USA > South Carolina > The history of South Carolina in the Revolution, 1775-1780 > Part 30
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Charlestown, as is well known, is situated at the end of a narrow neck of land, the confluence of two rivers, the Cooper on the east and the Ashley on the west; these rivers uniting form the harbor which opens into the ocean. On the north side of the harbor lies Sullivan's Island, on which was Fort Moultrie, the scene of the great battle of the 28th of June, 1776, and on the south Fort Johnson. The battle of Fort Moultrie had led to the belief that the town was all but impregnable on the sea front, and very little preparation had been made on the land side ; but during Moultrie's retreat a large number of negroes had been put to work on the lines in the rear of the town, and these had been somewhat strengthened, but they were still very weak, not more than three or four feet thick in some parts, nor were the parapets com- pleted. The Ashley River, however, which lay between the town and the country through which Prevost was advancing, though not as wide as the Cooper, was yet a bold, broad river for several miles, and so Prévost, having no boats, was obliged to cross it at Ashley Ferry, twelve
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miles above Charlestown, which he then must approach by marching down Charlestown neck, a peninsula for six miles from the town not a mile wide. The possession of Ashley Ferry, therefore, was essential to his safety, and the only way for his retreat if necessary. Moultrie, as we have seen, had halted his troops at Dorchester, which lies twenty-four miles from the town, a point considerably beyond the commencement of the peninsula of Charles- town neck. From this point he fell back upon the town.
This movement was a very false one upon Moultrie's part - a mistake which was to be repeated the next year by Lincoln with disastrous consequences. He should have
taken position and given battle to Prévost at Ashley Ferry. He had reached Dorchester, twelve miles from the ferry, on the 7th, and did not move his troops into the town until the 9th. The British reached Ashley Ferry only on the evening of the 10th. Moultrie had three days then within which to take position and strengthen himself to resist Prévost's crossing. Prévost had no boats and so must depend upon those he could secure when he reached the river. These Moultrie should have seized in advance. If he could not resist Prévost crossing the river, it was quite certain he could not resist him behind the weak lines of the town ; and if Prevost defeated him at Ashley Ferry, he at least might have saved his army, for he would have had the open country through which to retreat and await a junction with Lincoln, while Prévost would scarcely have dared to move down the narrow neck between the Cooper and Ashley, leaving him to unite with Lincoln in his rear, and to capture him in the town. On the other hand, by leaving Prévost to cross the river without moles- tation and falling back down the peninsula, he risked the loss of his army as well as that of the town. If defeated behind the weak lines which had been so hastily thrown
MAP OF CHARLESTON,S.C.
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up, there was nothing left but the surrender of his whole force; there was no way of escape. There was, too, an- other urgent reason why he should have preferred to deliver battle in the field, and that was that he would expose him- self to an additional and great evil in submitting him- self to a siege of the town. He would subject not only his troops, but the defenceless men, women, and children of the town to the dangers of battle and the horrors of an assault and storm, the dreaded terrors of which were so likely to bring about the interference of the civil authori- ties and to weaken the resolution of his men and of himself.
But disregarding these considerations he marched into the town, and on May 10 he placed the troops along the lines. The Charlestown militia occupied the right extending from the half-moon battery on the Cooper River side to the centre. The country militia were to occupy the left wing. The Charlestown Artillery were on the right, and the artil- lery - a part of the Fourth Continental Regiment - com- manded by Colonel Roberts were on the left; Lieutenant Colonel McIntosh took post with the Fifth Regiment in the redoubt on the right of the line, and Lieutenant Colonel Marion, with one hundred men of the Second Regiment, in that on the left. The advanced redoubt on the left was occupied by Colonel Harris's detachment. The remainder of the Second Regiment with General Pulaski's infantry occupied the half moon in the centre and were to sally out from time to time, as the service might require.1
On the 10th of May the British army reached Ashley Ferry in the evening, and having passed the river without opposition, appeared before the lines of Charlestown on the morning of the 11th.2 Upon their appearance, Pulaski
1 Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. I, 413.
