USA > South Carolina > The history of South Carolina in the Revolution, 1775-1780 > Part 39
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The 20th of April was a fine, but cold and windy, day. Two magazines on Gibbes's Battery, near the west end of what is now South Battery,2 were blown up by the enemy's shells ; fortunately only one man was hurt, but much other damage was done. The enemy's approaches continued. Lincoln again called the council together, and Colonel
1 So. Ca. in the Revolution (Simms), 128.
2 Year Book of the City of Charleston, 1884 (Courtenay) ; The Siege of Charlestown, 1780 (De Saussure), 295.
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Laumoy, notwithstanding Colonel Pinckney's reproaches the evening before, again urgently advised capitulation. He reiterated his opinion of the impossibility of the gar- rison holding out much longer, and the impracticability of retreat. The opposition now expected from the citizens of the town to the evacuation, the appearance of a large body of horse and foot of the enemy upon Wando Neck, and the fact that a number of the enemy's boats had been hauled across Charlestown Neck from Ashley into Cooper River, threatening to cut off all communication on that side, determined the council at last to come into Colonel Laumoy's proposal and to open negotiations with Sir Henry Clinton for capitulation. It does not appear whether Lincoln had before him the terms which Gadsden had prepared to be required by the citizens, but in a moment of resolution he drew out the articles he would propose, prepared by him with no other assistance or advice than that of Colonel Ternant.1
On the 21st the fire from the batteries opened as usual. The killed and wounded had now become numerous.2 Notwithstanding that Colonel Tinning of North Carolina with the regiments of militia, about two hundred, had managed to avoid the British and get into the town from Lemprière's Point, Lincoln sent out a flag to Sir Henry Clinton, saying that he was willing to enter into terms of capitulation if such could be obtained as were honorable for the army and safe for the inhabitants, and proposing a cessation of hostilities for six hours for the purpose of digesting such articles. Sir Henry Clinton replied that Admiral Arbuthnot should have been addressed jointly with him upon the occasion. And as he wished to com- municate with the Admiral he gave his consent to a cessa-
1 McIntosh, So. Ca. in the Revolution (Simms), 130.
2 Ibid.
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tion of hostilities for six hours.1 This time was mutually extended by messengers between the parties. The follow- ing were the terms proposed by Lincoln : -
(1) That all acts of hostility and works should cease between the naval and land forces of Great Britain and America in this State until the articles of capitulation should be agreed on, signed, and executed or collectively rejected.
(2) That the Town, Forts, and Fortifications belonging to them (the Americans) should be surrendered to the Commander-in-chief of the British Forces such as they now stand.
(3) That the several troops garrisoning the Town and Forts in- cluding the French and American sailors, the French Invalids, the North Carolina and South Carolina militia, and such of the Charles- town militia as might choose to leave the place, should have thirty- six hours to withdraw to Lemprière's after the capitulation had been accepted and signed on both sides . . . and that those troops should retire with the usual honors of war, and carry off during that time their arms, field artillery, ammunition, baggage, and such of their stores as they might be able to transport.
(4) That after the expiration of the thirty-six hours mentioned the British troops before the town should take possession of it and those now at Wappetaw should proceed to Fort Moultrie.
(5) That the American army thus collected at Lemprière's should have ten days from the expiration of the thirty-six hours before mentioned to march wherever General Lincoln might think proper to the eastward of Cooper River without any movement being made by the British Troops or part of them out of the Town or Fort Moultrie.
(6) That the sick and wounded of the American and French Hospitals with their medicines, stores, the Surgeons and Directors General should remain in the town and be supplied with the neces- saries requisite until provision could be made for their removal.
(7) That no soldier should be encouraged to desert or permitted to enlist on either side.
(8) That the French Consul, his house, papers and moveable property should be protected and untouched, and a proper time granted him for retiring to any place that might afterwards be agreed upon.
1 Siege of Charlestown (Munsell), 90.
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(9) That the Continental ships of war, Boston, Providence and Ranger, then in the harbor (which had not been sunk) with the French ship of war Adventure, should have liberty to proceed to sea with necessary stores on board and go unmolested, the three former to Philadelphia and the latter to Cape François with the French Invalids mentioned in article 3d.
(10) That citizens should be protected in their person and property.
(11) That twelve months should be allowed such as would not choose to continue under the British government to dispose of their effects real and personal in the State without any molestation what- ever, or to remove such part as they chose, as well as themselves and their families, and that during that time they might have it at their option to reside occasionally in town or country.
