many members-like Charles Humphrey, of this county-of unquestioned integrity who, while contending with all their energies against the oppressive measures of Great Britain, thought the declara- tion premature, and voted against its adoption. Their minds failed to grasp the glorious future which was in store for the colonies when, their pupilage being over, they had become their own masters.
3
3
Ridley,
639
17 10
Edgemont,
125
5
0
Pennsbury,
Westtown,
169
0
10
Goshen,
29
1,362
1
5
East Marlborough,
4
£
86
Eastlown,
Caskey, Eng.
"OAKDALE," THE MENDENHALL HOMESTEAD. RESIDENCE OF AARON MENDENHALL, PENNSBURY.
109
GENERAL HISTORY.
: Hence there were large numbers of Loyalists scattered through the provinces, and many of our most worthy and honored citizens of the present day are among their de- scendants.
The opprobrium which usually attached to the fact of having been a Loyalist in the Revolution, or of having taken no part in the contest, was therefore not always deserved. Situated as the people of the colonies then were,-a com- paratively feeble folk, ill prepared to measure swords with the giant across the water,-with the uncertainty of the result of the appeal to arms which had been made, and sincerely entertaining the views of government which many of them did, there was undoubtedly room for an honest difference of opinion.
While, however, it is conceded that many of those who favored the British interests, or who took no part in the contest, were honest in their views and entitled to the credit which should always be given to opinions sincerely al- though mistakenly entertained, there were, on the, other hand, large numbers of them who acted from the basest motives, and whose conduct was deserving of the severest censure. They not only refused to aid their suffering coun- trymen, but assumed a hostile attitude towards them, acted as spies and informers, thwarted in every way those who were laboring for the success of the American arms, and gave their influence and assistance to the British cause. Many were Loyalists simply that they might prey upon the community, and such deserved the obloquy which was universally attached to the name of having been a Tory in the Revolution.
The people of the colonies were, in the main, divided into two parties, known in common parlance as Whigs and Tories, or, as the latter called themselves, Loyalists. With the exception of the Society of Friends, who, being con- scientiously opposed to the bearing of arms, took no part in the contest, there were no neutrals. Every man who did not actively espouse the cause of the colonists in their efforts to throw off the British yoke was looked upon and denounced as a Tory. As might naturally be expected, the most intense hatred grew up between the opposing par- ties. It has been usual to regard the Whigs as embodying in themselves everything that was noble and disinterested and virtuous, and the Tories as being the embodiment of all that was vicious and contemptible and deserving of -reproach. We are now, however, sufficiently removed from the times " that tried men's souls" to look upon that contest with dispassionate judgment, and without the prejudice and feeling which it naturally engendered.
An examination of the inner life of those times reveals to us the fact that the prominent men of the Revolutionary era were great and good, little and bad, mingled, just as elsewhere in the annals of our race. Personal quarrels and alienations existed among men of high position, both in the civil and military lines, just as we know they did in the late civil war. Avarice and rapacity were as common then as now.
We are apt to regard the present as a degenerate age, and mourn over the decline of public virtue, but a careful review of the past will serve to convince us that we vastly .overrate the moral excellence of the bygone age, and that
the world is no worse now than it was in the days of the Revolution. The distance which "lends enchantment to the view" has thrown into the shadow the viccs, and we have only revealed to us the virtues of the fathers of the republic. Perhaps it is well that it is so, and that we should
" Be to their virtues very kind, Be to their faults a little blind."
Time has softened the asperities of feeling engendered by the war of the Revolution. The blood of the descend- ant of the Whig has mingled with that of the descendant of the Loyalist, and in the centennial year of American independence, while we " fought our battles over again," it was with the bitterness of the past blotted out forever. As evidence of the state of feeling existing at the close of the Revolutionary struggle, and as a part of the history of the county, the following proceedings of meetings held in Chester County are given :
"Ata meeting of the officers and other respectable inhabitants of the 5th Battalion district, Chester County Militia, at the house of James Miles, in East Caln township, on the 19th of June, 1783, Lieutenant- Colonel John Gardner in the chair,
" Resolved, unanimously, That in the opinion of this company, it is inconsistent with reason, justice, and sound policy, that such persons, .of every description, as have deserted their country in the time of its calamities and distress and joined our enemies,-or who have by a conduct inimical to the Government and laws of their country been obliged to fly to them for refuge, should ever be permitted to return or remain amongst us, to participate in the blessings of that Freedom and Independence, now so happily established, and which they have done all in their power to deprive us of.