2 Steadman's Am. War, vol. II, 112.
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with his legion and some militia had a skirmish with the advance guard, in which he was overpowered and lost most of his infantry, killed and wounded and prisoners. Among the killed was Colonel Kowatch, who had come with him. It was with difficulty that any of this party got back into the lines. This skirmish took place near the Nightingale race-course, which, as we have seen, was laid out in 1754, a little above and east of the present Line and Meeting streets.1 The rest of the day was spent in other skirmishing without particular result. The enemy advanced in the afternoon as far as Watson's house, which was situated in the square now bounded by Line, Meeting, Columbus, and King streets ; 2 but Moultrie opened upon them with his cannon at the gate of the town, which stopped their progress.
But now the evils of the want of a settled and acknowl- edged authority began again to appear, and resulted at once in a fatal accident. About ten o'clock, or sooner, says Moultrie, it being very dark, some of the people on the right imagined they saw the enemy approaching, upon which a few shots were fired, and immediately the firing ran almost through the lines with cannon, field-pieces, and musketry, by which unfortunate mistake Major Ben- jamin Huger was killed, and twelve others were either killed or wounded. Major Huger was a brave and active officer, an able counsellor, and a virtuous citizen. This party, without Moultrie's direction or knowledge, had been sent out of the lines to stop a gap which had been left open for a passage through the abatis.
While the General Congress had organized a Conti- nental army and appointed generals to command it, and the State had turned over to the army her regular regi-
1 Address of Gen. Wilmot G. De Saussure. Cincinnati Society, 1885. 2 Ibid.
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ment, there does not appear to have been any provision made in regard to the militia when serving with the con- tinental troops. The result of this as now happened was a divided authority at the most critical moment. On this occasion it appears that the Governor's orders were carried about by some of his aides in this confused and indefinite manner, "You are to obey the orders of the Governor, of General Moultrie, and of the Privy Coun- cil." Moultrie overheard such an order as he was riding in haste through the gate of the town, and without stop- ping turned around and cried aloud, "No orders from the Frivy Council are to be obeyed." Such orders were, however, delivered to many along the lines. They were so delivered to Colonel McIntosh, who at once refused to receive any but from the General. Things were in this awkward position with the enemy close upon the lines when Moultrie, learning of the accident by which Major Huger and his men had been killed and wounded, much vexed, demanded to know "who gave the orders for those men to go without the lines?" Some one replied, " The Governor." But this the Governor denied, though he maintained that it was his right to command the militia. General Moultrie then addressed himself to the Governor and Council, who were all together : "Gentle- men," he said, "this will never do ; we shall be ruined and undone if we have so many commanders ; it is abso- lutely necessary to choose one to command : if you leave the command to me, I will not interfere in any civil matters you may do with the enemy, such as 'parlies, capitulations,' etc. I will attend only to the military department."1 Upon this Moultrie says the Governor and Council unanimously chose him to command.
This certainly discloses a most unfortunate condition 1 Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. I, 426.
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of affairs - the commander in a besieged town chosen at the gate with the enemy only a few hundred yards distant. But still more extraordinary was the arrange- ment made, for the command was not even yet entirely conceded to the military officer, but by Moultrie's own suggestion all such matters as "parlies and capitulations " were reserved for the Governor and Council. That is, the Governor and Council were to have the power to call a halt at any time if they considered the fight waxing too hot. It is, indeed, hard to read Moultrie's own account of this affair without an impression that he was not him- self altogether averse to a parley with the enemy, though unwilling to assume its responsibility; and this impres- sion is strengthened by the account of it found in the Laurens manuscript.1 Moultrie narrates that about three o'clock in the morning, it being still very dark, he heard some person inquiring for him, and was told that the Governor wanted to see him ; upon which he rode up to the Governor, who took him aside and asked him " whether we had not best have a parley with the enemy ; and whether we were able to resist their force ?" and asked about the number of our men. I assured him, says Moultrie, that they were upward of twenty-two hundred men, at least. He says in a note that he guessed this number, but that he had not then a full return. The Governor replied that he did not think they had more than eighteen hundred men ; that the enemy's force, as he was informed, was seven or eight thousand, at least ; that should they force the lines, a great number of citizens would be put to death. He represented to Moultrie the horrors of a storm, told him that the State's engineer, Colonel Senf, had reported that the lines were in a very weak state. After some conversation the Governor pro-
