USA > South Carolina > The history of South Carolina in the Revolution, 1775-1780 > Part 54
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1 Memoirs of the War of 1776 (Lee), 187.
2 No. Ca., 1780-81 (Schenck), 91.
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body the bayonets pointed at his friend. Major Thomas Pinckney, who, it will be recollected, had been sent out of Charlestown before the surrender, and had joined General Gates as an aide-de-camp, was severely wounded, and fell into the hands of the enemy. The North Caro- lina militia suffered greatly. More than three hundred were taken, and nearly one hundred were killed and wounded. Strange to say, the Virginia militia, who set the example which produced the destruction of the army, escaped entirely.1 The pursuit was continued, and none were saved but those who penetrated the swamps which had been deemed impassable. The road was heaped with dead and wounded. Arms, artillery, horses, and baggage were strewn in every direction. The torrent of unarmed militia bore away with it Generals Gates and Caswell. Gates, it is said, first conceived a hope that he might rally at Clermont a sufficient number to cover the retreat of the regulars.2 But if he had, he did not stay long to attempt it. No rendezvous was appointed by him, no order was given. He fled as the commonest coward in the army ; he fled day and night until he reached Charlotte, seventy miles distant, and being mounted on a celebrated race- horse he outstripped all his followers in the race.3 Noth- ing could stop him. Lieutenant Colonel Senf, who had been on the expedition with Sumter, met and informed him of the complete success of the expedition, and that Sumter was on the opposite side of the Catawba with one hundred prisoners and forty loaded wagons which he had captured.4 But this trifling affair did not interest him. He had no directions to give, no warning to Sumter to
1 Memoirs of the War of 1776 (Lee), 185.
2 Williams's narrative, Johnson's Life of Greene, Appendix, 497.
3 No. Ca. in 1780-81 (Schenck), 95.
4 Williams's narrative, supra.
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send. Farther on he met Major Davie with his corps on his return from Charlotte, where he had been to escort some of those wounded at Hanging Rock on the 6th to a hospital he had established there, and was now hastening to overtake the army at Rugeley's Mills. A short time before, Davie had arrested as a deserter an American soldier who was in full speed, and learned from him the disaster which had befallen. This unwelcome news was soon confirmed by the appearance of Gates himself in full flight. Gates called to Davie to fall back on Charlotte, or the dragoons would soon be on him. Davie replied that " his men were accustomed to Tarleton and did not fear him." Gates had no time to argue, but pressed on. Gen- eral Isaac Huger then rode up, and Davie inquired of him how far the directions of General Gates ought to be obeyed, to which Huger replied, "Just so far as you please, for you will never see him again." Davie then sent a gentleman to General Gates to say that if he wished, he would go on and bury his dead. The answer of Gates was : "I say retreat! Let the dead bury their dead."1 This injunction Davie did not obey, but with the hope of being useful in saving the soldiers, baggage, and stores he continued to advance.2 Indeed, he appears at this time to have been the only officer at liberty capable of thinking and acting. Learning from General Huger the probability of Sumter's ignorance of Gates's defeat, he immediately took steps to inform him. He instantly dispatched one of his officers, Captain Martin, with two dragoons to inform Sumter, who was moving up the western bank of the Catawba,3 and to urge him to hasten to Charlotte whither he himself meant
1 Wheeler's Hist. of No. Ca., 194; No. Ca. in 1780-81 (Schenck), 96.
2 Memoirs of the War of 1776 (Lee), 188.
3 The Wateree here changes its name to Catawba.
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to proceed, and to assemble, as he returned, all the force which could be induced to take the field. Davie's message did not reach Sumter a moment too soon.
By the time the British troops had satiated themselves with the slaughter of Gates's men, Cornwallis began to think of Sumter and his party, who were carrying off nearly fifty wagons of supplies and two hundred and fifty prison- ers. He realized the importance of destroying or dispers- ing, if possible, this corps under Sumter, to prevent its becoming a rallying point for the routed army. On the morning of the 17th, therefore, he detached Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton with the Legion cavalry and infantry and the corps of light infantry, in all about three hundred and fifty men, with orders to attack him wherever he could find him. He also, at this same time, sent orders to Lieutenant Colonel Turnbull and Colonel Ferguson on Little River to put their corps in motion immediately, and on their side to pursue and endeavor to attack Sumter.1 Captain Martin, on the night of the 16th, reached Sumter, who immedi- ately moved with his prisoners and booty, and escaped Turnbull. But having avoided that party of the British, Sumter seems to have indulged in the belief that he was safe, and accordingly encamped on the night of the 17th at Rocky Mount, about thirty miles from Camden, and much nearer Cornwallis. Instead of resting there but a few hours, he did not resume his march until daylight, and then, having only passed Fishing Creek eight miles distant, he again halted. Here, with strange fatuity, but little precautions were taken against surprise. His troops occupied in line of march a bridge contiguous to the north side of the creek, at which place his rear-guard was sta- tioned, and two vedettes were posted at a small distance in its front. Though warned of his danger, Sumter trusted
