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Legislation was approved which was designed to check some of the
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT
monopolistic tendencies of banking. The General Assembly in 1836 appointed a special committee, consisting of the State Treasurer, the Comptroller, and the Commissioner of the School Fund to investigate the banks of the state.45 The prohibition of branch banking, multiple directorates, and proxy voting, included in legislation of 1837, antici- pated subsequent developments. The rule to limit the declared divi- dend to the earned profit and to limit the amount of a Director's in- debtedness at his own bank were obvious efforts to check undesirable practices.46 The state's intention to continue to exercise supervisory con- trol was evidenced by the appointment of two banking commissioners. Even though Jackson had fought the Bank of the United States and Gideon Welles had sent Van Buren congratulations when he heard of the establishment of the independent treasury system, the Democrats saw to it that Connecticut remained in the banking business.47 Iron- ically, it was the defense of a bank which cut short the gubernatorial tenure of Henry W. Edwards.
The Governor's veto of a resolution repealing the charter of the New Haven bank was the first veto in the history of the state to be upheld by the Assembly. Early in the 1837 session, the Assembly re- ceived the report of a committee appointed in 1836 to investigate the New Haven Bank.48 The bank filed its reply and an immediate contest evolved around the number of copies of the reply which would be printed. Inasmuch as the 250 copies which had been suggested would have been sufficient for legislators, the approval of the printing of 1,000 copies would seem to have been of benefit to the bank in the formation of public opinion. In any case, the Governor's veto was upheld when the bill did not pass in the Senate over his veto.49 Because of opposition to a strong executive, however, Edwards did not again receive his party's nomination for Governor.50
The underlying forces of Connecticut politics in the period from 1827 to 1837 remained remarkably similar to those which had operated in the previous decade. Respectability continued to be the standard against which the desirability of change was measured. Attempts to protect man against his fellow man through legislation were regarded skeptically as possibly weakening the moral fiber and lessening the in- dependence of individuals. Although twenty years had elapsed since
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THE JACKSONIAN IMPRESSION
the Council had been stripped of its exclusive prerogatives, the wishes of the Senate on critical issues continued to be frequently the deter- minant in legislation. Small towns retained their disproportionate strength and continued as guardians of steady habits, but their cooper- ation could be gained in exchange for programs of special interest to them.
There were, however, some subtle changes in the political climate during the decade. Although there was no inclination to broaden the franchise greatly, the people were brought closer to the affairs of govern- ment by the redistricting of the Senate, the introduction of the caucus, increased interest in public affairs, and a significant increase in the exercise of the franchise. Perhaps the margin of difference between the political parties was not great, yet the single party tradition had been broken. The existence of two or more parties and the fluctuation of their political fortune were revealing the machinery through which the margin between parties could be trimmed or extended as the people desired. Although only limited advances had been made in the area of social reform, a basis had been laid upon which a broader program might be based.
NOTES-CHAPTER XVIII
1 Norton, "Governors of Connecticut," Connecticut Magaine, Vol. VII (1901), pp. 296-97.
2 Journal of the Constitutional Convention, pp. 12-72; Morse, Neglected Period, p. 89.
3 Ibid .; Norton, "Governors of Connecticut," Connecticut Magazine, Vol. VII, pp. 296-97.
4 Ibid., pp. 297-98; Morse, Neglected Period, 93, 99, 104, 109.
5 Ibid., p. 92.
6 Ibid., p. 97.
7 Ibid., p. 98.
8 Ibid., p. 114.
9 Ibid., pp. 89-90, 93, 99.
10 Ibid., pp. 93-100.
11 Ibid., p. 103.
12 Ibid., pp. 100-101.
13 Bomhoff, "State Support of Teacher Education," pp. 71-82.
14 Ibid., pp. 81-83, 152-53.
15 Morse, Neglected Period, pp. 101-105.
16 Ibid., p. 105; Purcell, Connecticut in Transition, pp. 190-91.
17 Morse, Neglected Period, p. 105.
18 Bomhoff, "State Support of Teacher Education," pp. 22-24.
19 Morse, Neglected Period, p. 106.
20 Ibid., p. 107.
21 Ibid., pp. 107-108.
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT
22 Ibid., pp. 108-109.
23 Ibid., pp. 110-114.
24 Ibid., pp. 114-16.
25 Ibid., pp. 290-92.
26 Ibid., p. 293.
27 Bomhoff, "State Support of Teacher Education," p. 22.
28 Morse, Neglected Period, pp. 293-94.
29 Ibid., pp. 293-95.
30 Ibid., pp. 295-304; Norton, "Governors of Connecticut," Connecticut Magazine, Vol. VII, pp. 302-304.
31 Morse, Neglected Period, 295-304.
32 Ibid., pp. 291-92, 294-96, 298.
33 Ibid., pp. 296, 298, 302.
34 Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson (Boston, 1946), p. 336.