(12) That the same protection to their persons and properties, and the same time for the removal of their effects, should be given to the subjects of France and Spain residing in the town as are required for the citizens.1
Lincoln, of course, could have had no idea that such terms would be accorded him. The bare possession of the town without the land or naval forces which they had encompassed, and without a disloyal citizen recovered to the Crown, would scarcely have compensated Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot for the joint expedition, which had already occupied them four months, and for the loss of men and materials it had cost. Their object in coming was not to obtain possession of the site of Charles- town, but to put down rebellion and to restore to his Majesty the allegiance of his revolted subjects. And now they were asked to take the town with the loyal people who had required no armed force to reduce them to their allegiance and to let the rebels go, taking their time and consulting their convenience in doing so. Though we do not know that Lincoln had Gadsden's demands before him when he prepared these articles, we may be quite sure that
1 Siege of Charlestown (Munsell), 91, 95.
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he bore them in mind when he asked the British com- mander to grant these terms. Though he could not have expected to obtain such articles of capitulation, he no doubt hoped that they would be made the basis of negotia- tion, during the progress of which he would obtain some rest for his garrison, and at least a brief season of repose and relief to the citizens during its progress. But the respite was not long. The answer soon came and was curt and decisive. In a communication from the camp before the town, dated eight o'clock at night, the British general and admiral replied that they had, in answer to Lincoln's third article, - for they could proceed no further, -to refer him to their former offer as terms which, though he could not claim, they yet consented to grant. They required, however, that these terms should be accepted immediately, and that responsible hostages, of the rank of field officers, should be sent as securities, that the customs of war should be strictly adhered to.
A council of war was thereupon called by Lincoln, and the subject of evacuation was discussed. But this was held "inadvisable because of the opposition made to it by the civil authority and the inhabitants, and because even if they could succeed in defeating a large body of the enemy posted in their way, they had not a sufficiency of boats to cross the Santee before they might be overtaken by the whole British army." There was nothing left but a capitulation. They could not yet, however, bring themselves to the terms offered by Clinton and Arbuth- not.1
1 Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. II, 77, 78.
VOL. III. - 21
CHAPTER XXIII
1780
A HEAVY cannonade was kept up all of Saturday, the 22d of April, and the approaches of the enemy continued. Supplies began to fail, and rations were reduced. Sunday, the 23d, passed much in the same manner, the British com- mencing their third parallel from eighty to one hundred and fifty yards from the American lines.1 The only sally which took place during the siege was made on Monday, the 24th. A party of two hundred, detailed from the Vir- ginians and South Carolinians, under Lieutenant Colonel Henderson, sallied out at daylight upon the enemy's approaches opposite the "half moon," or advanced battery, and completely surprised the enemy in their trenches. About fifteen were killed with the bayonet and twelve prisoners brought off, seven of whom were wounded. The British attempted a rally to the support of their comrades, but were repulsed. Strange to say, no British officer was found with the detachment in the trenches which were thus surprised. Unhappily, Captain Thomas Moultrie, of the Second South Carolina Continental Regiment, a brother of General Moultrie, was killed; but with two privates wounded this was the only loss of the party. The whole affair was over in a few moments, not a gun having been fired, but the bayonet only used. The retreat was effected in the greatest order. The garrison was not strong enough
1 Gordon's Am. War, vol. II, 354.
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to risk another sortie, however much encouraged by the success of this to do so.1
Colonel C. C. Pinckney, with the greater part of the First South Carolina Regiment, which had been stationed at Fort Moultrie, and Lieutenant Colonel Laurens, with his light infantry, which had been posted at Lemprière's, were at this time withdrawn into the town. The passage of the enemy's fleet had rendered Fort Moultrie of little use; but Lieutenant Colonel Scott with 110 of the First Regiment and 91 militia were left to garrison the fort, for what purpose it is difficult to understand. A small party of North Carolinians, 75 in number, were sent over to replace Colonel Laurens's troops at Lemprière's, which was left under the command of Colonel Malmedy.2 The day which had opened so auspiciously with the successful sally closed with the loss of a valued officer. Colonel Richard Parker of Virginia having discovered a party of the enemy working near the half-moon battery, returned to direct a fire upon them, and while looking over the parapet to do so was killed by a rifle ball. An incessant fire of cannon and small arms was kept up all this day, causing a considerable loss to the garrison. Colonel Pinckney and Colonel Laurens upon coming into the town undertook to supply the garrison with fresh beef from
