USA > South Carolina > The history of South Carolina in the Revolution, 1775-1780 > Part 40
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The siege progressed during the 2d and 3d of May with- out special incident except that the enemy threw in shells charged with rice and sugar by way of taunt to the sup- posed wants of the garrison. On the 4th a ration of meal was reduced to six ounces, but coffee and sugar was still allowed to the soldiers. Nothing of importance took place on the 5th and 6th; but on Sunday, the 7th, the garrison in town saw the British ensign floating from Fort Moultrie, where Jasper had planted the flag with the crescent on the 28th of June, 1776.
The British, being now in possession of Mount Pleasant at Haddrell's Point, acquired full information in regard to the state of the garrison and defences of Fort Moultrie. Upon this, and in order not to draw upon the army, which was fully occupied elsewhere, Admiral Arbuthnot landed a body of seamen and marines, under the command of Cap- tain Hudson, to attempt the fort by storm on the west and northwest faces, while the ships of the squadron battered it in front. The garrison, under Lieutenant Colonel Scott, consisting now of but two hundred men, seeing the hope- lessness of resistance and the impossibility of their escape, on the 7th of May accepted the terms of capitulation offered
try. . .. This letter will run great risque, as it will be surrounded on all sides, but I know the person to whose care it is committed, and feel for your uneasy situation I could not but trust it. Assure yourself that I shall shortly see you, as nothing prevents Lincoln's surrender but a point of honor in holding out to the last extremity. This is nearly at hand, as our provisions will soon fail ; and my plan is to walk off as soon as I can obtain permission. .. . Should your father be at home, make him acquainted with the purport of the letter, and remember me to him, also to your mother ; but do not let the intelligence go out of the house, . . . but a mortifying scene must be encountered. The thirteen stripes will be levelled in the dust, and I owe my life to the clemency of a conqueror.
" Your ever affectionate husband,
"B. SMITH."
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them. They were allowed to march out with the usual honors of war. The officers in garrison, as well Conti- nental as militia, with the non-commissioned officers and privates of the militia, were to be considered as prisoners of war at large on their parole, and to be allowed to reside with their families and friends anywhere but in Charles- town, while it was under siege.1 Moultrie, in his Memoirs, complains that the fort was given up without firing a gun. It was natural that Moultrie should be sensitive of the fame of the fort, which had been hallowed by his glorious victory four years before. But his own battles had shown that the fort could easily be passed by a fleet which would not stop to engage it, and that when once passed it could be enfiladed with little difficulty by ships lying off the west end of the island. Still more was it plain that after Commodore Whipple's fleet had been withdrawn from defending his position, and after Colonel Pinckney, with the greater part of the garrison, had also been withdrawn into the town, there was nothing left to Colonel Scott, cut off as he was from all supplies and retreat, but to make the best terms he could when assaulted. The terms which he did obtain were better than those which Lincoln was compelled to accept for the garrison in Charlestown a few days after. There was, however, great rejoicing in the British camp at the surrender of the fort. In a journal of the operations before Charlestown a British writer records : "Fort Moultrie the Great has fallen! The morning of the 7th of May the British flag was displayed on its rampart. It surrendered to a detachment of seamen and marines commanded by Captain Hudson of the Rich- mond, without firing a gun."2 The writer did not add, as he should have done, that the surrender of the little iso-
1 Tarleton's Campaigns, 53.
2 Siege of Charlestown (Munsell), 127.
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lated garrison was made only when all "the honors of war " were accorded to it.1 But the British flag floating over Fort Moultrie was no doubt a great blow to the gar- rison in town. Its moral effect was most dispiriting. Another disaster was barely escaped on this day: a thir- teen-inch shell fell within ten yards of the principal maga- zine of the garrison. The magazine stood near St. Philip's Church.2 Fortunately, Moultrie had before removed ten thousand pounds of powder from it to the northeast corner of the Exchange, where it remained undiscovered by the British during the long period while they held the city, the precaution having been taken to brick it up.