" Resolved, 2ndly, That we highly approve the laudablo example of the officers of the militia of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia, and will cheerfully concur with them in carrying their patriotic re- solves into execution.
" Resolved, 3rdly, That we will join with others of the community, in instructions to our Representatives in Assembly upon the subject,- and in the mean time use our utmost endeavors and influence to pre- vent the return of any of those enemies to their country; and that we will consider all persoos who connive at, harbor, or entertain them, as unworthy of the character of Free citizens, and justly liable to the displeasure and resentment of all true Patriots and Friends of Lib- erty.
" Resolved, 4thly, That the proceedings of this meeting be communi- .cated to the several and respeclive Battalions of the militia in this county as soon as possible, for their concurrence, and likewise pub- lished in the Philadelphia newspapers.
"Resolved, 5thly, Thata committee of five be appointed to correspond with, and meet committees that may be appointed from the other bat- talions in this county, to draw up a selt of instructions to our Repre- sentatives in Assembly, on the subject. The persons chosen, Colonel John Gardner, Major John Culbertson, Mr. Samuel Cunningham, Colonel Robert Smith, and Mr. John Beaton.
"Signed by order of the Company.
"JOHN GARDNER, Chairman."
" At a meeting of the officers of the seventh Battalion of the Chester County Militia, at the house of Ezekiel Webb, in the township of Kennett, on Saturday, the 26th July, 1783, Lieutenant-Colonel Isaac Taylor in The chair.
" WHEREAS, During the Iste cruel and unjust war waged against these United States by the King of Great Britain, a number of per- sous, lost to all sense of honor and virtue, have deserted their coun- try, joined her enemies, and used every means in their power to dis- tress and enslave us. And whereas (our struggles for liberty have been successful, and their cruel designs frustrated), there is reason to fear that those persons will endeavor to insinuate themselves into these States : Therefore, to prevent this State from being a harbor for villains of every denomination,-
" Resolved, unanimously, Ist, That we will use our utmost endeavors to prevent persons of the above description from settling within the
110
HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.
limits of this Battalion : And we hereby pledge ourselves to each other, to unite and stand by each other in expelliog them from amongst us. And as there is reason to think that some of the afore- said persons are harbored amongst us; Therefore,
" Resolved, unanimously, 2nd, That we will hereafter inquire into the character, and examine every suspicious person that comes within our knowledge, and that we will assist each other in apprehending and securing them, that they may be brought to justice; and that we will unite in the bringing to condign punishment all persons who aid, abet, or harbor any of the said persons.
" Resolved, unanimously, 3rd, That we will concur with other Battal- ions of this county, in instructing our Representatives in Assembly, agreeably to the above resolutions; and that Colonel Isaan Taylor, Major John Craig, Peter Bell, and Captains William Whiteside and Absalom Baird, be appointed as a committee, to meet committees which may be appointed from the other Battalions in this county, to draw up said instructions.
" Resolved, 4th, That these resolutions be published in the Philadel- phia newspapers.
"Signed by order of the meeting.
" ISAAC TAYLOR, Chairman."
ATTITUDE OF THE QUAKERS IN THE CONTEST- ENFORCED NEUTRALITY BY THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS.