1 So. Ca. in the Revolution (Simms), 134.
2 Colonel Malmedy, a French officer, in the early part of the war served in Rhode Island, and was commissioned by that State Brigadier General. The appointment by Congress to the rank of Colonel in the Continental service, May 10, 1777, he thought inconsistent with his previous one, and made it the subject of complaint to General Wash- ington. Clinton-Cornwallis Controversy, vol. II, Index. He commanded the North Carolina militia at Eutaw, and is said to have held a com- mission from North Carolina. No. Ca., 1780-81 ( Schenck), 450. He is not mentioned in the list of French officers who served in the Continen- tal army.
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Lemprière's Point; but, unfortunately, the first and only cattle butchered were allowed to spoil and utterly lost through neglect or mismanagement.
Between twelve and one o'clock on Tuesday morning, the 25th, there was a heavy fire from the advanced redoubt, which extended to the right of the lines upon what was supposed to be the enemy's advancing column. Several hurrahs had been given, and cries of the British calling the garrison "bloody dogs " were heard, but whether they had advanced beyond the trenches McIntosh, who was on duty there, was unable to say. It was forty or fifty min- utes before he could stop the waste of ammunition. The enemy returned the fire smartly and threw several light balls and carcasses into the town. About two o'clock in the afternoon Lord Cornwallis, who, after the defeat of Huger at Monck's Corner, had crossed the Cooper and moved around the head of the Wando, with about three thousand men, advanced from Wappetaw Bridge and took possession of Haddrell's Point on the mainland, between Fort Moultrie and Lemprière's, thus effectually cutting off the small garrison at Fort Moultrie.1
On Wednesday, the 26th, Brigadier General Duportail arrived, having made his way through the investing forces, and brought with him a letter from General Washington, recommending him to General Lincoln as an engineer of whose abilities and merits he had the highest opinion. Washington wrote that Lincoln would find him of clear and comprehensive judgment, of extensive military sci- ence, and of great zeal, assiduity, and bravery.2 His zeal
1 So. Ca. in the Revolution (Simms), 134.
2 Louis Lebique Duportail, a French officer, Colonel of Engineers, July 8, 1777 ; Chief of Engineers, July 22, 1777 ; Brigadier General of En- gineers, November 17, 1777 ; subsequently Minister of War in France. By a letter of his of November 12, 1777, to the Count de St. Germain,
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and bravery he had certainly shown in making his way into the town; but he brought with him no encouraging prospect of reenforcement to relieve the siege. On the contrary, he informed Lincoln that Congress had only pro- posed to General Washington the sending of the Maryland line; 1 that even this small reenforcement had not been decided upon when he left, though it was known to Con- gress that Lord Rawdon was about to sail from New York with a force of twenty-five hundred men to reënforce Sir Henry Clinton,2 which troops had, in fact, reached Charles- town before General Duportail had reached Lincoln. As soon as General Duportail came into the garrison, exam- ined the works, and looked at the investing forces, he con- firmed the opinion which had been expressed by Colonel Laumoy, pronounced the works not tenable, and expressed his conviction that the British might have taken the town ten days before. He wished to leave the garrison imme- diately, but General Lincoln would not allow him to do so, because it would dispirit the troops. A council of war was, however, called to consider his report and it was again proposed to attempt an evacuation with the secret withdrawal of the Continental troops. But the citizens again interfered; some of them came in and, expressing themselves very warmly, declared to Lin- coln that if he attempted to withdraw his troops, they would cut up his boats and open the gates to the enemy. This, he says, put a stop to all thoughts of evacuation;
then Minister of War in France, it appears that however highly thought of by General Washington, he was in this country, not from any love of Americans, or interest in their independence, but solely in the interest of France - just as it is now known that De Kalb was. See Steadman's Am. War, vol. I, 390 ; Garden's Anecdotes, 213 ; Washington's Writings, vol. VI, 494.