1 MSS., So. Ca. Hist. Soc.
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posed the sending out a flag to know what terms they could obtain. Moultrie says he told the Governor he thought they could stand against the enemy ; that he did not think the enemy could force the lines ; that he did not choose to send a flag in his name, but that if the Gov- ernor chose to do so, and would call his Council together, he would send any message. This was standing to the compact made at the gate the evening before. But, nevertheless, the message was sent in Moultrie's own name. The message sent was delivered by Mr. Kinloch, General Moultrie's aide, and was as follows : -
" General Moultrie, perceiving from the motions of your army that your intention is to besiege the town, would be glad to know on what terms you would be disposed to grant a capitulation should he be inclined to capitulate."
General Prévost returned his answer about eleven o'clock that day, the 11th. In view of what fol- lowed, it is of consequence to give it in full. It was signed by Lieutenant Colonel J. M. Prevost, the Gen- eral's brother commanding the advance, and was as follows : -
"Sir, The humane treatment which the inhabitants of Georgia and this province, have hitherto received, will, I flatter myself, induce you to accept of the offers of peace and protection, which I now make by the orders of General Prevost ; the evils and horrors attending the event of a storm, (which cannot fail to be successful) are too evident, not to induce a man of humane feelings, to do all in his power to prevent it: you may depend, that every attention shall be paid, and every neces- sary measure be adopted to prevent disorders; and that such of the inhabitants, who may not chuse to receive the generous offers of peace and protection, may be received as prisoners of war, and their fate decided by that of the rest of the colonies. Four hours shall be allowed for an answer; after which, your silence or the detention of the bearer of this, will be deemed a positive refusal."
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On the receipt of this letter General Moultrie showed it to the Governor, who immediately summoned his Coun- cil to meet at his own house, and requested that Moultrie would attend and bring Count Pulaski with him. Colonel John Laurens was also sent for. General Moultrie, in the meanwhile, ordered Colonel Cambray, the engineer, to work upon the left of the lines as fast as possible, as that part was very incomplete. He also ordered ammuni- tion to be brought up from the town to the lines. The Council thus assembled consisted, as we have seen, of the Governor John Rutledge, the Lieutenant Governor Thomas Bee, Colonel Charles Pinckney (Moultrie's correspond- ent), Christopher Gadsden, Roger Smith (the Governor's brother-in-law), Thomas Ferguson (Christopher Gadsden's brother-in-law), John Edwards, John Neufville (who had been chairman of the joint committee of non-importers in 1769-70), Colonel Isaac Motte, and John Parker. On the meeting of the Council, the letter of Colonel Prévost, containing the General's terms upon which he would receive a capitulation, was read, and the matter of giving up the town was warmly discussed. General Moultrie says that Count Pulaski, Colonel Laurens, and himself advised against capitulation ; that being asked as to his numbers, he gave the Governor an account of corps by corps, writing a memorandum of them on the back of Colonel Prevost's letter which they were discussing. They amounted, he says, to 3180 at the lowest computation.1
1 List given by Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. I, 429: -
Charlestown militia . 780 Two Continental regiments 300
Grimball's artillery . 150 Col. Harris's detachment . 250
Conti-
60 French 50 Col. Beckham's artillery .
nentals.
Bull's brigade 400
Col. McIntosh's regiment . 190
Col. Neal's regiment . 150 Pulaski's and Racoon 200
Simons's brigade . . 600 Sailors 50
3180
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He had estimated, he says, more in some of the corps, but it would not be allowed him. The Governor was sure there must be some mistake ; he did not think there were more than 2500 men in the lines.
