USA > South Carolina > The history of South Carolina in the Revolution, 1775-1780 > Part 61
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For an hour or two on the evening of the 6th of October there was a stirring bivouac at the Cowpens. This was one of the cowpens, or ranches, spoken of in a chapter on the settlement of the upper country in a former work.1 It was owned by a wealthy English Tory named Saunders2 who resided there, and who reared large numbers of cattle, sev- eral of which were at once slaughtered to feed the hungry Whigs. While the men and horses were refreshed, scouts were sent out to ascertain the exact position of Ferguson and his command.
1 So. Ca. under Roy. Gov. (McCrady), 296.
2 Johnson, in his Life of Greene, says that the name of the owner was Hannah, and that the place was called Hannah's Cowpen. Vol. I, 377. Draper gives the name as Saunders. King's Mountain and its Heroes, 223.
CHAPTER XXXV
1780
THE order of Cornwallis's advance proposed that his lordship with the main army should pass through the most hostile parts of both of the two provinces, the Waxhaws in South Carolina and Mecklenburg County in North Carolina, while Ferguson was to move by the foot of the mountains, and Tarleton to pursue an intermediate course through the country between the Broad and the Catawba.1 It has been seen how his lordship's advance had been insulted -to use the expression of the times -and attacked by Davie, and his entrance into Char- lotte withstood, and how Dunlap, Ferguson's lieutenant, had been repulsed by McDowell at Cowen's Ford. Fer- guson appears to have been more intent upon intercept- ing Clarke's fugitives from Georgia than cooperating with his lordship. While at Gilbert Town he had fur- loughed many of his Tory followers upon their promise
1 Steadman's Am. War, vol. II, 215.
We shall follow in this chapter very closely Draper's account in his King's Mountain and its Heroes, a work of the greatest care and labor, which must remain the foundation of all other histories of an event of momentous influence in the history of this country - a work which has not received the credit due it. In Governor Roosevelt's Winning of the West there is also a most intensely interesting and admirable account of the battle. While so availing ourselves of and following Draper's account of this battle, we are enabled to supplement it by Colonel Hill's MS. account found among General Sumter's papers, and we believe for the first time quoted. This account of Hill's time gives the particulars of the movements of the Carolina men.
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to rejoin him on a short notice, and had tarried there longer than a due regard for his lordship's movement warranted. It is probable that his object in furloughing so many at this juncture was that by scattering them to their homes in the country through which Clarke's men were likely to pass, he would secure the earliest infor- mation of their approach. With the same purpose he moved, on the 27th of September, to the Green River region. While there on the 30th, little dreaming of any impending danger, he was rudely awakened from his sense of security. The two Whig deserters who had left the mountain men on the second day of their march arrived in camp, with the alarming intelligence of their approach. These " Back-water men," as Ferguson termed them, to whom he had sent the message by Philips, were coming themselves with the answer. They had not awaited his leisure to inflict the punishment he had threatened, but were now close at hand to dare him to attempt it. This watch and delay, in order to entrap the Georgians and the threat to the mountaineers, brought about his own speedy destruction.
Ferguson at once recognized the danger of his situation, but was apparently still reluctant to give up the hope of cutting off the retreat of Clarke's party. He promptly sent dispatches to Cornwallis, informing him of his danger, and of his purpose to hasten to join his lordship; 1 and on the same day, the 30th, he wrote to Lieutenant Colonel Cruger for reinforcements. The mutilations and ciphers in Cruger's reply, found on Ferguson's body after his death at King's Mountain, conceals the exact number he called for; but it was doubtless considerable, for Cruger writes : "I begin to think our views for the present
1 Steadman's Am. War, vol. II, 222 ; Tarleton's Campaigns, 164.
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rather large. We have been led to this probably in expecting too much from the militia, as, for instance, you call for regiment. There are but just one-half that number. ." 1 But while sending out these appeals for reinforcements and promising Cornwallis to join him, the fatal infatuation of intercepting Clarke still delayed him. He kept out scouts in every direction seeking information as to the Georgians, while the Virginians, North and South Carolinians, were drawing their net closer and closer around him. On Sunday, the 1st of October, while beating about the country, he visited Baylis Earle's plantation on North Pacolet, where his men destroyed and plundered at pleasure. He then marched to Denard's (or Donard's) Ford, on the Broad River, making his camp there for the night. From this place he issued the follow- ing curious proclamation : 2-
"DENARD'S FORD, BROAD RIVER. ] "Tryon County, October 1, 1780.]