1 Tarleton's Campaigns, 134.
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to these slender precautions. His arms were stacked, and his men permitted to indulge at pleasure, some in strolling, some in bathing, and others reposing.
Tarleton had set out early on the morning of the 17th, and marched up the east side of the Wateree, or Catawba, intending to cross it at or near Rocky Mount. Upon the route he overtook some Continentals, and in the afternoon learned that Sumter was moving along the western bank of the river. On his arrival at dusk at the ferry facing Rocky Mount, he saw Sumter's fires about a mile distant from the opposite shore. No camp fires were allowed to be lit by his men, and the boats on the river were secured. No alarm happened, and at daybreak it was discovered that Sumter had decamped. The river was crossed, and Tarle- ton pursued, but the same causes which, no doubt, had in- duced Sumter to halt and rest his men, - the exhaustion of the men from the exertion of the previous days, and the intense heat, -affected as well Tarleton's as Sumter's move- ments. To so great a degree was this that when Tarleton arrived at Fishing Creek at twelve o'clock, he found his command so exhausted that it could be no longer moved forward in a compact and serviceable state. But such considerations never deterred Tarleton. Exactly the same condition of things had occurred in his pursuit of Buford in May, but he had not allowed it to arrest his course. So now selecting one hundred dragoons of the Legion and sixty foot soldiers most able to bear further hardship, mostly of the light infantry, to follow the enemy, and leav- ing the remainder with the three-pounder at an advanta- geous piece of ground to cover his retreat in case of acci- dent, he pressed on, following Sumter's tracks upon the road, until they came upon the two vedettes he had posted in front of his rear-guard. These fired upon his advance guard as it entered a valley, and killed one of his dragoons,
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upon which his command slew the two vedettes before Tarleton could interpose to obtain information respecting Sumter. A sergeant and four men of the British Legion soon afterwards approached the summit of the neighbor- ing eminence, where, instantly halting, they crouched upon their horses and made a signal to their commanding officer. Tarleton rode forward to the advance guard, and saw the American camp lying before him in the condition described, not in the least alarmed by the fire of the ve- dettes. His decision and preparation for the attack were made with his habitual promptness. The cavalry and infantry were formed into one line, and giving a general shout, advanced to the charge. The arms and artillery of the Continentals were taken before Woolford's men could be assembled. Consternation immediately ensued through- out the camp. Some resistance was made from behind the wagons in front of the militia, and several conflicts took place before the action was completely decided, but it soon terminated in universal flight.1 Sumter, who was asleep under a wagon, barely escaped with his life, and in the confusion rode off without saddle, hat, or coat, and reached Major Davie's camp at Charlotte, two days after, unattended by officer, soldier, or servant.2
Thus ended Gates's disastrous campaign. How many Americans perished on the field or surrendered at Camden is not accurately known.3 Tarleton makes the American loss 70 officers and 2000 men killed, wounded, and pris- oners, with eight pieces of cannon, several colors, and all their carriages and wagons, containing the stores, ammuni- tion, and baggage of the whole army.4 Lord Cornwallis
1 Tarleton's Campaigns, 112-114 ; Memoirs of the War of 1776 (Lee), 187-189 ; Ramsay's Revolution, vol. II, 153.
2 Wheeler's Hist. of No. Ca., 195.
3 Bancroft, Hist. of U. S., vol. V, 389.
4 Tarleton's Campaigns, 109.
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reported that between 800 and 900 were killed.1 The British loss was 68 killed, 245 wounded, and 11 missing - a total of 324 out of 2239 men engaged in the action.
At Fishing Creek, Sumter lost 150 officers and soldiers killed and wounded, 10 Continental officers and 100 men, many militia officers, and upwards of 200 privates made prisoners ; 2 three-pounders, 2 ammunition wagons, 1000 stands of arms, 44 wagons loaded with baggage, rum, and other stores, which had been captured by him two days before and were now recaptured. The loss on the British side was inconsiderable. Captain Charles Campbell was killed, and 15 non-commissioned officers and men were killed and wounded.