There were certainly mistakes in these estimates in some instances, as appears from Moultrie's own account. For instance, he puts down "Pulaski's and Racoon, 200." Now, Pulaski, he has just told us the day before, " paraded his legion (about one hundred and twenty and some militia), and attacked the advance of the British troops . . . but he was soon overpowered ; in the skirmish he lost his Colonel (Kowatch) killed, and most of his infantry killed and wounded and prisoners." On a page or two further, he says that on his retreat from Black Swamp, Colonel Senf, from the Governor's Camp Orangeburgh, joined him at Ponpon Bridge " with the Racoon company, commanded by Captain John Allston, of about fifty men on horseback." 1 These two corps, therefore, originally were but 170 strong, and Pulaski had lost a greater part of his the day before, and yet Moultrie now puts the two together at 200. This, of course, makes but a small dif- ference in the total strength of the army; but it is of im- portance in weighing the evidence of Moultrie's estimates as to the strength of the force in Charlestown, about which Governor Rutledge and himself differed so widely. It is manifest that Moultrie's figures were mere estimates, and not based upon returns made upon an actual count. No such actual returns would have resulted in even numbers of hundreds and fifties, in every instance. Indeed, he says, " I had mentioned more in some corps, but it would not be allowed me." Again, in the account which he gives, on May 8, of the various bodies marching to Charlestown, he puts Governor Rutledge's force from
1 Memoirs, vol. I, 432.
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HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA
Orangeburgh at about 600 militia.1 Colonel Neal's regi- ment had formed a part of that force; 2 but in this estimate he puts this regiment as a distinct body at 150, and Colonel Simons' brigade, which came with Governor Rutledge, at 600, making Governor Rut- ledge's force 750. There is difficulty also in regard to his estimate of the Continental troops. By Lincoln's order he had, on the 24th of April, sent all the Continental troops excepting his detachment of the Second and Fifth regiments, amounting to 220 men, to Augusta. Upon his urgent messages, Lincoln had dispatched Colonel Harris with a detachment of 250 Continentals which had come in. This would give him 470 Continentals, but he puts the continental troops present at 800. May not General Moultrie have been mistaken in these estimates, as he undoubtedly was in the instances of Pulaski's and the Racoon corps ? His detailed estimates certainly do not settle the difference between Governor Rutledge and himself, as to the strength of the troops upon which they had to rely. Governor Rutledge's estimate of 2500 men was probably nearer the truth.
General Moultrie had been sadly deficient in cavalry. He complained in his letter to Governor Rutledge on the 3d of May that if he had only 100 horsemen he could stop the progress of the enemy ; but Major John Barnwell with about 20 horse was all that he had until he reached Dorchester, where he met Colonel Horry with some of his newly raised regiment of Light Dra- goons, which gave him in all 150 horse. The absence of cavalry left him without the means of ascertaining the strength of the enemy's force, which was accordingly greatly exaggerated. The Governor and Council were alarmed by reports which told them that the enemy 1 Memoirs, vol. I, 412. 2 Ibid., 370.
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had 7000 or 8000 men. But this Moultrie did not credit ; and a gentleman who had been reconnoitring with a party of horse, having been asked his opinion respecting the number of the enemy, gave them to the Governor, corps by corps, from the information he had received, which account was taken down by the Governor on the back of the same letter that came from Colonel Prévost.1 This gentleman also said that besides those taken down by the Governor a great many Tories from North and South Carolina and Georgia had joined them. He would not, however, contradict Moultrie's estimate, that there could not be more than 4000 at most. Moul- trie was more correct in the estimate of the British force than he was of his own ; the force under Prévost was really much less than he thought. It amounted in fact to about 2400,2 but this included some of the best troops in the British army.
While this discussion was going on at the Governor's house Captain Dunbar of the Second Regiment came in great haste to inform Moultrie that General Prévost had observed that the work on the lines was continued during the passing of the flags, and sent to say that if it was not immediately stopped he would march his troops in. Moultrie stopped the working and urged the Governor and Council to conclude upon something ; but it was not
1 This estimate was as follows : - Royal Scotch High-
landers . 1300 or 1500
Hessians .
500 or 700
Royal Americans .
200
De Lancey's First
and Sixteenth . 200
Troops from Augusta 900
New York volunteers
Light horse .
400
Indians 120
3620
-- Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. I, 430.
2 Steadman's Am. War, vol. II, 112.
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until the next day, the 12th, during which time, strange to say, General Prévost waited for an answer, that they at length resolved that he should send the following message : -
"Sir : I cannot possibly agree to so dishonorable a proposal as is contained in your favor of yesterday ; but if you will appoint an offi- cer to confer on terms, I will send one to meet him at such time and place as you fix on."
