USA > South Carolina > The history of South Carolina in the Revolution, 1775-1780 > Part 53
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72
1 Williams's narrative, Appendix to Johnson's Life of Greene, 491.
2 Tarleton's Campaigns, 100.
666
HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA
On the 9th of August two expresses arrived in Charles- town, bringing to Lord Cornwallis the information that Gates was advancing from North Carolina toward Lynch's Creek with an army supposed to amount to six thousand men, exclusive of one thousand under Sumter, who, after having in vain attempted to force the posts at Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock, was believed at that time to be moving round the left of the British position to cut off his commu- nication with the Congaree and Charlestown; that the dis- affected country between the Pee Dee and Black rivers had revolted, and that Lord Rawdon was contracting his posts and preparing to assemble his force at Camden. Upon this Lord Cornwallis, after finishing some important business, set out on the evening of the 10th, and arrived at Camden in the night between the 13th and 14th, and there found Lord Rawdon with all his force.
As Lord Rawdon had retired, Gates had advanced, and on the 13th had encamped at Colonel Rugeley's place, Clermont. Brigadier General Stevens arrived with his Virginians on the 14th, and encamped with the rest of the army. General Stevens had brought a reenforcement of men, but no provisions to support them except a few articles of West India produce, principally molasses. No effort was made to collect supplies more than to serve from day to day. The obscure route by which the army had marched kept their friends ignorant of the movement, and Gates's arrival at Clermont was indeed more of a surprise to the Whigs than to the Tories. It was justly supposed that if Gates had taken a secure position with his army, and waited only a few days, abundance of provisions would have flowed into his camp, and a large addition of volun- teers under the leaders who had already shown their cour- age and capacity would have been made to his force -an addition which would have made his army superior to that
667
IN THE REVOLUTION
of the British. But vain confidence in his own prowess and reckless credulity prevailed over all sober counsels. On the day of the arrival of Stevens, a citizen of Camden came as if by accident into the American encampment and was taken to Gates's headquarters. This individual affected ignorance of the approach of the Americans, pretended very great friendship for his countrymen, the Marylanders, and promised the General to be out again in a few days, with all the information the General wished to obtain. The information which he then gave was the truth, but not all the truth, which events afterwards revealed ; yet so plausible was his manner that Gates dismissed him with many promises if he would faithfully observe his engage- ment.1 The suspicions of the officers about headquarters were aroused, but the General's confidant was allowed to go without restraint ; and he went doubtless to Lord Corn- wallis with a full report not only of Gates's strength, but of an important move Sumter was about to make.
It happened at this time that a convoy with clothing, arms, and other stores for the troops at Camden was on its way from Charlestown. The news of Marion's appear- ance on the Pee Dee had diverted the march of the escort and wagons from the road by the way of Nelson's Ferry over the Santee to the higher route by way of McCord's Ferry over the Congaree. Sumter, having intelligence of this, and that the escort must necessarily pass the Wateree at a ferry about a mile from Camden, under cover of a small redoubt on the other side of the river under the command of Colonel Carey, informed General Gates and requested a small reenforcement of infantry and two small pieces of artillery to join the volunteers, promising to intercept the convoy. General Gates not only approved the expedition and furnished the detachment, but appar-
1 Williams's narrative, Appendix to Johnson's Life of Greene, 491.
668
HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA
ently subordinated the movements of his army to its suc- cess. He detailed four hundred Continental regulars, a party of artillery with two brass field-pieces under Lieu- tenant Colonel Woolford, to join Sumter. The moment the detachment under Woolford joined Sumter, he put his command under march for Camden Ferry. Near the break of day of the 15th he found himself advanced undiscovered to within a few miles of Carey's Fort. A strong detach- ment of his men under Colonel Thomas Taylor was at once pushed forward to gain the rear of this fort and cut off the retreat of Carey's detachment, to prevent its form- ing a junction with the convoying party. Taylor ap- proached with such caution and silence as to find Carey's party wholly unconscious of the danger that awaited them. The opportunity was favorable, and he improved it by so sudden and impetuous an attack that the whole party surrendered without any serious opposition. Seven of the British were killed and thirty taken prisoners.1 Learning from them that the convoy was at no great distance in the rear, and equally unapprehensive of danger, Taylor immediately advanced upon it. The similitude of his appearance with the homespun dresses of the Loyalists excited no apprehension in the convoying party until they found themselves surrounded, and seventy more prisoners were secured.2 With the prizes he had secured Sumter at once commenced a retreat up the western side of the Wateree, or Catawba, as the river is called beyond Camden.