" GENTLEMEN : Unless you wish to be eat up by an inundation of barbarians, who have begun by murdering an unarmed son before the aged father, and afterwards lopped off his arms, and who, by these shocking cruelties and irregularities, give the best proof of their cowardice and want of discipline - I say, if you wish to be pinioned, robbed, and murdered, and see your wives and daughters in four days abused by the dregs of mankind -in short, if you wish or deserve to live and bear the name of men, grasp your arms in a moment and run to camp.
" The Back-water men have crossed the mountains. McDowell, Hampton, Shelby, and Cleveland are at their heads, so that you know what you have to depend upon. If you choose to be degraded forever and ever by a set of mongrels, say so at once, and let your women turn their backs upon you and look out for real men to protect them.
"PATRICK FERGUSON, Major 71st Regiment."
1 Ramsey's Annals of Tennessee, 242.
2 King's Mountain and its Heroes (Draper), 204 ; Ramsey's Annals of Tennessee.
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From Denard's Ford, Ferguson and his troops, according to Allaire's Diary, marched on Monday afternoon, the 2d, only four miles, where they formed in line of action and lay on their arms all night. They moved at four o'clock the next morning, marching about twenty miles that day on a route north of main Broad River, and halted near one Tate's plantation. These desultory movements of Ferguson indicate an indecision not at all in accordance with his general character. It was still the fatal hope of interrupting Clarke that enthralled him. It is possible, moreover, says Draper, that Ferguson might have felt the necessity of feeling his way carefully, that while evading the mountaineers on the one hand, he should not run recklessly into other dangers which might prove equally as formidable; for Lord Cornwallis had, on the 23d of September, apprised him that Colonel Davie's party of Whig cavalry had marched against him, which Ferguson's apprehensions and Tory fears may have magnified into a much larger body than eighty dragoons.1 Ferguson tarried two full days at Tate's, probably awaiting intelli- gence as to the movements of the Whigs. This he prob- ably received on the evening of the 5th, for the army renewed its march at four o'clock on Friday morning, the 6th. During this day Colonel Ferguson sent the following dispatch to Lord Cornwallis, without date, but the time of which Draper no doubt fixes correctly : -
" MY LORD: A doubt does not remain with regard to the intelli- gence I sent your lordship. They are since joined by Clarke and Sumter, of course are become an object of some consequence. Hap- pily their leaders are obliged to feed their followers with such hopes, and so to flatter them with accounts of our weakness and fear that if
1 King's Mountain and its Heroes (Draper), 207; Tarleton's Cam- paigns, note E, chap. III, 192.
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necessary I should hope for success against them myself ; but num- bers compared, that must be doubtful.
I am on my march toward you by a road leading from Cherokee Ford, north of King's Mountain. Three or four hundred good soldiers, part dragoons, would finish the business. Something must be done soon. This is their last push in this quarter, etc.
" PATRICK FERGUSON."
Unfortunately for Ferguson neither of his dispatches reached his lordship in time. His first dispatch, of the 30th of September, was intrusted to Abraham Collins and Peter Quinn, who resided on the borders of the two Caro- linas, and were well acquainted with the route. Enjoined to make the utmost expedition and deliver the letter as soon as possible, they took the most direct course. On their way they stopped at the house of Alexander Henry, a good Whig, and disguising their true character and mis- sion obtained refreshments. But renewing their journey with undue haste, the suspicions of Mr. Henry's family were excited and Mr. Henry's sons immediately set out in pur- suit. They followed closely in the trail; but the Tory messengers, anticipating this by taking a circuitous route, misled them. In doing so, however, the dispatch was delayed on its course, and did not reach Cornwallis till the morning of the 7th of October, the day of Ferguson's final overthrow. The second dispatch fell into the hands of the Whigs. No effort was therefore made by Cornwallis for the relief of Ferguson. In the meanwhile a small party of Clarke's men, whom Ferguson had wished so much to intercept, under Major Chronicle, had actually joined Williams, and served to swell that small corps.1
Resuming his march at four o'clock on the morning of the 6th, Ferguson marched up the Old Cherokee Ferry road between the waters of Buffalo and King's Creek
1 King's Mountain and its Heroes (Draper), 227.
N
W-HE
S
ROAD
CLEVELAND
GHQ
OM
N.35 E.