Still another disaster, to which we have before alluded, had befallen, of which the garrison was not yet aware. The remains of Huger's cavalry, after the surprise of Monck's Corner, withdrew to the north side of the Santee for security, where Colonel White of Moylan's Regiment took the command. This officer discovering that Lord Cornwallis extended his foraging parties to the southern banks of the river, determined to interrupt the collection of his supplies. Upon the first notice of the enemy's approach he passed the Santee and struck at the foe, broke up the forage excursion, captured most of the party, with which he retired to Lenuds's Ferry, upon the Santee. There he had ordered boats to meet him, at the same time communicating the success to Lieutenant Colonel Buford, - who, with the remainder of the Virginia line, had reached that near Charlestown, and was now stationed on the north side of the river, - requiring his aid in the transpor- tation of himself and his prisoners to the opposite shore. How it happened -says Lee in his Memoirs - was not
1 Tarleton's Campaigns, 53.
2 The building remains still to be seen in a lot on Cumberland Street, adjoining St. Philip's churchyard.
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ascertained, but it did happen that neither Buford's cooperation nor the boats ordered by White were obtained in time; and Colonel White, expecting instantly the means of conveyance, waited incautiously on the southern bank of the river, instead of seeking cover.
Tarleton, who happened, on the 6th of May, to be on his march to Lenuds's Ferry with his cavalry, sent thither by the British general to procure intelligence, falling in with a Royalist, was informed of White's success, and instantly pressed forward to strike him. He came up with White's cavalry on the banks of the Santee, and repeated the rout of Monck's Corner. The knowledge of the coun- try was a second time beneficial to the fugitives; the swamp saved some, while others swam the river. Between thirty and forty only were killed and taken;1 but the force was again dispersed. John Lewis Gervais, however, gives another account, which explains how it happened that Colonel White was not supported. He says that the plan was for Colonel White to march from Georgetown on Thursday evening with the cavalry, and to take three hun- dred foot from Colonel Buford to surprise a body of the enemy which was at Wambaw, Elias Ball's plantation. The arrangement was made with Colonel Buford, and acting upon it Colonel White crossed the river, but did not meet with the infantry; on the contrary, he received a note from Colonel Buford, that he could not send them, and wishing him success. Colonel White determined nevertheless to venture near the enemy in hopes of falling in with some of their parties, and went as far as Wambaw, where he took an officer and thirteen privates, and retreated with them to Lenuds's Ferry, at which place the enemy overtook and completely routed him. Tarleton again
1 Memoirs of the War of 1776 (Lee), 156 ; Tarleton's Campaigns, 19.
.
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secured fifty or sixty horses, and his dragoons plundered everything within their reach.1
On Monday, the 8th of May, Sir Henry Clinton sent in another summons to the town. He wrote to Lincoln: -
"Circumstanced as I now am with respect to the place invested humanity only can induce me to lay within your reach the terms I had determined should not again be proffered. The fall of Fort Sullivan, the destruction (on the 6th instant) of what remained of your cavalry, the critical period to which our approaches against the town have brought us, mark this as the term of your hopes of succour (could you ever have framed any), and as an hour beyond which resistance is temerity. By this last summons, therefore, I throw to your charge whatever vindictive severity exasperated soldiers may inflict on the unhappy people whom you devote by preserving in a fruitless defence. I shall expect your answer until eight o'clock, when hostilities will commence again unless the town be surrendered," etc.2
Upon the receipt of the summons Lincoln called a coun- cil of officers, numbering sixty in all, including all the field officers of the militia and the captains of the Conti- nental frigates.3 He did not invite Lieutenant Governor Gadsden to be present, but sent a message by Colonel Simons requesting him to submit whatever propositions he desired for the citizens.4 Upon the assembling of this council he laid before them Clinton's summons. It re- quired time to obtain the opinion of so numerous a body, and to allow Gadsden to submit his requirements. Lincoln
1 So. Ca. in the Revolution (Simms), 152.
2 Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. II, 86; Ramsay's Revolution, II, 400; Siege of Charlestown (Munsell), 96.
