USA > South Carolina > The history of South Carolina in the Revolution, 1775-1780 > Part 38
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At the suggestion of General Lincoln, as we have said, it was determined that Governor Rutledge and some of the Council should leave the town. Lieutenant Governor Bee was in Philadelphia attending the Continental Congress,
1 Johnson's Traditions, 252.
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of which he was a member. The Constitution of 1778 provided that in case of the absence from the seat of gov- ernment or sickness of the Governor and Lieutenant Gov- ernor any one of the Privy Council might be empowered by the Governor under his hand and seal to act in his room. 1 In the absence of Lieutenant Governor Bee, Christopher Gadsden was appointed Lieutenant Governor, and it was agreed that Colonel Charles Pinckney, Daniel Huger, and John Lewis Gervais of the Council should go out with the Governor, and that Gadsden, with the remainder of the Council, Thomas Ferguson, David Ramsay, Richard Hutson, and Benjamin Cattell should remain in the town; more to satisfy the citizens, says Gervais in his diary, than because of the propriety of the measure.2 It cannot escape observation, however, that in this division of the government the old party lines were followed, Governor Rutledge taking with him the conservative members of the Council, and Gadsden retain- ing the most vigorous of his followers. Governor Rut- ledge and his party left the city on the 13th. Before he did so-that is, between nine and ten o'clock in the morning - the enemy opened all their guns and mortar batteries at once, being the first time they fired upon the town itself and from the front, and continued a furious cannonade and bombarding with little intermission till midnight, their batteries from Wappoo the meanwhile playing upon the left flank of the besieged and the town. The houses in the city were much damaged, and several were fired and burnt. A child and its nurse were killed.3
Lincoln, having thus got the Governor and a part of the
1 Statutes of So. Ca., vol. I, 139.
2 So. Ca. in the Revolution (Simms), 121, quoting journal of John L. Gervais.
3 Ibid., 121. A child of Myer Moses (McIntosh), 122. VOL. III. - 2 H
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Council out of the town, called all the general officers to his quarters, where he gave them the first information in regard to the state of the garrison, its men, provisions, stores, artillery, etc., and announced to them the little hopes he had of any success of consequence and the opinion of the engineers that the fortifications were merely field works or lines, and could hold out but a few days more. With every information he could obtain of the numbers and strength of the enemy he was compelled, he said, to contemplate the necessity of evacuating the town. Upon this General McIntosh, without hesitation, gave it as his opinion that, as they were so unfortunate as to suffer them- selves to be penned up and cut off from all sources, they should not lose an hour more in attempting to get the Continental troops at least out while they had one side open yet over Cooper River. He urged that the salvation, not only of this State, but of others, depended upon this movement. But Lincoln, who had himself suggested the idea, did not have the nerve either at once to carry it out or definitely to reject it; hesitating and dallying with it, he bade the officers to consider maturely of the expediency and practicability of such a measure by the time he would send for them again. The cannonade of the enemy broke up the Council abruptly.1 Repeated efforts were made to get the Council of officers together again, but it was six days before it met,2 and then information had been received of disasters which rendered the evacuation now well-nigh impossible.
General Huger had been left without the town, with Horry's horse, the remains of Pulaski's dragoons, and the recently arrived horse from Virginia. To these were added some militia of the country. The effort made on the 5th to surprise Colonel Washington at Middleton