The Society of Friends, on the breaking out of the Revolutionary war, was placed in an embarrassing position. Up to that period their members had been prominent in pub- lic affairs in Peonsylvania, and had maintained a controlling influence in the Assembly. In the controversies with the British government which preceded the war, they, with great unanimity, advocated the American side of the ques- tion, and endeavored to obtain a redress of grievances, and thus avoid the necessity of armed resistance. When this failed, and an appeal to arms became an apparent necessity, and the tendency of action in popular conventions and legislative assemblies pointed to that dire alternative, the case assumed a different aspect, and their love of order and their principles of non-resistance caused them to pause and consider what course they should pursue. The subject en- gaged the attention of the Yearly Meeting of the society, held in Philadelphia in 1775, at which discussions were held-often protracted into the night-to determine what to do in the perplexing position in which they found them- selves. There was a division in the council, and an unmis- takable disposition manifested on the part of some of the members, especially the younger ones, not to be governed in their conduct by the discipline of the society. The elder and more conservative portion of the members were, however, inclined to oppose the course matters were taking, not only in obedience to their peace principles, but because they believed that the established government, bad as it was, was better than rebellion and the anarchy which, there was reason to fear, would follow it, and they hoped that a continuance of efforts of a peaceful character would result in establishing the just rights of the people and in restoring the public tranquillity. The latter counsels prevailed, and a " testimony" was adopted in accordance with the pro- fessed religious convictions of the society, in which the members were exhorted to " demean themselves as peace- able subjects, and to discountenance and avoid every meas- ure tending to excite disaffection to the king as supreme magistrate, or to the legal authority of his government," and publicly declaring " against usurpation of power and
authority, in opposition to the laws and government, and against all combinations, insurrections, and illegal assem- blies," from which they declared themselves restrained by the conscientious discharge of their duty to Almighty God, "by whom kings reign and princes decree justice," and hoping to be enabled to maintain their "testimony" against any requisitions which might be made of them inconsist- ent with their religious principles and the fidelity they owed to the king and his government as by law established.
Many historical writers on the American Revolution have censured the Society of Friends for their attachment to the government of the crown, and for the passages con- tained in their epistles to their members expressive of their satisfaction therewith. It must be borne in mind, how- ever, that it was a principle of the society to yield obedi- ence unto the powers under which they lived in all things wherein conscience was not concerned, and to "render unto Cæsar the things which were Caesar's;" and it must also be borne in mind that at the time these epistles were issued the Congress of the colonies were not one jot behind the Quakers in their expressions of loyalty to the king's gov- ernment. The " testimony" of the Friends most inveighed against was that adopted at their Yearly Meeting held in January, 1775, and yet the Congress, five months there- after, and only one year before the Declaration of Independence, issued its address to the king of July 8, 1775, a paper as strongly loyal as any ever penned by the Quakers. The "testimony" of the Friends, which was extensively circulated, gave offense to many persons, both within and without the society, and was partly the occasion, during the excitement of the war, of the arrest, banishment to Winchester, Va., and imprisonment of seventeen of the Friends-some of its leading members- who were instrumental in having the " testimony" put forth, and with the feeling that more or less prevailed,- that the Quakers were friends of the king, and by their " testimonies" and private admonitions exerted an influ- ence against the patriots, and gave " aid and comfort to the enemy." Of these Friends thus exiled-taken by military escort, by circuitous routes, at untimely hours, and in whose behalf the Assembly suspended, by an act, the right of habeas corpus-was Thomas Gilpin, a native of Chester County, although residing in Philadelphia at the time of his arrest. When the character of the men who were banished is con- sidered, the act seems wholly without excuse. Of the en- tire number of Quakers who were banished, probably not one of them took any part in politics whatever. They were of families of very early emigrants, who had kept up few or no relations with England; they were strictly, per- haps pertinaciously, wedded to the principles of their relig- ious persuasion ; they were not among those who had en- joyed the favors of the English government, and therefore, on that account, to be supposed friendly to their canse, and, from their habits of life, had no associations with that class of citizens. Many of them afterwards showed, in the pro- gress of the contest, that they had no feelings of hostility to the patriot government, and they were not wanting in a generous support of it, in such manner as they believed to be consistent with the principles of their religious faith. No charges were ever presented against them, and (although
111.