3 For the members of this council and their votes see Lincoln's papers, published in Year Book of the City of Charleston, 1897 (Smyth), 349, 357. Colonels C. C. Pinckney and Barnard Beekman, Lieutenant Colonels William Henderson, John Laurens, Samuel Hopkins, Matthew Clarkson, and Richard C. Anderson, with Captains of the Continental frigates Hacker, Rathburn, Tucker, and Simpson, eleven out of the sixty, voted against capitulation.
4 Johnson's Traditions, 260.
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therefore wrote to Clinton that there were so many dif- ferent interests to be consulted, he proposed that hostil- ities should not commence again before twelve o'clock. This was assented to. Later, Lincoln again wrote that more time had been expended in consulting the different interests than he had supposed, and requested that the time should be extended until four o'clock. This was also granted.
It will be recollected that in the former attempt at a negotiation, the British commanders had refused to go any farther than the third article proposed by Lincoln, in which he attempted to secure a provision that the troops comprising the garrison, and such of the Charlestown militia as chose to leave the place, should have thirty-six hours to withdraw to Lemprière's Point, retiring with the usual honors of war and all their arms, artillery, ammu- nition, baggage, and stores. Instead of this, they had referred Lincoln to their first summons, which offered only the saving of the lives and property of the inhabitants contained in the town. Lincoln now offered (3) that the Continental troops with their baggage should be conducted to a place to be agreed on, where they should remain pris- oners of war until exchanged, and that while prisoners they should be supplied with good and wholesome provisions, in such quantity as were served out to the troops of his Britannic Majesty. (4) He asked that the militia and the garrison should be permitted to return to their respective homes, and be secured in their persons and properties. (5) Renewed his demand as to the care of the sick. (6) He asked that the officers of the army should be allowed to keep their horses, swords, pistols, and baggage, which should not be searched, and retain their servants. (7) That the garrison should march out with all the honors of war, as he had before asked. (8) That the.
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French Consul should be protected, as before demanded, and a proper time given him for retiring to any place that might be agreed upon. (9) That the citizens should be protected in their lives and property. (10) He renewed the proposition that twelve months' time should be allowed all such as did not choose to continue under the British government to dispose of their effects and remove them- selves and their families, as he had before made it. (11) He asked that the same protection to their persons and properties and right of removal of their effects should be given the subjects of France and Spain as were required for the citizens. And lastly (12) he asked that a vessel should be permitted to go to Philadelphia with the Gen- eral's dispatches, which were not to be opened. The demand in his former articles as to the Continental and French ships of war was not renewed.
Upon the receipt of these offers Sir Henry Clinton, at half after five P.M., asked for time that he might communi- cate with the Admiral upon the subject, and that an aide- de-camp might be permitted, for the purpose, to pass to his fleet, that is, down the Ashley from Gibbes's Landing. This was of course assented to; and at six o'clock P.M., in order to give the articles of capitulation due considera- tion, he proposed that the cessation of hostilities should continue until the next morning at eight o'clock, and that in the meantime everything should continue in its present situation. Lincoln at once acceded to this; but Sir Henry sent another letter, more explicitly declar- ing that his meaning was that during the time there should be no attempt made to remove any of the troops or destroy any of the ships, stores, or other effects. Lincoln assented to this also, and the garrison and town enjoyed a night of complete repose. Indeed, Moultrie says that while these flags were passing the militia looked upon all VOL. III. - 2 K
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the business as settled, and, without orders, took up their baggage and walked. into town, leaving the lines quite defenceless.