Prévost refused to confer in this way, and the Council was called again to consider what should be done.
A discussion ensued, upon which the following message was ultimately determined upon : 1 -
" To propose a neutrality during the war between Great Britain and America, and the question whether the State shall belong to Great Britain or remain one of the United States, be determined by the treaty of peace between those two powers."
Among the Laurens manuscripts now in the possession of the South Carolina Historical Society, there is another account of what took place.2 By this account the Gov- ernor laid before the Council the strength of the enemy and the situation of the garrison. Major Butler,8 the Adju- tant General of the State, said that the enemy must be between 7000 and 8000 men, and specified the par-
1 Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. I, 433 ; Ramsay's Revolution in So. Ca., vol. II, 27.
2 The Laurens manuscript account is in two pieces - one a fragment in the handwriting of John Laurens himself ; the other in the hand- writing of his father, who at this time was, however, in Philadelphia in attendance upon Congress. John Laurens was killed, August 25, 1782, so this account was probably given by him to his father before his death, and is therefore probably nearly a contemporaneous account.
8 Major Pierce Butler, formerly of the Twenty-ninth Royal Regiment, who had married a daughter of Colonel Thomas Middleton, and resigned and settled in South Carolina, afterward member of the convention which framed the Constitution of the United States, and one of the first senators from this State.
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ticular corps. Colonel Senf, the engineer of the State, gave it as his opinion that the lines were indefensible, and stated that that was also the opinion of Du Cam- bray, the French engineer ; but this Du Cambray, who was not present, afterward, it is said, denied. General Moultrie was then desired to give the Council a return of the garrison, which he did, specifying the different corps, which amounted to 3080, and added that he believed this was the lowest computation. Governor Rutledge said that Moultrie's estimate was impossible. He, however, desired the opinions of Moultrie, Pulaski, and Laurens, who declared their belief that they were able to fight and to beat the enemy should they make an attack. The Governor and Council, however, -continues this account, -through timidity, apprehending and anticipating the calamities and cruelties to which the inhabitants would be exposed should the enemy succeed, or for some other consideration among themselves, determined (it is said) by 5 to 3 to make the following proposition to General Prévost :
" That he should be permitted to take possession of it" (the town) " pro- vided the State and Harbour should be considered as neutral during the war, the question whether it belonged to Great Britain or the United States to be waived until the conclusion of it, and that whenever that should happen whatever was granted to the other States, that" (South Carolina) " should enjoy."
Gordon in his History of the American Revolution gives a version which supports this of the Laurens manuscript, viz. : -
" That South Carolina was to remain in a state of neutrality till the close of the war, and then follow the fate of its neighbors on condition the Royal army would withdraw." 1
1 Gordon's Am. Rev., vol. III, 257.
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Steadman in his History of the American War states the proposition very loosely. He says : -
" A proposal was made on their part," that is on the part of the Ameri- cans, "for the neutrality of the province during the war, and at the end of the war its fate to be determined by the treaty of peace."
The essential difference between the two versions of the proposition, it will be observed, is that in that of Moultrie Governor Rutledge and his Council are made not only to propose a neutrality, but to abandon the fate of South Carolina to the convenience and pleasure of Great Britain and the other States, when they should come to settle a treaty of peace between them ; to leave the fate of the people of South Carolina to be bargained for and nego- tiated upon without reference to their wishes or interest ; their disposition to be treated as one of the side issues along with the fishery question which the New Englanders were demanding as one of the terms of peace. But under the Laurens version - though John Laurens refused to be the bearer of the message - the town was not to be surrendered without substantial concessions in favor not only of South Carolina herself, but of her sister States as well, viz .: (1) That the harbor was not to be a British port, but to be regarded as a neutral one. If the town was to fall, this was an important point to be secured, for under the provision no British fleet could use its waters for warlike purposes, no prize could be brought to the town for adjudication, no prize court could sit there for condemnation and sale of captured vessels.1 The principal object of the whole campaign, the capture of Charlestown as a base of future operations, would thus have been prac- tically frustrated. (2) That in no case should the fate of the State of South Carolina be separated from that of the
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