35 Ibid .; Morse, Neglected Period, p. 297.
36 Journal of the House of Representatives of the State of Connecticut, May Session, 1837. (Hartford, 1837), June 6, 1837.
37 The Public Statutes of the State of Connecticut, 1838 ed. (Hartford, 1839), pp. 107-111. 38 Schlesinger, Age of Jackson, P. 337.
39 Morse, Neglected Period, pp. 295-300.
40 Ibid., pp. 298, 300-301; Henry F. Walradt, The Financial History of Connecticut, 1789-1861 (New Haven, 1912), pp. 76-97.
41 House Journal, June 1, June 9, 1837; Public Statute Laws, 1838 ed., pp. 402-403; Morse, Neglected Period, pp. 301-303.
42 House Journal, June 1, 9, 1837.
43 Ibid., June 8, 1837.
44 Ibid., June 7, 1837.
45 Francis Parsons, "A History of Banking in Connecticut," Tercentenary Commission of the State of Connecticut (New Haven, n. d.), p. 16.
46 Public Statute Laws, 1838 ed., pp. 92-98.
47 Ibid .; Schlesinger, Age of Jackson, p. 236.
48 House Journal, May 17, 1837.
49 Ibid., May 22, 23, 24, 1837.
50 Morse, Neglected Period, pp. 303-304.
Chapter XIX The Ingenious Yankee
T HE CONNECTICUT ECONOMY was in a state of transition in the first half of the nineteenth century. While the populace in general held tenaciously to an agrarian way of life, enter- prising individuals led a basis from which later developed a modern industrial state. The evolution of the factory system, the improvement of transportation facilities, and the expansion of credit facilities were interdependent. Although labor had not developed group conscious- ness, there was a nascent awareness of the social implications of indus- trial growth. These changes were of immeasurable significance to the development of Connecticut as a manufacturing state and were of con- temporary importance to the Connecticut farmer.
Agriculture continued to be extensive and to be limited to sub- sistence farming, as there seemed little reason for a Connecticut farmer to produce much more than was required for his own household. The lack of markets persisted and roads and turnpikes were completely in- adequate for transporting crops to market. The Yankee farmer was characteristically conservative. His disappointment with the produc- tivity of Connecticut soils, instead of encouraging the introduction of new methods, stimulated migration to the west where virgin soil could be had in abundance.1 The majority of the state's population, however, continued to be entirely engaged in agriculture and most of the re- mainder partially dependent upon it.2 There were 38 towns in the state which could be classified as completely dependent on agriculture. Out of these towns, only Wethersfield, where onions were grown in quantity, produced a profitable marketable crop. There were 38 other towns where nonagricultural pursuits were very slight. Not until 1870 did
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more than half of the residents live in towns with populations of 5,000 or more. The persistency of rural life had a marked effect upon the economic, as well as the political and social developments of the nine- teenth century.3
The standard of comfort was limited to the production which could be scratched from the top of an exhausted soil with antiquated farm machinery. Men and women were clothed in fabrics spun and woven in their own houses from the wool grown on their own flocks and from the flax grown in their own fields. In winter, the farm laborer changed from a homespun linen shirt and tow cloth trousers to a woolen shirt and buckskin breeches. These everyday clothes were distinguished from Sabbath-day clothes by the variance in quality. Such homespun was the usual attire of the residents of the inland towns until near the middle of the nineteenth century.4 The houses were built from timbers frequently taken from their own farms and erected with the assistance of a neighbor who had acquired a building skill in addition to his ability as a farmer. The small amount of hardware was usually supplied by the local blacksmith and the furniture made by a local cabinet maker or carpenter. The women contributed to the family furnishings by mak- ing sheets, blankets, quilts, comforters, mattresses, and pillows.
Farm implements, also, were made at home and there were few im- provements in farm machinery in the first decades of the nineteenth century. The cast iron plow came into use in 1820, the potato digger in 1833, and the grain drill in the next decade. The more advanced machines, such as mowers and reapers, were not in general use until after 1850. The fact that, until 1830, when the wagon was introduced, the means of conveyance on the farm was the two-wheeled cart is some- what indicative of the slowness in the development of agricultural tools. Two centuries of toil had not produced a staple crop to make agricul- ture commercially profitable.5
Attempts had been made to render agriculture commercially valuable by producing those staples necessary for the beginning textile, rope, and woolen industries. The slight yield of small grains had made them virtually valueless and late in the eighteenth century the state had encouraged the growing of hemp and flax. Although hemp never at- tained great importance, the land on which it was grown continued to
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THE INGENIOUS YANKEE
(Courtesy Conn. Devel. Comm.)