INSTOR
QUARR
ROAD
KING'S CREEK
SEVIER
KING'S MOUNTAIN.
CAMPBELL
H. Q. Ferguson's Headquarters
M.
(C) Where Ferguson was killed
LINE OF MARCH.
O. M. Old Monument
M. New Monument
G. Ferguson's Grave
WEISBRODITAIN
DIAGRAM OF THE BATTLE OF KING'S MOUNTAIN.
BRANCH OF CLARIKER FORK.
MSD
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until he came to the forks near where now is Whitaker's Station on the present Southern Railroad. There he took the right prong leading across King's Creek, through a pass in the mountain, and on in the direction of Yorkville. Here, a short distance after crossing the creek on the right of the road, about 350 yards from the pass, he came to King's Mountain 16 miles from Tate's, his last halting- place.
The King's Mountain range is about 16 miles in length, extending from the northeast in North Carolina in a southwesterly course, sending out several lateral spurs in various directions. The principal elevation in this range, a sort of lofty rocky tower called The Pinnacle, is some 6 miles distant from the battle-ground. That portion of it now historically famous is in York County, South Caro- lina, about a mile and a half south of the North Carolina line. It is some 600 yards long and about 250 from one base across to the other, or from 60 to 120 wide on the top, tapering to the south.1 Mills describes this fatal hill as a long stony ridge very narrow at the top, on which lines could not be thrown up, and so narrow that a man standing on it might be shot from either side. The supply of water was inconvenient to procure.2 Its summit was some 60 feet above the level of the surrounding country. As Draper observes, Ferguson's dispatch to Lord Corn- wallis, written the day before the battle, shows conclu- sively that this mountain bore its prefix of "King's " at that time, and that its subsequent occupancy by the King's troops had nothing to do in giving to it this appellation. Indeed, Moultrie says that it took its name from one King who lived at the foot of the mountain.3 Strange to say, Ferguson deliberately chose this spot, stoutly affirming
1 King's Mountain and its Heroes (Draper), 209.
2 Mills's Statistics, 778. 3 Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. II, 243.
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that upon it he would be able to destroy any force the Whigs could bring against him. So confident was he in the strength of the position that he declared that God Almighty could not drive him from it. The only re- deeming feature of the place was the abundance of wood with which to form abatis, but Ferguson did not avail himself of this means of defence, and only placed his bag- gage wagons along the northeastern part of the mountain, in the neighborhood of headquarters, so as to form some slight appearance of protection. Here he remained inactive and exposed, awaiting the return of his furloughed men and the expected succor. Within some thirty-five miles of his lordship's camp, a distance he could easily have trav- ersed, says Draper, in a few hours, yet he lingered two days at Tate's and one on King's Mountain, deluded with the hope of gaining undying laurels when Fate, the fickle goddess, had only in store for him defeat, disaster, and death.
Draper gives interesting stories of the exploits of the spies sent out from the Whig bivouac at Cowpens. John Kerr, a cripple, at this time a member of Williams's party, had been dispatched to gain intelligence of Ferguson, and found him at Peter Quinn's, six or seven miles from King's Mountain, and intending to march to that point during the afternoon. It was a region of many Tories, and Kerr found no difficulty in gaining access to Ferguson's camp. Having been a cripple from his infancy, he passed unsus- pected of his true character, making anxious inquiries relative to taking protection, and professedly gratified on learning good news concerning the King's cause and pros- pects. After managing, by his natural shrewdness and good sense, to make all the observations he could, he quietly retired, making his way, probably in a somewhat circuitous course, to rejoin his countrymen. As they were on the wing,
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he did not overtake them till the evening of that day at the Cowpens, when he was able to report to the Whig chiefs Fer- guson's movements and position, and that his numbers did not exceed fifteen hundred men. Encouraged by this re- port, the Whig leaders determined, nevertheless, to obtain yet later intelligence, and Enoch Gilmer, a shrewd, cunning fellow and a stranger to fear, was selected among others and started off on his mission. He called at a Tory's house not many miles in advance, and represented to him that he had been waiting on Ferguson's supposed route from Denard's Ford to Ninety-Six, intending to join his forces ; but Ferguson not marching in that direction, he was now seeking his camp. The Tory, not suspecting Gilmer's true character, frankly related all he knew or had learned of Ferguson's movements and intentions. Gilmer returned to the Cowpens before the troops took up their line of march that evening.