Gates does not appear to have had any conception of the promptness and rapidity of Sumter's movements, and did not expect that his attack upon Carey's Fort and the convoy would take place until the next day, the 16th,
1 Tarleton's Campaigns, 148 (Sumter's letter).
2 Ibid.
669
IN THE REVOLUTION
when it was his intention to attract the attention of the British at Camden by a display of his own army in their front.1 Accordingly, on the 15th, unaware of Sumter's already achieved success, he issued orders that the troops should be ready to march at ten o'clock that night. The profoundest silence was enjoined, and it was ordered that if any soldier should fire without the command of his officer, he must be instantly put to death. By the order of march at the head of the column was placed Armand's Legion. Armand was one of the many French gentlemen who joined the American army. His officers were gener- ally foreign, and the soldiers not even as good as those of Pulaski -indeed, they were chiefly deserters. It was the last corps in the army which should have been intrusted with such a position.2 To make matters worse, Gates, while putting this corps in the position of honor, made the further blunder of expressing his distrust by the very terms of the order which assigned them to it. Colonel Porterfield's light infantry was to march upon the right flank of Colonel Armand in Indian, that is in single, file, two hundred yards from the road ; Major Armstrong's light infantry in the same order as Colonel Porterfield's, upon the left flank of the Legion. The order then went on to direct : " In case of an attack by the enemy's cavalry in front, the light infantry upon each flank will instantly move up and give and continue the most galling fire upon the enemy's horse. This will enable Colonel Armand not only to support the shock of the enemy's charge, but finally to rout them; the Colonel will therefore consider the order to stand the attacks of the enemy's cavalry, be their number what they may, as positive." Having arranged the order in which the other troops were to follow, the order directed
1 Williams's narrative, Appendix to Johnson's Life of Greene, 492.
2 Memoirs of the War of 1776 (Lee), 181, note.
670
HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA
" when the ground will admit of it, and the near approach of the enemy renders it necessary, the army will (when ordered) march in columns."
After preparing the order, the General showed it to Colonel Williams, his adjutant general, showing him at the same time a rough estimate of the forces under his command, making them upward of seven thousand. Gates appears to have had no returns made previous to setting out on the march, and his estimate was doubted by Colonel Williams, who had the prudence, while summoning the general officers to a council to be held in Rugeley's barn, to call also upon the commanding officers of the different corps for a field return ; and as he was not required to attend the council, he busied himself in collecting these returns, and forming an abstract for the General's better information. This abstract was presented to Gates as the council broke up, immediately as he came to the door. Casting his eyes upon the numbers of rank and file present for duty which was exactly three thousand and fifty-two, he said that there were no less than thirteen general officers in council, and observed something about the dispropor- tion between the number of officers and privates. Colonel Williams appears to have pressed upon his attention the difference between the actual returns and the estimate he had formed, to which Gates replied, " There are enough for our purpose ; " and without saying what that purpose was, went on to observe "there was no dissenting voice in the council where the orders have just been read." The orders he directed to be published to the army.
Though there had been no dissent in the council, the orders were no sooner promulgated than they became the subject of animadversion. It was said by some that there had been no consultation; that the orders were read to them, but all opinion suppressed by the very positive and
671
IN THE REVOLUTION
decided terms in which they were expressed. Others could not imagine how it could be conceived that an army con- sisting of more than two-thirds militia, which had never been once exercised in arms together, could form columns and perform other manœuvres in the night and in the face of an enemy. But of all the officers, Colonel Armand took the greatest exception. He regarded the terms of the order in which he was directed to consider his instructions to stand the attack of the enemy's cavalry as positive as an implied doubt of his courage. He very properly, also, objected to the order itself, declaring that cavalry had never before been put in front of a line of battle in the dark, and went so far as to charge that he was to be put in this false position by Gates from his resentment on account of an altercation which had taken place between them on their way through the wilderness. There was a good deal more discussion, says Williams, but the time was short, and the officers and soldiers generally, neither knowing or believing any more than the General that any considerable body of the enemy were to be met with out of Camden, acquiesced, and with their usual cheerfulness were ready to march at the appointed hour.