1 McIntosh, So. Ca. in the Revolution (Simms), 122. 2 Ibid.
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Place had failed, and he had skilfully retreated to the twenty-third mile house. From this point Washington fell farther back, some twenty miles, to Huger, now at Monck's Corner, at the head of the Cooper. This position commanded the forks and passes of that river and main- tained the communication with Charlestown by the roads through the parishes of St. John's Berkeley, St. Thomas, and Christ Church to Hobcaw and Haddrell's Point, on its eastern shore. This force under Huger Sir Henry Clinton determined to break up, and thus cut off the town from the means of communication. On the 12th of April, therefore, Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton, who was then posted at the Quarter House on the Neck, six miles from Charlestown, was reënforced by Major Ferguson's corps of marksmen, and advanced to Goose Creek some ten miles farther toward Monck's Corner. Colonel Webster 1 joined him on the following day with two regiments of infantry, the Thirty-third and Sixty-fourth. Tarleton again moved on in the evening with his own and Fergu- son's corps. It was determined to make the attack at night so as to render the superiority of Huger's cavalry useless; profound silence was observed on the march. Fortune favored the British. A negro attempting to leave the road was secured by the advanced guard, and a letter was taken from his pocket written by an officer in General Huger's camp, which the negro was taking to the neigh- borhood of the town. The contents of this letter and the negro's intelligence proved lucky incidents to the enemy. Tarleton's information as to Huger's position was now complete. He knew that Huger's cavalry was posted in front of Cooper River, and that the militia were in a meet- ing-house which commanded Biggin's Bridge across the
1 Lieutenant Colonel James Webster, an officer of high character, a Scotchman by birth.
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river. Tarleton regarded this disposition of Huger's troops as most favorable to his attack, and proceeded at once to make it, without waiting for Colonel Webster. Led by the negro by paths through the woods, at three o'clock in the morning the advanced guard of dragoons and mounted infantry, supported by the remainder of the legion and Ferguson's corps, approached the American post. A charge was at once made on the grand guard on the main road, there being no other avenue open owing to the swamps upon the flanks. The guard was surprised. Tarleton drove at them with a vigor which was to prove habitual, and entered the camp with them. Although accoutred for action, yet so instantaneous was the assault that the American cavalry were routed without resistance. Without loss of time Major Cochrane forced the bridge and the meeting-house with the infantry of the British legion, charged the militia with fixed bayonets, and dis- persed everything that opposed him. The loss of the Americans was great. Major Vernier of Pulaski's legion, three captains, one lieutenant, and ten privates were killed, one captain, two lieutenants, and fifteen privates wounded, and many prisoners taken.1 Major Vernier was mangled in the most shocking manner, but lived for several hours, upbraiding, it is said, the Americans for their conduct, and even in his last moments cursing the British for their barbarity for having refused quarter after he had surrendered.2 General Huger, Colonel Washing- ton, Major Jameson,3 and other officers and men fled on
1 Governor Roosevelt in his Winning of the West, 245, makes the curious mistake of saying that General Huger was slain in this affair. He was not. He escaped, as stated in the text, and served all through the Revolution, fighting in many battles, and surviving until the 17th of October, 1797.
2 Steadman's Am. War, vol. II, 183, note.
8 John Jameson of Virginia, Major, Second Continental Dragoons.
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foot to the swamps and thus escaped. General Huger, with his aide, John Izard, hid all night in the swamp.1 The exact loss of the Americans in horses, ammunition, and supplies was never ascertained with exactness.2 Tarleton claimed that he captured 400 horses belonging to officers and dragoons, with their arms and appointments.3 Steadman, however, says that they had captured 42 wagons, 102 wagon horses, 83 dragoon horses, and a quantity of am- munition and supplies.4 The greatest gain to Tarleton was no doubt in the remount of his dragoons. A letter from the British camp, published in Rivington's Royal Gazette, June 21, speaks of the capture of "sixty famous horses." 5 Monck's Corner was in the very heart of the high-bred stock-raising country,6 and doubtless this capture gave to Tarleton's officers many thoroughbred horses as chargers.
The conduct of the British troops up to this time had been marked by pillage and robbery - but now was to be added the most shocking outrages. Several ladies at Fair Lawn, the mansion of Sir John Colleton, a stanch Royalist, were most barbarously treated by some of the dragoons of the legion, and it does not certainly appear that the miscreants were even punished.7