These were crushing blows. But the spirit which had now been aroused was indomitable. The defeat of Gates, though so overwhelming, while disappointing, was prob- ably less injurious to the cause in South Carolina than the surprise and slaughter of Sumter's party. For Con- gress had delayed so long in sending the army that the people had, without waiting for it, learned in a measure to take care of themselves. They had learned that with courage and address they had nothing to fear in meeting even the British regulars -indeed, they were uncon- sciously improvising a system of warfare in which the technical soldier was not a match for the active, wary woodsman. If Tarleton could find a mass upon which to charge, his onset was fearful, and if Webster could find a regular line formed, his bayonets were no less terrible ; but the backwoodsmen were learning that the fire of their unerring rifle from the covert was striking as great a terror in the hearts of the British troops as Tarleton or Webster had ever caused in theirs. And after all, Sumter had been at first successful and had surprised the enemy and made
1 Tarleton's Campaigns, 133.
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an immense capture. This he had lost when out of the reach, as he thought, of his pursuers. But many of his men had escaped, and he would soon be at the head of them again ready for another venture. In the meanwhile a brilliant stroke had been made on the extreme left of the American line under Shelby and Clarke, and on the right Marion had achieved a success.
CHAPTER XXXI
1780
AFTER the battle at the Old Iron Works, or second battle of Cedar Springs, on the 8th of August, Colonel Ferguson sent his wounded to Musgrove's Mills on the south side of the Enoree River, in what is now Laurens County, and fell back to Culbertson's plantation on Fair Forest. There, on the 10th, he received an express from Colonel Turnbull telling him of Sumter's attack on Hanging Rock on the 6th, with orders to join Turnbull, who, it will be remem- bered, had in the meanwhile been ordered by Lord Raw- don to evacuate Rocky Mount and join Ferguson at his camp at Little River. Upon the receipt of this express, Ferguson set out, and, marching eastwardly across the present county of Union, crossing Tinker's Creek and Tyger River and fording Broad River at Lyles's Ford, resting in the Mobleys' friendly settlement in what is now Fairfield County, he heard that Gates lay within three miles of Camden with seven thousand men, and that Turn- bull had orders to retreat from Rocky Mount. Pushing on, Ferguson marched to Colonel Winn's plantation about eight miles west of Winnsboro, where he halted and lay, awaiting news from Camden.1 On the American side in this part of the State, soon after the expedition of Clarke and Shelby, ending with the fight at the Old Iron Works, McDowell had advanced into South Carolina and estab-
1 Allaire's Diary, August 10th to 17th ; King's Mountain and its Heroes, Appendix, 503, 504.
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lished his camp at Smith's Ford on the eastern bank of the Broad River in what is now York County, a position some two miles south of his former camp at Cherokee Ford, just across the State line. McDowell had been kept well in- formed of Ferguson's movements, and learning that a body of Loyalists were stationed at Musgrove's Mills, the post to which Ferguson had sent those of his men wounded at the Old Iron Works, the idea was conceived that as the road was now open, Ferguson being on the other side of the Broad, this post presented a vulnerable point. The fact that the term of enlistment of Colonel Shelby's men was about to expire, was a pressing motive to that enterprising officer to avail himself of this opportunity to strike another blow before his regiment was disbanded. Colonels Shelby and Clarke were accordingly appointed to lead a party of mountain men to surprise and attack the Loyalists at Mus- grove's Mills. With Clarke were Captains James McCall and Samuel Hammond. The day before the expedition started, that is on the 16th of August, - the day on which the battle was fought at Camden, -Colonel James Will- iams of South Carolina joined the party, with Colonel Brandon, Colonel James Stein, and Major McJunkin, also of this State, all of the old Ninety-Six brigade of militia, and a few followers.