Gates has been criticised for weakening his army, though in striking distance of his foe, by detaching to Sumter the 400 men under Colonel Woolford ; 1 but his error was more fundamental. It was in his unpardonable ignorance of the actual number of men under his command. If he had had more than 7000, as he had estimated his strength before complying with Sumter's requisition, it would not have been an unwise disposition. And as it was, Sumter's advance down the west bank of the Wateree in connection with Marion's appearance on the Pee Dee had the effect of forcing Cornwallis's movements. His lordship reported
1 Memoirs of the War of 1776 (Lee), 179.
672
HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA
that on his arrival in Camden he found himself in a posi- tion in which he was obliged to act at once. He must either retreat or at once assume the offensive. The position of Camden was untenable. Sumter had cut him off from his supplies, and his provisions on hand must have failed in a few days. He saw no difficulty in making good his retreat to Charlestown with the troops that were able to march ; but in adopting that course he must have left nearly 800 sick and a great quantity of stores at Camden, and he clearly saw in that event the loss of the whole province except Charlestown, as immediate consequences, besides forfeiting all pretensions to future confidence from their adherents in this part of America. On the other hand, he accepted the account, probably brought him by Gates's confiding friend, that the rebel army was upwards of 5000 men, exclusive of Sumter's detachment and a corps of Virginia militia of 1200 or 1500 men, who had either actually joined or expected to join the main body every hour. His own strength he counted at about 1400 fight- ing men of regulars and Provincials, with 400 or 500 militia and North Carolina refugees. What he lacked, however, in numbers, he confidently assumed was counterbalanced by the excellent character of his troops, who were veterans. Charlestown he had left sufficiently garrisoned and pro- vided for siege, and seeing little to lose by a defeat and much to gain by a victory, Cornwallis determined at once to attack. He had ascertained that Gates after marching from Hanging Rock had encamped at Colonel Rugeley's, about twelve miles from Camden, on the afternoon of the 14th; and later, in the evening of the 15th, he received information that the Virginians had joined Gates that day. But this did not alter his determination. At ten o'clock he marched, leaving the defence of Camden to some Provincial militia and convalescents, and a detachment of the Sixty-third Regiment.
PLAN of the Battle FOUGHT NEAR CAMDEN August 16 " 1780
British
ansand mn suoofisa
ich
American Army on tiene March
towards Camden on the night of
BATTLE
Buddyance of the British
"
6 5 4++ 3
0
ORDER OF BATTLE
Situation of the
British Troops
when they met the American Columnas
Su
Road from Exceder
to Rugeters
References.
1. Three Companies 1 .!!! Infant".
2 281. Regiment
3. 334. Itto.
h Volunteers of Ireland
3 Infantry of the Brit. legion
6 Hamilton & Corps
7 Brian's torps
8.8 Pro Bedlatinus yet Ken!
9 Dragoons British Legion
Jinich of the
British Troops
British
Anurican
Flight of
the 15th.
ORDER++ OF
?
1
7
8
8
l'2
One English Mile .
673
IN THE REVOLUTION
It thus happened that both armies, ignorant of each other's intentions, moved about the same hour of the same night. But there was this difference, - Gates was advanc- ing without any determined purpose of bringing on an engagement, but rather of making a demonstration to draw off attention from Sumter's movement, which curiously had then already been successfully accomplished, and had itself actually set Cornwallis in motion ; while, on the other hand, Cornwallis was advancing, despite of it, bent upon forcing Gates to battle. The armies approaching each other with these different views met halfway sometime after midnight 1 on the morning of the 16th of August.