The next morning, the 9th, Clinton and Arbuthnot sent in the modifications of the articles proposed by Lincoln, which they required. These principally related to the treatment of the militia and the citizens of the town. As had been doubtless required by Gadsden, Lincoln proposed that the militia should be permitted to return to their respective homes and be secured in their persons and properties ; and that the citizens should be protected in their lives and their properties, and should be allowed twelve months to choose whether to continue under the British government or not. Clinton and Arbuthnot con- sented that the militia then in garrison should be permitted to return to their respective homes, but added the impor- tant condition, upon the observance of which, on the one side and on the other, so much afterward turned, namely, that they should be regarded as prisoners of war upon pa- role, which parole, so long as they observed it, should secure them from being molested in their property by the British troops. As to the citizens, they required that all civil officers and the citizens who had borne arms during the siege must also be prisoners on parole, and with respect to their property in the city should have the same terms as were granted to the militia. It was also required that all persons then in the town, not described in these articles, were to be understood to be prisoners on parole. They declined to entertain the proposition in regard to the right of citizens to choose whether they would continue British subjects. They agreed to allow the French Consul protec- tion as to his house, papers, and property, but required that he should consider himself a prisoner on parole, the subjects of France and Spain to have the same terms as
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the Consul. The officers' horses were not to go out of town, but might be disposed of by a person to be appointed for the purpose. They declined to allow the full honors of war to the garrison, but required them to march out at an hour appointed to a place designated, where they should deposit their arms. The drums were not to beat a Brit- ish march, nor their colors to be uncased. They agreed to allow a vessel to go to Philadelphia, with the General's dispatches unopened, and promised to provide a vessel for the purpose. They required that all public papers and records should be carefully preserved and faithfully delivered.
Lincoln and his council were not yet ready to yield to these demands and give up the effort to obtain better terms for the militia and citizens. He wrote therefore to Clinton that in their present state the conditions proposed were inadmissible and proposed modifications, which he sent. If any further explanation should be necessary, he proposed that two or three gentlemen might be appointed to meet and confer on the subject. The points he insisted upon were (1) that the militia should not be considered as prisoners of war; (2) that such officers as were unwilling to dispose of their horses might keep them; (3) that the garrison should march out, the drums beating a British march; (4) that the French Consul, never having borne arms, but acting in a civil capacity, should not be consid- ered as a prisoner of war; (5) that the citizens should not be considered prisoners of war; (6) that the article in regard to the right of citizens to choose, within a given time, to which government they would adhere, should be retained, giving them paroles that they would not act against the British government until they were ex- changed; (7) that the article in regard to the French and Spanish subjects should stand as he had proposed;
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and, finally, that in order to prevent disputes it was to be understood that all officers of the Continental army who were citizens of the State should be entitled to all the benefits of citizens with regard to the security of their property.
Clinton and Arbuthnot upon receiving these reiterated demands, which they had already refused, curtly replied that no other motives than those of forbearance and com- passion induced them to renew offers of terms Lincoln had no claim to. The alterations he proposed were utterly inadmissible, and that hostilities would in consequence commence afresh at eight o'clock.1
When that hour in the evening arrived, it found the soldiers of both armies standing to their guns; but an hour passed, both sides remaining silent, all calm and ready, each waiting for the other to begin. At length the garrison, to show their determination to stand to the terms demanded by them, fired the first gun, and then followed a tremendous cannonade. From one hundred and eighty to two hundred pieces of heavy artillery were fired at the same moment, while mortars from each side threw out an immense number of shells. It was a glorious sight, says Moultrie, to see the shells, like meteors, crossing each other and bursting in the air; it appeared as if the stars were falling to the earth. The fire was incessant almost the whole night; the cannon-balls whizzing and shells hissing continually amongst the combatants, ammunition chests and temporary magazines blowing up, great guns bursting, and wounded men groaning among the lines. It was a dreadful night; it was our last great effort, but it availed us nothing ! 2
1 Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. II, 86-96 ; Ramsay's Revolution, vol. II, 400-403 ; Siege of Charlestown (Munsell), 97-111.
2 Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. II, 96.