Colonel Williams was a native of Virginia, and had first removed to North and then to South Carolina, where he came in 1773 and settled on Little River. He early took part in the opposition to the measures of the British gov- ernment, and had served as Lieutenant Colonel of militia ยท in the Williamson expedition against the Cherokees in 1776, and had shared in the battle of Brier Creek, Stono, and at the siege of Savannah in 1779. He had joined Sumter's camp at Clem's Branch in July, but had left it under circumstances which gave rise to unfavorable com-
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ment and ultimately to great unpopularity.1 He was, says the historian of King's Mountain and its Heroes, rough, rash, and fearless ; and it may be added that his ambition for glory, mingled doubtless with a true love of country, led him, perhaps unconsciously, to the use of means not overscrupulous in the accomplishment of his ends. But while he differed and chaffered with Sumter, Hill, and their associates, yet when the tug of war came he plunged fearlessly into the thickest of the fight, and freely poured out his blood and yielded up his life for his country. Brandon was of Irish descent. Born in Pennsylvania, he had emigrated to what is now Union County. He had also been with Sumter, and had left Sumter with Williams. Stein was, like Brandon, of Irish descent, born in Pennsyl- vania, and a settler in the same neighborhood. He had, in 1779, served in Georgia, then at Stono and Savannah; but unlike Williams and Brandon, had remained with Sumter and distinguished himself at Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock.
It was agreed by Colonels Shelby, Clarke, and Williams that the command should be conjoint, and a plan of oper- ations was determined upon. Just before sundown on the 17th, that is about the same time that Sumter was going into camp at Rocky Mount, thinking himself safe from Tarleton, two hundred well-mounted adventurous men started from Smith's Ford on the expedition to Mus- grove's Mills. Williams and Brandon and their men were well acquainted with the country, and knew the best route by which to reach the enemy. They rode all night, much of the way in a canter, and without making a single " stop, crossing Gilky's and Thicketty creeks, Pacolet, Fair Forest, and Tyger rivers, with other lesser streams ; 2
1 Hill's narrative, Sumter MSS.
2 Draper says the party passed "within three or four miles of Fergu-
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they rode some twenty-six miles from Smith's Ford to Brandon's settlement in Fair Forest. Thence it was still twelve or fourteen miles to Musgrove's Mills. It was a hard night's ride.
Arriving near the dawn of day, within a mile nearly north of Musgrove's Ford, says Draper, the Whigs halted at an old Indian field and sent out a party of five or six scouts to reconnoitre the situation. The scouts crossed the mouth of Cedar Shoal Creek, close to the present Spartanburg line, a short distance below Musgrove's, where they forded the Enoree and stealthily approached suffi- ciently near the Tory camps to make observations. Re- turning by the same route, when on the top of the river ridge west of Cedar Shoal Creek they encountered a small Tory patrol which had passed over at Musgrove's Ford during their absence and thus gained their rear. Sharp firing ensued, when one of the enemy was killed, two wounded, and two fled precipitately to the Tory camp. Two of the Americans were slightly wounded, who with their fellows now promptly returned to Shelby and Clarke's halting-place, with the intelligence they had gained and the particulars of their skirmish. Upon this Shelby and Clarke took position on a timbered ridge some little dis- tance east of Cedar Shoal Creek and within half a mile of Musgrove's Ford and Mills.
At this juncture a countryman who lived near by came in, giving information that the British had been reenforced the preceding evening by the arrival of Colonel Alexander Innes from Ninety-Six with two hundred men of the Pro-
son's camp, which was at this time at Fair Forest Shoal, in Brandon's settlement." But this is a mistake. By Allaire's Diary it appears Fer- guson was at Winn's plantation in what is now Fairfield County, eight miles from Winnsboro, on the night of the 17th. King's Mountain and its Heroes, Appendix, 504.
VOL. III. - 2 Y
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vincial regiments and one hundred Tories destined to join Colonel Ferguson. The regular garrison to which Ferguson had sent his wounded from the Old Iron Works appears to have been under the command of a Major Fraser. Captain Abraham de Peyster of the King's Amer- ican regiment, as well as the noted partisan, David Fan- ning of North Carolina, were also there; while Colonel Daniel Clary was encamped with them at the head of the Tories of that region. Mckenzie in his Strictures on Tarleton's History states that the detachment commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Innes consisted of a company of the New Jersey volunteers, a captain's command of De Lancey's (New York Royalists), and about one hundred men of the South Carolina regiment mounted,1 which was a part of Innes's own command. This detachment was therefore probably three hundred men; and if the information upon which the expedition was formed, namely, that the garrison originally was two hundred strong, was correct, the whole force was now about five hundred men. So minute were the circumstances of the information communicated by the countryman that no doubt was entertained of the truth. To march and attack the enemy under these circumstances appeared to be rash, while to attempt a retreat, wearied and broken down as their horses were, seemed equally dangerous. Colonel Shelby and his associates in this dilemma promptly con- cluded that they had no alternative but to fight. Secur- ing their horses in their rear, they improvised a breast- work of logs and brushwood, and determined to make the best defence possible. These lines were formed across the road, at least three hundred yards in length along the ridge in a semicircle, and both protected and concealed by a wood. Old logs, fallen trees, and brush were hurried into
1 Strictures on Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton's History, 25.
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place, so that in thirty minutes they had a very respect- able protection breast high. Shelby occupied the right, Clarke the left, and Williams the centre. A party of some twenty horsemen were placed on each flank, shielded as much as possible from the enemy's observation, - Josiah Culbertson having the command of that on Shelby's right, while Colonel Clarke had a reserve of forty men within calling distance.