1 Gervais, So. Ca. in the Revolution (Simms), 138.
2 Memoirs of the War of 1776 (Lee), 154.
3 Tarleton's Campaigns, 16.
4 Steadman's Am. War, vol. II, 183.
5 Siege of Charlestown (Munsell), 164.
6 Hist. of So. Ca. under Roy. Gov. (McCrady), 518, 519.
7 Fair Lawn was a part of the original Colleton Barony, situated at the head of the navigation of the Cooper River. It was to be the scene of a severe engagement the next year. Steadman's Am. War, vol. II, 182, note : " Major Birnie (Vernier) was mangled in the most shocking manner ; he had several wounds-a severe one behind his ear. This unfortunate officer lived several hours, reprobating the Americans for their conduct on this occasion, and even in his last moments cursing the British for their barbarity in having refused quarter after he had sur-
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As soon as Colonel Webster arrived at Biggin Bridge with his two regiments, he sent Tarleton at once to seize the boats and take possession of Bonneau's Ferry over the eastern branch of Cooper River, which was at once, and easily, done. The British, crossing first into St. Thomas's and then into Christ Church Parish, advanced, by way of Wappetaw Bridge, at the head of the Wando, to within six miles of Lemprière's Point, and Charlestown was completely invested. Lincoln's communications by Cooper River would seem now to be pretty effectually cut off. But, strange to say, not only individuals, but some considerable bodies, subsequently succeeded in getting in and out of the town by this same way. But Sir Henry Clinton was not satisfied with having secured the passes over the Cooper, and as Colonel Webster's command was not sufficient to guard all the roads through the country around, the British commander availed himself of the arrival of reinforcements from New York, for which he
rendered. The writer of this, who was ordered on this expedition, afforded every assistance in his power, and had the Major put upon a table in a public house in the village, and a blanket thrown over him. The Major in his last moments was frequently insulted by the privates of the Legion. Some dragoons of the British Legion attempted to ravish several ladies at the house of Sir John Collington (Colleton) in the neighborhood of Monck's Corner. Mrs. - , the wife of Dr. - , of Charlestown, was most barbarously treated. She was a most delicate and beautiful woman. Lady - received one or two wounds with a sword. Mrs. - , sister to Major -, was also ill treated. The ladies made their escape, and came to Monck's Corner, where they were pro- tected ; a carriage being provided, they were escorted to the house of Mr. -. The dragoons were apprehended and brought to Monck's Corner, where by this time Colonel Webster had arrived and taken the command. The late Colonel Patrick Ferguson (of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter) was for putting the dragoons to instant death. But Colonel Webster did not consider that his powers extended to that of holding a general court-martial. The prisoners were, however, sent to headquarters, and I believe were afterwards tried and whipped."
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had sent, amounting to three thousand men,1 under Lord Rawdon, and detached Lord Cornwallis, with a large part of these, to a position east of the Cooper.
In the meanwhile Sir Henry Clinton gradually but steadily advanced his approaches to the town. A slow but incessant fire was kept up from small arms, cannon, and mortars during the 13th and 14th, and on the 15th a battery of two guns opened from Stiles's Place on James Island 2 which played constantly on the town at a distance of about a mile. This was called by the citizens "water- melon" battery.3 A shot from the battery on the 16th struck St. Michael's steeple and carried off the arm of the statue of Pitt, which had been erected with so much rejoicing in 1770.4 The British bomb batteries were now advanced to within eight hundred yards of the lines of the town. On the 18th several casualties occurred; among others Mr. Philip Nyle, aide-de-camp to General Moultrie, was killed by a cannon-ball. It was now observed that the enemy did not throw large shells as they had done before, but showers of small ones from their mortars and howitzers, which proved very mischievous. The loss of the garrison this day, four killed and ten wounded. The news, too, now came that Huger had been surprised and totally routed, and that the enemy had crossed the Wando and
1 Gordon's Am. War, vol. III, 353 ; Steadman's Am. War, vol. II, 184.
2 On Sir Henry Clinton's map this is put down as "Heyward's" Place.
3 Johnson's Traditions.
4 Hist. of So. Ca. under Roy. Gov. (McCrady), 677-678. A very tragic event took place on the 17th. One of the militia, whose family lived in a small house on the south side of what is now Calhoun Street, between King and Meeting streets, having obtained permission to leave the lines where he was serving, had just entered his home and was in the embrace of his wife when a cannon-ball killed them both at the same instant. Johnson's Traditions, 252.