1 So. Ca. in the Revolution (Simms), 135.
2 Washington's Writings, vol. VI, 494 ; vol. VII, 6.
1
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nothing was left but to make the best terms they could.1 The shells were now doing much mischief. There were the usual killed and wounded; among them this day Lieutenant Philips, of Russell's Virginia Regiment, was killed, and Captain Goodwyn, of the Third South Caro- lina, wounded. Provisions were running shorter, and the allowance was curtailed. The houses of the citizens were searched, and some discovered, inadequate, however, to the supplies necessary; but the garrison, notwithstand- ing, continued in high spirits.2 During this Wednesday night Colonel Malmedy retreated with his detachment in great confusion from Lemprière's Point, after spiking four eighteen-pounders they left behind. The British imme- diately took possession, and the next morning their flag was flying at this post. The investment of Charlestown was now accomplished ; every avenue of escape was closed. The line of investment, commencing from James Island, immediately south of the town, running across Wappoo, passed over the Ashley at Gibbes's Landing, their field works crossing the Neck from Coming's Point on the Ashley to Hampstead on the Cooper; and now Lem- prière's Point, Hobcaw, and Haddrell's on the east side of the Cooper were all in possession of the enemy. The fleet in the harbor connected their lines from Had- drell's to James Island, and the circle was complete, except that Cooper River was still open; but Lord Corn- wallis was in possession of all the country bordering on it on the east, and Sir Henry Clinton guarded all its pas- sages on the west. Yet, notwithstanding this, parties occasionally avoided the vigilance of the enemy and made their way out or in. On the 28th Major Lowe 3 and
1 Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. II, 80.
2 So. Ca. in the Revolution (Simms), 135.
3 Philip Lowe of North Carolina, formerly of Second North Carolina ; now Major, Third Georgia.
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several other supernumerary officers quitted the garrison and made good their way out.1
The enemy's batteries were remarkably silent during the day of the 29th. The British were busy pushing on their third parallel. But that night there was a heavy
1 So. Ca. in the Revolution (Simms), 137.
Just before the lines were thus closed an incident happened which, then without significance, proved afterward to have been of great im- portance if it had been understood. William Johnson, who, it will be remembered, was the first to organize the Liberty Tree party, and was throughout all the events which led up to the Revolution Gadsden's great support, was then serving as a cannoneer in Captain Heyward's company of the Charlestown battalion of artillery, stationed during most of the siege at the hornwork in the centre of the lines. Going in on a visit to the town on leave about this time, he called to see a sick friend, Stephen Shrewsbury, at the house of his brother Edward Shrews- bury, who was a Loyalist. There he saw a stranger dressed in home- spun, and asked Edward Shrewsbury who he was, and was told that the stranger was a back countryman who had brought down cattle for the garrison to the opposite side of the river. The answer being prompt and plausible, nothing more was thought of the circumstance. But eighteen months afterward, while William Johnson was in Philadelphia, where he had been sent with the exiles from Charlestown who had been confined in St. Augustine, - just after the discovery of Arnold's treason and the execution of Major Andre, - he met his old friend Stephen Shrewsbury, who reminded him of this incident, and asked if he remembered seeing at his brother's house a man dressed in homespun. And upon Johnson's recalling the circumstance, Stephen Shrewsbury went on to say that the man was no other than Major André in disguise. That while he was sick in his brother's house he was introduced to and repeatedly saw a young man in homespun dress who was introduced to him as a Virginian connected with the line of that State then in the town, but that after the fall of Charlestown he met and was introduced to Major André at his brother's, and in him at once recognized the Virginian whom he had seen during the siege. That his brother acknowledged that it was so, but asserted his own ignorance of it at the time. If this story, which is well authenticated, is true, it appears that the occasion upon which André was captured and executed was not his first exploit within the American lines.«
& Johnson's Traditions, 255; Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. I, 209, note.
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bombardment. Sunday, the 30th, passed in much the same way, except that Lincoln received through the lines a letter from Governor Rutledge, encouraging him to hope for reinforcements, which would perhaps require Clinton to raise the siege. Governor Rutledge upon leaving the town endeavored to form two camps, one between the Cooper and the Santee, and the other on the Santee at Lenuds's Ferry. John Lewis Gervais, writing at the time from Georgetown, was in great hopes they would have, during the week from the 28th of April, 1500 or 2000 men on the Charlestown side of the Santee. They expected General Caswell from North Carolina with 1000 men. General Williamson was expected at Orangeburgh with possibly 900, - certainly 600, - and Colonel Thomson had there 200. There were also 400 Virginians, Buford's com- mand,1 at Nelson's Ferry on the Santee, about thirty miles from Orangeburgh, and the remains of the horse which had escaped from Monck's Corner were at Murray's Ferry, some twenty miles farther down the river. All these troops had been ordered to rendezvous at Lenuds's Ferry, about twenty miles from Murray's Ferry. And they hoped to throw a supply of provisions during the week into the town. Before the week was over, it will be seen, Tarleton had again routed the cavalry at Lenuds's Ferry, and Fort Moultrie, which had already been cut off, was in the hands of the enemy. But for the present the hopes were cheering, and Lincoln, on the 1st of May, congratu- lated his army in general orders upon the prospect of reopening their communications with the country. But an incident immediately occurred which greatly dampened the confidence of the garrison.