Meanwhile a council was held in which the newly joined officers, with the exception of Colonel Williams, partici- pated. Colonel Campbell was retained in chief command, "in courtesy," says Colonel Hill, "to him and his regi- ment, who had marched the greatest distance." Men and horses refreshed, they started about nine o'clock on their night's march in quest of Ferguson. To what extent the North and South Carolinians who joined the mountain men at the Cowpens added to their numbers, says Draper, is not certainly known, but as they were less jaded than the others, they probably reached about their full quota of 400. Williams had a few days before called them in round numbers 450, including his own corps. Thus the combined force at the Cowpens was about 1100 men, and nearly all well armed with rifles. A selection was made by the officers from the several parties, so that the whole number of mounted men finally chosen to attack Ferguson was
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about 910, besides a squad of uncounted footmen. The relative strength of the respective corps was probably as follows : Campbell's men 200, Shelby's 120, Sevier's 120, Cleveland's 110, McDowell's 90, and Winston's 60, making 700 chosen at Green River. Additional troops selected at the Cowpens: Lacey's 100, Williams's 60, and Graham's and Hambright's 50, making 210, -total combined forces 910 mounted men. The few footmen who followed generally joined their respective corps; some united with the column most convenient to them when the time of the trial arrived.
The night was very dark; a drizzling rain soon set in which at least a part of the time became very hard. While the road was pretty good, yet from the darkness the guides of Campbell's men lost their way, and his corps became much confused and scattered through the woods ; so that when morning appeared the rear portion, as Hill's narrative informs us, was not more than five miles from the Cowpens. Discovering the absence of the Virginians, men were sent from the front at the dawn of day in all directions till the wanderers were found and brought in. Once more united, with the light of day to guide them, the Whigs pushed forward with great earnestness. They had designed cross- ing Broad River at Tate's, since Deer's (or Dare's) Ferry, as the most direct route to King's Mountain ; but as they came near they concluded to bear down the river some two and a half miles to the Cherokee Ford, lest the enemy, per- adventure, might be in possession of the eastern bank of the stream at Tate's Crossing. It was near daylight when, on the River Hill, Gilmer was again sent forward to recon- noitre at the ford. While awaiting his return, orders were given to the men to keep their guns dry, as it was still raining. Gilmer returned, reporting the river clear. It was about sunrise when they reached the river, which,
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though deep, was crossed without loss or difficulty. The Whigs had now marched some eighteen miles, and were yet some fifteen miles from King's Mountain. After pass- ing the river Gilmer was again sent forward. The officers rode at a slow gait in front of their men. Some three miles above Cherokee Ford they came to Ferguson's former en- campment, where they halted a short time, taking such a snack as their wallets and saddle-bags afforded. The rain continued to fall so heavily during the forenoon that Colo- nels Campbell, Sevier, and Cleveland concluded from the weary and jaded condition of both men and beasts it was best to halt and refresh them. Many of the horses had given out. But against this Shelby protested, and the march was continued. The men could only keep their guns dry by wrapping their bags, blankets, and hunting shirts around the locks, thus leaving their own persons exposed to the inclemency of the weather. Proceeding a mile after the proposed halt, they learned from a half-Whig, half-Loyalist, that Ferguson was only eight miles in advance. There, too, they had the good fortune to capture a couple of Tories, who, at the peril of their lives, were made to pilot the army to King's Mountain. About noon the rain ceased and cleared off with a fine cool breeze. Five miles farther some of Sevier's men stopped at the house of a Loyalist, from whom they could only gain the information that Ferguson was not far away. As they left a girl followed the riflemen out of the building and inquired, "How many are there of you ?" "Enough," was the reply, " to whip Ferguson, if we can find him." "He is on that mountain," she said, pointing to the eminence three miles distant. Gilmer was soon after overtaken at the house of a Tory, quietly sitting at the table eating. Not at all disturbed or thrown off of his guard, he still swore to Colonel Campbell in the presence of the women
VOL. III. - 3 E
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of the house that he was a true King's man, and allowed himself to be lassoed and removed to be hanged. Major Chronicle interposed to prevent his execution at the gate, as his ghost might remain to haunt the women, who were in tears. Campbell acquiesced, saying they would reserve him for the first convenient overhanging limb on the road. Once fairly out of sight of the house, Gilmer was released and told the intelligence he had gained. He had learned from the youngest of the women that she had been in Ferguson's camp that very morning and had carried the British commander some chickens ; that he was posted on a ridge between two branches, where some deer hunters had a camp the previous autumn. Major Chronicle and Captain Mattocks stated that the camp referred to was theirs, and that they well knew the ground.1
The officers, now positively informed of Ferguson's posi- tion, rode a short distance by themselves and agreed upon a plan of attack. In accordance with the invariable cus- tom of these volunteer parties, the plan was reported to the men for their approval, and was cordially adopted. The plan was to surround Ferguson's army and shoot at them up hill. This had two great advantages. It ran no risk of the Whigs shooting each other, and it was supposed that marksmen in a valley had the advantage of those on a hill. Hunters find that though apprised of this, they often shoot too high when they are above their object. Be that as it may, the result in this battle was that the British bullets whistled over the heads of the Americans, while theirs took deadly effect.2 It was a question whether the Whigs were numerous enough to surround the entire ridge on all sides, for they did not know its exact length;