The firing of the scouting party and the speedy arrival of the fleeing patrol put the Tory camp in wild commotion. Colonel Innes, Major Fraser, and other officers who had their headquarters at Edward Musgrove's residence held a hurried council. Innes was for marching over the river at once and catching the rebels before they had time to retreat, while others advised delay, at least until a party of one hundred men who had gone on a patrol eight miles below near Jones's Ford should return. But Innes's coun- sels prevailed, lest they should miss so fine an opportunity "to bag" a scurvy lot of ragamuffins, as they spoke of the adventurous Americans. So leaving one hundred men in camp as a reserve, preparations were made for an immedi- ate advance.
In the meanwhile Captain Shadrach Inman, who had already distinguished himself in Georgia fighting in the American cause, was sent forward with about twenty-five mounted men with orders to fire upon and provoke the British to cross the ford, and gradually to draw them on to the line prepared by Shelby and Clarke. This strata- gem, which was the suggestion of Inman himself, worked admirably. The Captain kept up a show of fighting, while the British infantry pressed on by Innes were elated at their success in driving him before them at the point of the bayonet. While yet two hundred yards distant from the American breastwork, they hastily formed into line of
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battle, and advancing fifty yards nearer they opened a heavy fire, but generally overshot their antagonists. The frontiersmen availed themselves of the protection of the trees, a fence extending along the road, and of the rudely constructed breastwork. They were cautioned to reserve their fire " till they could see the whites of the Tories' eyes," or as another account has it "till they could distinguish the buttons on their clothes," nor even then to discharge their rifles until orders were given, when each man was "to take his object sure." These orders were strictly obeyed.
The British centre on which Inman made his feigned attacks, seeing him retire in apparent confusion, pressed forward under beat of drum and bugle charge in pursuit, but in considerable disorder, shouting for King George. On approaching within seventy yards of the American lines, they were unexpectedly met with a deadly fire, from which they at first recoiled. Their superiority in numbers, however, enabled them to continue their attack, notwith- standing the advantage which the breastwork gave the Americans. A strong force composed of the Provincials, led on by Innes and Fraser forming the enemy's left wing, drove at the point of the bayonet the right wing of the Americans under Shelby from their breastwork. Then ensued a desperate struggle - Shelby's men contending against large odds, and the right flank of his right wing gradually giving way, whilst his left flank maintained its connection with the centre at the breastwork. The left wing opposed to the Tories retained its position, and see- ing Shelby in need of succor, Clarke sent his small reserve to his aid, which proved a most timely relief. At this critical moment, as Innes was forcing Shelby's right flank, the British leader was badly wounded, fell from his horse, and was carried back, shot by one of the Watauga volun- teers, who exultingly exclaimed, "I've killed their com-
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mander!" Upon this Shelby rallied his men, who, with a frontier Indian yell, furiously rushed upon the enemy and gradually forced them back. Culbertson's flanking party acted a most conspicuous part on this occasion.
In this desperate contest one British captain was killed, and five out of the seven of the surviving officers of their Provincial corps were wounded. Besides Colonel Innes, Major Fraser was also wounded by a Watauga rifleman, and was seen to reel and fall from his horse. Captain Camp- bell together with Lieutenants Camp and Chew were also among the wounded. The Tories failing to make any impression on Clarke's line, and having already lost several of their officers and many of their men, began to show signs of wavering, when Captain Hawsey, a noted leader, while striving to reanimate them, was shot down. In the midst of the confusion that followed, Clarke and his brave men, following Shelby's example, pushed forth from their barrier, yelling, shooting, and slashing on every hand. It was in this turmoil that the Tory, Colonel Clary, had his horse's bridle seized on both sides of his head at the same moment by two stalwart Whigs. He had, however, the ingenuity and presence of mind to extricate himself from his perilous situation by exclaiming, "D-n you, don't you know your own officers !" He was instantly released and fled at full speed.
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