In the advance of Gates's column rode Armand, burn- ing with resentment, at the head of his unreliable corps, while Tarleton's dragoons led Cornwallis's march. The collision of these advanced guards was the revelation to each army of the presence of the other. Upon the colli- sion both advanced parties recoiled. The officer command- ing the detachment of the British Legion was wounded, and the detachment gave way. On the American side, some of Armand's cavalry were wounded and retreated ; and in their retreat threw the whole of the rest of his corps into disorder, and these, recoiling suddenly on the front of the column of infantry, threw the first Maryland brigade into confusion. Upon the giving way of the Legion the British line was promptly restored by the light infantry of the Twenty-third and Thirty-third regiments, under Lieutenant Colonel Webster, who commanded the front division of the King's troops.2 The disorder caused by the retreat of Armand's cavalry was not as easily reme-
1 Cornwallis puts the hour at 2.30 A.M., Tarleton's Campaigns, 131 ; Colonel Williams "at midnight," Johnson's Life of Greene, Appendix, 494.
2 Tarleton's Campaigns, 104.
VOL. III .- 2 x
674
HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA
died; it occasioned, indeed, a general consternation through the whole line of Gates's army.1 This affair of the advance guard was followed by a musketry fire, which continued for nearly a quarter of an hour, when the two armies, finding themselves thus unexpectedly in touch with each other, ceased firing and acquiesced in a suspension of hostilities.2
Some prisoners were taken on both sides, and from one of these Colonel Williams, the Adjutant General of the American army, obtained information respecting the situa- tion and numbers of the enemy. He learned that Lord Cornwallis commanded in person, and was informed that about three thousand regular British troops were in line of march about five hundred or six hundred yards in front. Order having been restored, the officers were employed in forming a line of battle, when Colonel Williams communi- cated to General Gates the information he had received from the prisoner. Gates could not conceal his astonish- ment, and at once called another council of war of all the general officers. This took place in rear of the line, when the unwelcome news was communicated to them. Gen- eral Gates asked, "Gentlemen, what is best to be done ?" All were silent for a few moments, when General Stevens exclaimed, " Gentlemen, is it not too late now to do any- thing but fight?" No other advice was offered, and the General desired the gentlemen to repair to their respective commands.
Baron De Kalb appeared to have assumed it as a matter of course that Gates would have ordered a retreat; he did not, however, oppose the suggestion of General Stevens, and measures were at once taken preparatory to action. Lieutenant Colonel Porterfield, in whose bravery and
1 Williams's narrative, Johnson's Life of Greene, Appendix, 494.
2 Ibid.
675
IN THE REVOLUTION
judicious conduct great dependence was placed in the first rencontre, received a mortal wound and was carried from the field.1 His infantry kept the ground in front, and the army was formed in the following order: the Maryland division, including the Delawares, under Briga- dier General Gist, on the right; the North Carolina militia, under Brigadier General Caswell, in the centre ; and the Virginia militia, under Stevens, on the left. Each flank was covered by a swamp so near as to admit the removing of the First Maryland Brigade, under General Smallwood, to form a second line about two hundred yards in the rear of the first. The artillery was placed in the centre of the front line, and the North Carolina militia (light infantry), under Major Armstrong, which had retreated in the first collision, was ordered to cover a small interval between the left wing and the swampy grounds in that quarter.
Gates, the hero of Saratoga, - he who was to save the country despite of Washington, " the weak general who was running it,"2 he who was to render the Southern army irresistible,3 - was now brought to the test of his vaunted prowess. He had reaped at Saratoga honors, the seeds of which Schuyler had sown. Now he must show whether he was worthy of them. With Lee's ominous cau- tion, " Beware that your Northern laurels do not change to Southern willows," ringing in his ears, he stood there as the morning dawned, appalled at the suddenness of the trial he had so vaingloriously challenged. He, the critic of Washington and the favorite of Congress, who had been sent to command in the South against Washington's pref-
1 Charles Porterfield, then a sergeant, was the first person who crossed the barricade when Arnold stormed the heights at Quebec, Morgan being the second. Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. II, 333, note.