1 King's Mountain and its Heroes (Draper), 227, 230; Publications Southern Hist. Assoc., vol. IV, 338.
2 Mills's Statistics, 779.
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but the scheme was heartily approved by all, and the offi- cers, without delay, began to settle upon the position each corps was to occupy in the attack.
As the Whigs approached within a mile of the enemy, they obtained from one who had been a prisoner with Fer- guson and had just been paroled the latest information, with the assurance that the enemy still maintained his po- sition on the mountain. A brief halt was made. Hitherto the men had been marching singly or in squads, as might best suit their convenience. "But little subordination," says Colonel Hill, " had been required or expected." The men were now formed into two lines, two men deep, Colo- nel Campbell leading the right line and Colonel Cleveland the left. Another council of officers appears to have been held, in which, however, Williams was not permitted to take part, as he was still distrusted in consequence of his recent efforts to mislead the mountain men. The plan of attack to surround the enemy was adhered to. The strict- est silence was enjoined.
Draper points out the remarkable circumstance that in the battle about to take place Ferguson was probably the only British soldier present. All the rest on either side were colonists. It was a fight between American Whigs and Tories alone. And now that Dunlap was away, Fer- guson's men seem to have been as unobjectionable a class as are ordinarily found in the ranks of an army. Abra- ham de Peyster, the second in command, was descended from an ancient and influential Knickerbocker family, and entered the Royal service as a Captain in the New York volunteers. Samuel Ryerson, another of Ferguson's captains, was a native of New Jersey, of Dutch descent, and entered the service as a Captain in the New Jersey volunteers. Of the same regiment was Lieutenant John Taylor. Ferguson's adjutant, Anthony Allaire, was of
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Huguenot descent, born in New York. Dr. Uzal John- son, his surgeon, was a native of New Jersey. These colo- nial troops, Provincials as they were called, were probably as good as those of the British lines now in America, for many of the regular regiments had by this time been re- cruited in this country. Ferguson had paid great atten- tion to the organization and drill of these men. They were well trained, and he relied largely upon them in consequence of their practised use of the bayonet. For such of his Tory troops as were without that weapon he had provided each with a long knife, made by the blacksmiths of the country and fitted into the muzzle of the rifle. Ferguson's own corps numbered about 100, and the Loyal militia about 1000. The North Carolina Loyalists were under Colonel Ambrose Mills, a brother-in-law of Colonel Fletchall, and numbered about 430 men. The South Carolina Loyalists about 320; it does not appear under whose command. It is supposed, however, that 200 North Carolina Loyalists under Colonel Moore had left the camp the day before on a scout or foraging expedition.
In the confronting ranks there was, however, says Draper, a very different class of men. The Virginians, under Campbell, were a peculiar people, somewhat of the character of Cromwell's soldiery. They were almost to a man Presbyterians. In their homes in Holston valley they were settled in pretty compact congregations ; tenacious of their religious and civil liberties, as handed from father to son from their Scotch-Irish ancestors. Their preacher,. Rev. Charles Cummins, was well fitted for the times, a man of piety and sterling patriotism, who constantly excited his people to make every needed sacrifice, and put forth every possible exertion in defence of the liberties of their country. They were a remarkable body of men, physically and mentally. Inured to frontier life, raised
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