It became necessary to send some intelligence to Gov-
1 Colonel Abraham Buford, Third Virginia Regiment.
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ernor Rutledge, and his brother, Mr. Edward Rutledge, was selected for the purpose. About the same time Colonel Malmedy, having no command and having become unpopular in the garrison, because of his retreat from Lemprière's Point, was advised to quit the town. He and Mr. Rutledge, who had served till this time with reputation as captain in the Charlestown battalion of artillery, set out together in a boat with two others who, strange to say, it afterward appeared were suspected characters. They were captured.1 Mr. Rutledge, unfortunately, had allowed himself, through the importunity of his friend, Mr. Benjamin Smith, to be betrayed into an act of indis- cretion, which was most unhappy in its results. He had taken a letter from Mr. Smith addressed to his wife, then at her father's in North Carolina. As the roads were now everywhere beset, the communication to the Governor had been confided to Mr. Rutledge orally, and, it is said, with the strictest injunction to take no written communication from the garrison. A letter addressed by a friend to his wife, under assurance that it was only a family letter, Mr. Rutledge unwarily considered as no violation of his instructions. He was captured, as we have said, soon after he left the town, and printed copies of the letter were next day thrown into the garrison in unloaded bombshells, and most unaccountably through a secret agency dispersed through all parts of the town in printed handbills. The letter plainly told that the garrison must soon surren- der, their provisions were expended, and Lincoln only prevented from capitulating by a point of etiquette. From this time hope deserted the garrison, whilst the
1 So. Ca. in the Revolution (Simms), 144. McIntosh tells the story of an attempted escape of Colonel Malmedy, and of his being killed, but this was a mistake. He certainly was not killed. We shall find him in command of a part of the line at Eutaw.
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reanimated efforts of the enemy showed their zeal revived.1
1 Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. I, 276. The following copy of this letter is found in Steadman's Am. War, vol. II, 181; also in Memoirs of the War of '76, 152 : -
" CHARLESTOWN, April 30, 1780.
" Having never had an opportunity of writing to her since the enemy began to act with vigor, and knowing that a thousand evil reports will prevail to increase her uneasiness - mine I have supported pretty well until last night, when. I really almost sunk under the load. Nothing remains around to comfort me but a probability of saving my life. . . . After going through many difficulties, our affairs are daily declining, and not a ray of hope remains to us of success. . The enemy have turned the siege into a blockade, which in a short time must have the desired effect, and the most sanguine do not now entertain the smallest hope of the town being saved. The enemy have continued their approaches with vigor continually, since I wrote the inclosed, and are now complet- ing batteries two hundred yards distance from our lines; they fire but seldom from their cannon, but their popping off rifles and small arms ds frequent mischief, and every night they throw out an amazing number of shells amongst our people in the lines, which, though not attended with the damage that might reasonably be expected, do some mischief. Our communication is entirely cut off from the country (excepting by a small boat at great risque) by Lord Cornwallis, who occupies every landing place from Haddrell's Point a considerable way up the river, with two thousand five hundred men. When I wrote last it was the general opinion that we could evacuate the town at pleasure ; but a consider- able reenforcement having arrived to the enemy, has enabled them to strengthen their ports so effectually as to prevent that measure. The same cause prevents our receiving supplies of provisions or reënforce- ments, and a short time will plant the British standard on our ramparts. You will see by the inclosed summons that the persons and properties of the inhabitants will be saved ; and consequently I expect to have the liberty of soon returning to you ; but the army must be made prisoners of war. This will give a rude shock to the independence of America ; and a Lincolnade will become as common as a Burgoynade. But I hope we shall in time recover this severe blow. However, before this happens, I hope I shall be permitted to return home, where I will stay, as my situation will not permit me to take any further an active part; and therefore my abandoning my property will subject me to many incon- veniences and losses without being in any way serviceable to the coun-
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