GENERAL HISTORY.
repeatedly requested ) they were not allowed any examina- tion or hearing. Indeed, it is impossible to look over the list of their venerable names and not feel satisfied that the course pursued towards them was not required by any pub- lic necessity. Such, indeed, as is shown by the proceedings for their recall from banishment, seems, when reason had resumed her sway, to have become the general sentiment.
The order for their arrest by the Executive Council of the State was given Sept. 10, 1777, and they left Phila- delphia the 11th,-the day of the battle of Brandywine,- and at that time the excitement and feeling ran very high in that city. When, however, all efforts at negotiations for peace had failed, and a resort to arms was determined upon, the Friends, as a body, withdrew from the contro- versy, and maintained a position of passive neutrality dur- ing the seven years' war which ensued. It was one of the cardinal doctrines of the society to maintain a " testimony" against all wars, whether called offensive or defensive, and they could not, consistently with their principles, advocate or engage in it, or take any part in the conduct of govern- mental affairs where it would be necessary to provide means to carry it on. They were accused during the war of favoring the enemy because they dealt with those of their members who participated in it, and also because they refused to pay taxes levied for war purposes. They could not, however, without being false to their principles, have done otherwise; and it is equally true that while they maintained their testimony against war by disowning those of their members who engaged in it, they were equally im- partial in the treatment of all other offenses against their discipline. Doubtless persons born within the pale of the society became Tories, but their number was greatly exag- gerated at the time by those unacquainted with Quakerism. The fact that a large number of members actually entered the American service, and that others of them openly ad- vocated a resort to arms, and lent their aid to the same cause in various ways, shows that the society had no feel- ings of hostility to the new government, and indicates gen- erally the direction of the latent sympathy of those who remained faithful to their ancient testimonies. On several occasions during the war the society, in their meetings, ap- pointed committees to treat with such of their members as had deviated from the " testimonies" of the society in engag- ing in military service, and to endeavor to reclaim them. These efforts were often successful, and some who in their desire for the success of the American cause had violated the rules of the society, acknowledged their error, and ex- pressed regret for their deviation from their professed prin- ciples. The following acknowledgment of this character was presented to Kennet Monthly Meeting one week after the battle of Brandywine :
"Notwithstanding I have had a right of membership among the people called Quakers, but not enough regarding the principles of Truth in my own heart, have so far erred as to join with military preparations, so far as to make wheels for cannon carriages, after be- ing advised to the contrary, it being inconsistent with the principles professed by me; for which error I am heartily sorry, and do con- demn the same, and desire Friends to continue me under their care, hoping for the future to be more careful.
" ADAM SEED.
Gen. Washington at one time harbored the unjust sus- picion that at the meetings of the society " plans of the most pernicious tendency were settled," owing, doubtless, partly to the charactor of the document put forth by the Yearly Meeting already referred to; and, acting on this suspicion, he, in the spring of 1778, while the British oc- cupied Philadelphia, issued an order to prevent the country members from attending the Yearly Meeting in that city, and requiring their horses, if fit for service, to be taken. from them. It was doubtless proper, in a military point of view, to prevent all intercourse with Philadelphia at that time; but the minutes of the meetings of the society throughout the whole country abundantly show that after the war commenced the Friends were perfectly passive, and the idea that they would, as a society, while professing neutrality, be guilty of acts inimical to the liberties of the country was of course entirely groundless, and to those. familiar with the teachings of the society it is somewhat difficult to see how such a suspicion could exist. Still, we must judge the actions of men by the light which they possessed at the time, and not by a retrospective glance in the present noonday. We, who are familiar with the teach- ings of Quakerism, can readily see that the course of the society was actuated by, and was entirely consistent with, their long-expressed sentiments and their convictions of truth. At that day, however, this knowledge was not possessed in the same degree by those who had the con- duct of the war, and hence many things were done under a sense of duty, and in the excitement of the contest, which would not have occurred had a fuller knowledge of the men composing the Society of Friends been possessed by those in authority. While the members of the Society of Friends, however, took no part in the contest of the war, they were not wanting in a generous support of it in such manner as they believed to be consistent with the principles of their religious faith, and contributed liberally of their substance to relieve the wants of those who suffered from its calamities.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.