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were at the church on Hobcaw Neck. Upon the receipt of the news General Scott was at once sent over Cooper River with a body of light infantry to Lemprière's Point to keep open if possible the communication, as all the fresh provisions came from that quarter. But if the garrison could afford the detachment at all, why was it not made before and the point put in a condition of defence? If it could not be afforded before, it was useless now. As Timothy, in his journal, observed, "We generally begin things too late or are too long about them."1
The enemy continued their approaches on the 19th to within two hundred and fifty yards of the lines of the town, and a considerable party showed themselves before the post at Lemprière's; they retreated, however, when fired upon. General Scott had no cavalry, but he mounted some men on his own and other officers' horses to recon- noitre; while doing this he was summoned to the town to attend a council of war at General Moultrie's headquarters. McIntosh tells us that this council had been attempted repeatedly before at Lincoln's headquarters, but that it was so interrupted that no business could be done.2 What an insight does this passing remark of the journalist give of the condition of the garrison! A general in command could not secure himself and his officers from interruption at his own headquarters, even to consider whether the town should be further defended or not! The proceedings of the council which now met were in keeping with this extraordinary beginning. Besides the general officers, Major General Lincoln, Brigadier Generals Moultrie, McIntosh, Woodford, Scott, and Hogan, there were also Colonel Laumoy, the engineer in charge, Colonel Beek- man of the artillery, and Colonel Maurice Simons, com-
1 So. Ca. in the Revolution (Simms), 97.
2 Ibid., 126.
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manding the Charlestown militia. The subject of evacuation was again mooted; indeed, McIntosh says it had been discussed repeatedly since their last meeting. The council was charged with the greatest secrecy as to its proceedings, as well as to any determination that might be taken. General Lincoln thereupon laid before the council the strength of the garrison, the state of the pro- visions, the situation of the enemy, the information he had received as to reinforcements, and the state of the obstructions which had been made in the river between the Exchange and Shutes's Folly, and requested the opinion of council as to what measures the interest and safety of the country called them to pursue under these present circumstances.1
Upon this request of General Lincoln, some of the officers expressed themselves still inclined to the evacua- tion, notwithstanding that the difficulties were much greater now than they were when discussed on the 13th. General McIntosh still was in its favor. He proposed leaving the militia for the guards in the garrison until the Continental troops left the town ; but this was opposed by Colonel Laumoy, who was for offering terms of capitula- tion at once. And now a most extraordinary thing occurred.
In the midst of the conference Lieutenant Governor Gadsden, says McIntosh, happened to come in, - whether by accident or design he did not know, -and thereupon General Lincoln proposed that he might be allowed to sit as one of the council. What right had Lincoln to do this ? Whether the Continental Congress had acted fairly to South Carolina in not doing more for her defence was a question for the civil authorities of the State to consider. If Congress had, as many believed, determined to abandon 1 Lincoln's Letter to Washington (Year Book, 1897).
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the Southern States to their fate, it was for those States in their civil capacities to say whether or not they would continue the struggle or withdraw from the Union and make their own terms with the British. But until the civil authorities of the State had withdrawn it from the Union, the armies remained under the control of Congress, and Lincoln, as its military officer, was solely responsible for the troops under his command. The usages of war allowed him to consult his officers and take their opinions, in order the more wisely to act. But the responsibility for decision he could not cast upon others; and no military usage or custom permitted him to take civilians into his council. The question he had to decide was a military one. It was whether or not, in order to save the Continental troops for the general welfare, not only of the State of South Carolina, but of the whole confederacy, he should attempt to evacuate the town. This was a ques- tion not to be decided by a town meeting, but by the commander himself; and when he took Lieutenant Gov- ernor Gadsden into council upon the subject he abandoned his prerogatives and shirked his responsibility. From this time his position was scarcely more than that of a moderator in the discussions which went on between the civil and military officers as to the abandonment of the town. In such a discussion, the dominant character of Gadsden was sure to assert itself; and from the moment he was allowed to take part in the council he became the master of it. The question from this time on was not whether Lincoln would evacuate or capitulate, but whether Gadsden would allow him to do so. Gadsden at once vigorously opposed the idea of either evacuation or capitu- lation. He expressed himself surprised and displeased that the idea had been entertained, though he acknowl- edged himself entirely ignorant of the state of provisions
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and supplies. He said, however, that he would consult his Council, and promised that if it was determined to capitulate he would send in an hour or two such terms as the Council required for the citizens of Charlestown. Lincoln committed himself that no action would be taken without the consent of Gadsden and his Council.