2 Irving's Washington, III, 303.
3 Ibid., 348.
676
HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA
erence, now in this supreme moment of trial utterly failed ; for the battle he had sought he was without plan and without expedient. He gave no orders. To Colonel Williams's suggestion that if the enemy in the act of deploying were briskly attacked by General Stevens's bri- gade, which was already in line of battle, the effect might be fortunate, he but weakly observed, " That's right - let it be done." This is apparently the only direction he gave during the battle.1
Lord Cornwallis, on the other side, had soon mastered the situation. He had ascertained that the ground on which both armies stood, being narrowed by swamps on the right and left, was extremely favorable for his numbers ; and while not choosing to risk the uncertainty of a fight in the dark, he took measures to secure the position until morning. At the dawn he formed his troops for the battle. The division on the right consisted of a small corps of light infantry, the Twenty-third and Thirty-third regiments, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Webster. The division on the left consisted of the volunteers of Ireland, the infantry of the Legion, and part of Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton's North Carolina regiment under the command of Lord Rawdon, with two six-pounders and two three- pounders. The Seventy-first Regiment with two six- pounders was formed as a reserve, one battalion in rear of the division of the right, the other in rear of that of the left. The cavalry of the Legion was in the rear, close to the Seventy-first Regiment, with orders to seize any oppor- tunity that might offer to break the enemy's lines, or to protect their own in case any corps should meet with a check.2
Colonel Williams, having obtained the assent of General
1 Williams's narrative, Johnson's Life of Greene, Appendix, 495.
2 Lord Cornwallis's report, Tarleton's Campaigns, 132.
677
IN THE REVOLUTION
Gates that Stevens should attack, hastened to Stevens, who instantly advanced with his brigade, apparently in fine spirits ; but the right wing of the enemy was found already in line. It was too late to surprise them ; Colonel Williams nevertheless requested General Stevens to let him have forty or fifty volunteers with whom to commence the attack. These he led forward within a few yards of the enemy, taking shelter by the trees and keeping up a brisk fire.1
Lord Cornwallis, whose lines had just been formed, observing this movement, directed Lieutenant Colonel Webster to begin the attack, which was done with great vigor, and in a few minutes the action was general along the whole front. General Stevens, observing the enemy about to charge, reminded his men of their bayonets ; but the impetuosity with which the British advanced, firing and hurrahing, threw the whole body of the militia into such a panic that they threw their loaded arms down and fled in the utmost consternation. The example of the Virginians was almost immediately followed by the North Carolinians. General Rutherford acted with dis- tinguished gallantry until disabled by a musket ball through his thigh, when he was captured. General Butler vainly endeavored to keep the centre of the North Caro- lina militia in position, but that and a part of the line under General Gregory, who was on the left, fled also. But Gregory himself and part of his brigade, a regiment under Colonel Dixon, remained and fought with great heroism. The Continental troops and this regiment of North Carolinians were left to oppose the British. Hav- ing their flank exposed by the flight of the other militia, Dixon's regiment joined the Marylanders, whose left they became, and vied in deeds of courage with their veteran
1 Williams's narrative, Johnson's Life of Greene, Appendix, 495.
678
HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA
comrades. Colonel Dixon himself had seen service, hav- ing commanded a Continental regiment under Washington. By his precept and example he infused his own spirit into his troops, who, emulating the ardor of their leader, demon- strated the wisdom of selecting experienced officers to com- mand raw soldiers.1 This regiment kept together while they had a cartridge to fire. Some of them stood to be bayoneted. General Gregory, who was fighting with them, himself received two such wounds.2
De Kalb and Gist with the Second Maryland Brigade held their ground for some time with heroic firmness ; Lord Rawdon, with the volunteers of Ireland, the in- fantry of the Legion, and the North Carolina Loyalists could not move them. The battle was thus nobly main- tained by the two Maryland brigades, the Delaware and North Carolina regiments. Seeing this, Lord Cornwallis ordered a part of the British cavalry, under Major Hanger, to charge their flank, while Colonel Tarleton with the remainder completed their confusion. The British in- fantry, charging at the same moment, put an end to the contest. Cornwallis's victory was complete. Rout and slaughter ensued in every quarter; all the artillery and a very great number of prisoners fell into his hands. General Gist and about one hundred Continentals escaped in a body by wading through the swamp on the right of the American position. The Delaware regiment was an- nihilated. Baron De Kalb fought on foot with the Second Maryland Brigade, and fell mortally wounded, receiving eleven wounds. While his life was yet lingering, he was rescued from immediate death by the heroic interposition of Lieutenant Colonel du Buysson, one of his aides-de-camp, who, embracing the fallen General, received into his own
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.