NEW HAVEN
be exempted from taxation as late as 1829. Flax was widely grown in the state in the first quarter of the century. Fairfield is credited with raising more than the whole of the remainder of New England. In the early part of the century, the use of flax exceeded that of either wool or cotton as a textile fiber, yet because of the labor and fertilization re- quired, it never became firmly established as a commercial crop. Usually acreage was allocated to it on the self-sufficient farm to supply the tow cloth and linen to meet a single family's need.6 A flock of twenty-five to thirty sheep had, also, become characteristic of the self-sufficient farm
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT
by the beginning of the century, but no sustained effort had been made to improve the quality. The domestic needs and the attempts to estab- lish wool manufactories indicated the desirability of improved produc- tion. When he retired in 1802, David Humphreys, who was Minister to Spain, imported a flock of pure bred Spanish Merinos for his farm in Derby. The knowledge of the importation spread slowly and, in any case, the merinos were too costly for the frugal Connecticut farmer. From the flock, a ram and two ewes were sold for $300 in 1806 and a ram was sold two years later for $1000. The native sheep supplied sufficient wool for domestic use. However, a demand for more wool of a better quality developed as the woolen industries grew and prompted the farmer to recognize the need for improved production. By 1840, there were more than 900,000 pounds of wool produced in the state.7
Although a staple crop had not been established during the first half of the nineteenth century, a basis had been laid for the later de- velopment of specialized agriculture. In spite of the rich grasses of the Connecticut and Naugatuck valleys and a market for salted beef, the cattle industry did not become a permanent Connecticut endeavor largely because of inattention to breeding and lack of fodder in winter. A cheese and butter industry, however, prospered in Windham county and was extended until by 1845 it is estimated that Windham, Fairfield, and Hartford counties produced as much as 3,000,000 pounds. By 1850, the number of milk cows had increased to 85,000.8 The basis of the profitable tobacco industry, too, was laid early in Connecticut's history. Tobacco culture was introduced in Windsor. At the beginning of the century the crop was insignificant, yet by 1818 factories were established in Windsor and Suffield and a packing house was established fifteen years later. The broadleaf strain, which was particularly suited to cigar manufacturing was introduced from Maryland by B. P. Barbour of East Windsor in 1833 and the careful processing of the crop began in 1840. By the middle of the century tobacco growing had spread to the Housa- tonic Valley.9 Wethersfield, where onions had been grown profitably for years, became a center for seed production. The first general seed busi- ness was begun there in 1820 by James L. Belden and later attracted others who founded seed businesses which gained national reputations.10 On the other hand, practically no attention was paid to the improve-
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THE INGENIOUS YANKEE
ment of the production of apples for which it was later proved that Connecticut soils and climate were particularly fitted.11
The trend toward the production of commercial crops caused the growers to seek higher yields through the use of more scientific meas- ures. Little was known about the use of fertilizers in the first years of the century and commercial preparations were not introduced until about 1850. However, Professors Silliman and Norton of Yale had be- gun experimentation in agricultural chemistry and schools and colleges were offering instruction in this field. In the main, the efforts of Silli- man and Norton were not understood and real progress was delayed until the twentieth century, when the exact composition of the soils were understood.12 The efforts of the three established colleges to give in- struction in the field were supplemented by special schools such as the seminary founded in Derby in 1825 and the Cream Hill School in West Cornwall. At these, training in the sciences was combined with practi- cal experience in tillage, stock raising, tree culture, and the preparation of composts. As important as the dissemination of knowledge, was the encouragement which these projects provided to the assumption by the state of a more active role in agricultural welfare.13
The promotion of agriculture had been left entirely to private individuals, societies, and organizations until the beginning of the fifth decade of the century. The first of a number of societies to promote agriculture was founded in Wallingford in 1794 and later incorporated as the Agricultural Society of New Haven. It failed to attract public interest, however, and was suspended from 1822 until 1838. After it was revived, the society urged the inclusion of a Professor of Agriculture at Yale. Societies such as this one disseminated information on agriculture, promoted experimentation with fertilizers, and broke the dreariness of farm life by providing opportunities for social gatherings. The most significant of their efforts proved to be the fairs and cattle shows which were held by the societies throughout the state. At these, luxury goods of foreign countries as well as the manufactured and agricultural prod- ucts of the state were exhibited. The contests directed the attention of the farmers to the characteristics of the best species and toward their improvement. The fairs featured ploughing matches which tested both the skill of the farmers and the strength of the beasts pulling the plow.14
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT
The work of the agricultural societies was supplemented by farmers' clubs. The major objectives of these were to make farm life more attractive by relieving the monotony of farm life and by provid- ing opportunities for social exchanges. The difficulty in estimating the number of these clubs is matched by that of evaluating their signifi- cance. It is known, however, that they prevailed throughout the state and one would be guilty of an inexcusable lack of perspicacity to under- evaluate the importance of such groups in causing the state to extend aid to agriculture.15