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Lincoln and the garrison were standing out, not only on a matter of substance and of great import, but also upon a mere point of honor. The latter, the marching out with the drums beating a British march and with colors unfurled, however gratifying to the wounded pride of the garrison, which had already agreed to surrender, was a mere matter of sentiment and ceremony, which should not be allowed to cost further bloodshed; but the former involved a question as to the condition of the militia and citizens, which was worth suffering for, and which the garrison was showing itself not unwilling to fight still longer and to die for if need be. And yet Gadsden, at whose instance the fight was being made, was not satis- fied. He had not been consulted. Amidst the roar of the bombardment, at "fifty minutes after nine, May 9, 1780," he writes a letter to General Lincoln, indignant that he, the supreme magistrate of the State in town, at the head of the militia officers who had been brought into the Council, in their civil capacities, should not have been consulted at all on so momentous a matter, and much more strange still when the consultation was so general He went on to say that as he was aware that Lincoln was determined to send proposals, he had no time to lose; he had therefore called a council as expeditiously as possible, and made up the article sent in the best manner he could. "What reason," he continued, "may have induced you to make proposals, and what they were, I know not; but my duty to my country obliges me to tell you that I had a right to be consulted on the occasion, and as I was not, I do solemnly protest against such treatment, and send you this to let you know I do so." Gadsden wrote the letter amidst all the horrors of that night; but his Council would not allow him to send it. Ferguson, amongst whose papers a copy was found, adds that the Council were
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unanimous in opinion that such a letter was extremely proper; but persuaded Gadsden to delay it till the result of the capitulation should be known, lest it might kindle some resentment in Lincoln, and he might be less attentive to their interests.1 Unfortunate Lincoln! He had given up all his own demands for his Continentals, was begging now only for his officers' horses and a point of etiquette in marching out, but was standing out man- fully for Gadsden's demands for the militia and citizens. And yet Gadsden and his Council, instead of thanking him, were holding indignation meetings upon his conduct because he would not subject himself to the open affronts and defiances he had received when he had consulted them before.
The bombardment had continued all night, several houses were burnt, and many more were with difficulty saved. By this time the British had completed their third parallel. Besides the cannon and mortars which played on the garrison at a distance of less than a hundred yards, rifles were fired by the Hessian jagers with such effect that very few escaped who showed themselves above the lines. For- tunately for Lincoln, the next day the citizens themselves came to his relief. On Wednesday, the 10th, "the Peti- tion of divers inhabitants of Charlestown, in behalf of themselves and others their Fellow Citizens," was handed to him. The petition represented that they were informed that the difficulties that arose in the negotiations of yes- terday and the day preceding related wholly to the citi- zens, to whom the British commanders offered their estates and to admit them to their parole as prisoners of war. And understanding that it was an indisputable proposition that they could derive no advantage from a perseverance in resistance, with everything that is dear 1 Johnson's Traditions, 261.
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to them at stake, they thought it their indispensable duty in the perilous situation of affairs to request Lincoln to send out a flag in the name of the people, intimating their acquiescence in the terms proposed. This petition was presented from a great majority of the inhabitants and of the country militia. 1
On Thursday, the 11th, the British crossed the wet ditch and were within twenty-five yards of the lines of the besieged. They were prepared to strike the last blow, and the order for the assault and storm of the town remained only to be given, when a flag appeared. Lin- coln had agreed to surrender.
His communication stated that the same motive of humanity which had induced Clinton and Arbuthnot to propose articles of capitulation to the garrison, had induced him to offer those he had sent on the 8th. Those he had then thought such as he might propose and Clin- ton and Arbuthnot might receive with honor to both parties. Their exception to them, as they principally concerned the militia and citizens, he then conceived were such as could not be concurred with; but that a recent application from these people expressing a willingness that he should comply, and a wish on his part to lessen the distresses of war to individuals, led him now to offer his acceptance of them.2
Clinton replied that when Lincoln had rejected the favorable terms, which were dictated by an earnest desire to prevent effusion of blood, and had interposed articles which were wholly inadmissible, both the Admiral and himself were of opinion that the surrender of the town
1 Lincoln's Papers, MS .; Year Book of the City of Charleston, 1897 (Smyth), 394-408.
2 Moultrie's Memoirs, 97; Ramsay's Revolution, III, 463 ; Siege of Charlestown (Munsell), 111.
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