The military council adjourned to meet in the evening at General Lincoln's headquarters. Gadsden was not at first present, but Colonel Laumoy proceeded to lay before it the insufficiency of the fortifications, -if they were worthy of being called so, - the improbability of holding out many days longer, and the impracticability of making good a retreat as the enemy were now situated, and per- suaded the council of the necessity of trying to obtain terms of honorable capitulation. But now came in not only Gadsden, but the rest of his Council along with him, that is, Messrs. Ferguson, Hutson, Cattell, and Dr. Ram- say; and, says McIntosh, they used the military council very rudely. The Lieutenant Governor protested against the proceedings. He undertook to speak for the militia, though Colonel Simons, then commander, was present, and declared that the militia were willing to live upon rice alone rather than give up the town upon any terms- that even the old women were so accustomed to the enemy's shot now that they travelled the streets without fear or dread; but he went on to say that if the military offi- cers were determined to capitulate he had his terms in his pocket ready. Upon this Mr. Ferguson, Gadsden's brother-in-law, broke out, and said that the inhabitants had observed, several days before, boats collected to carry off the Continental troops, but that they would keep a good watch upon the army, and if it were attempted he would be the first who would open the gates for the enemy and assist them in attacking the Continental troops before they
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got aboard. And Lincoln submitted to this threat! Knowing Gadsden, no doubt, well, he had invited him to the council, and so must now take his advice however dictatorily given. With any regard for himself or his position, with any hope of respect for his future command, General Lincoln should not have allowed Ferguson to go from his quarters, into which he had come uninvited, except under arrest, and a prompt trial by court-martial for mutiny should have followed.
But it was not only from the civil authorities that General Lincoln was this evening to receive reproach. Soon after the Lieutenant Governor and Council had gone, Colonel C. C. Pinckney came in abruptly, and forgetting, says McIntosh, his usual politeness, addressed General Lincoln in great warmth, and in much the same strain as the Lieutenant Governor had done, adding that those who were for business required no council, and that he came over on purpose from Fort Moultrie to prevent any terms being offered the enemy or evacuating the garrison; and then, addressing himself to Colonel Laumoy, charged the engineer department with being the sole authors and pro- moters of any proposals. General McIntosh declares that he was so much hurt by the repeated insults given to the commanding officer in so public a manner, and obliquely to them all through him, that he could not help declar- ing, as it was thought impracticable to get the Continental troops out, he was for holding the garrison, that is, main- taining the defence to the last extremity. This was at once agreed to by every one but Colonel Laumoy, who insisted that they were already at the last extremity; and if the others were not of that opinion, he desired to know what they considered such extremity. But Gadsden had carried the day; it was determined to hold out, and the council adjourned for the night.1
1 McIntosh, So. Cu. in the Revolution (Simms), 127-129.
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It has been said that the citizens might well be indig- nant that, after being buoyed up with the assurances of the adequacy of their defences and the sufficiency of their provisions and material for the siege, they should, when too late to remove their effects and their families, be told, at the very beginning of the bombardment, that defence was impossible.1 But this is unjust to Lincoln and can- not excuse Gadsden's conduct. The British forces had been gathering around Charlestown for six weeks before the free communication with the country was interrupted, and many of the citizens had availed themselves then of the opportunity of removing their families ; and those who either had not the means to remove or had chosen to remain and take the chances of the siege, which no one doubted would be laid to the town, could not now blame Lincoln for the want of opportunity. It is not probable that any one who had remained in the town had been in the least influenced in his action by any assurance of word or deed, by Lincoln. Gadsden's conduct can only be palliated by his well-known devotion to the cause he had in a great measure inaugurated, by his patriotism which would brook no idea of submission, by his indignation at the thought of falling a prisoner into the hands of his enemy, and by the weakness of Lincoln, which had lost him the confidence of the people.
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