The state gradually assumed responsibility for the advancement of agriculture between 1840 and 1850. Counties had been permitted to encourage the growing of specific crops, but the General Assembly looked askance at suggestions that the state make any direct appropria- tions. The request from agricultural societies that the state provide monies for the prizes at the fairs was refused until 1840. Then, the As- sembly agreed to match funds provided by the county societies to the extent of from one to two hundred dollars. Other proposals for farm relief quickly followed. However, an agricultural survey of the state, which had been authorized in 1842, was discontinued two years later on the grounds that "public interest did not seem to be great enough to warrant undertaking the survey."16 The establishment of a professorship at Yale was delayed, and suggestions to appoint lecturers to tour the state to disseminate information on agriculture were not implemented.17
In 1850, agriculture remained the way of life of a majority of Connecticut residents and had not been radically changed. Although the agricultural societies were not immediately successful in causing the state to assume an active role in regard to agriculture, they must be counted a factor in the plans made a few years later for a relatively ex- tensive program of rural aid. It can hardly be said that a science of agriculture had come to exist, but the increase in the numbers who saw the commercial potentialities of agriculture promoted a degree of specialization which was to characterize the agrarian economy in the last half of the century. Agriculture, in Connecticut, however, had ceased to be the hope of the future. As commerce had attracted the ad- venturer and his capital in the post-revolutionary period, so manufac- turing was beginning to attract this group.18
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THE INGENIOUS YANKEE
As Connecticut approached mid-century, handicrafts were yielding to a factory system. In 1818, the organizational form for production was relatively simple. As measured by the number of persons engaged in manufacture, Connecticut, by the middle of the century, could not properly be called a manufacturing state. Nevertheless, measured in terms of wealth-producing ability, there had been marked progress.19
The history of Connecticut manufacturing is interlined with the story of the day-to-day lives of the people as this was translated into the formal, yet imperfect, attempts to fabricate products into finished form. The ingenuity and skills born out of the necessities of living made for a versatility of abilities, a flexibility of interests, and a continuity of ex- perience which was passed from generation to generation until they became the hallmarks of Connecticut industry. Practical knowledge of a number of trades, such as glass and clock making, and experience in the manufacturing of textiles and fire arms were of immeasurable value in the furthering of industry in the nineteenth century.20 The iron mined at Salisbury was not of the quality of that which could be pro- cured from Pennsylvania or from abroad, yet the mines survived the tribulations of the post-revolutionary period and continued to produce ore from which 2,000 to 2,500 tons of iron were produced annually until about 1840. The availability of iron enabled countless numbers of Connecticut workmen to acquire abilities in working with metals.21
Eli Whitney, at Mill Rock in Hamden, introduced methods and procedures which anticipated some of the basic techniques which were prerequisites for mass production. After Whitney had lost the fight for patent rights to the cotton gin and its invention had become finan- cially valueless to him, the fear of war with France in 1798 enabled him to secure a contract for manufacturing 10,000 arms for the United States government. The exigencies of the situation required rapid production. The demand to supply cheaply and quickly a single item bought regularly and in great quantity prompted Whitney to utilize the system of uniformity in the production of arms.22 In a letter to Oliver Wolcott, then the Secretary of Treasury, Whitney described graphically the tools he contemplated making as being "similar to an engraving on copper plate from which may be taken a great number of impressions perceptibly alike."23 Wolcott had great respect for Whitney
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and had been of assistance to him in securing the contract. In order that the Secretary might understand fully, Whitney explained, "My general plan does not consist in one great complicated machine, wher- ever one small part being out of order or not answering to the purpose expected, the whole must stop & be considered useless. If the mode in which I propose to make one part of the musket should prove by ex- periment not to answer, it will in no way affect my mode of making any other part. One of my primary objects is to form the tools so the tools themselves shall fashion the work and give to every part its just proportions-which when once accomplished, will give expedition, uni- formity, and exactness to the whole."24
Whitney's efforts set the pattern of the future for the machine tool industry in the United States.25 There is no exact record of the machines he invented. One which is credited to him and which played an im- portant role in American industry was the milling machine.26 Another invention credited to him was the filing jig which enabled the filer to shape work more accurately.27 To credit him, however, with fathering the principle of interchangeable parts is to ignore the contributions of many English and French mechanics.28 Neither can he be credited with training numbers of mechanics who applied his principles to other en- deavors.29 Whitney guarded his supply of laborers and took care that they remained in his employ.30 Other arms manufacturers, such as Simeon North and R. and J. D. Johnson, all of Middletown, were credited with making arms which had a uniformity of parts and were of a superior quality.31 The concept of interchangeable parts was a uni- versal idea which was claiming the attention of machinists throughout the world. Whitney was acting independently, however, and Connect- icut played an important, although not an exclusive role in the develop- ment of machine tools.
The principle of interchangeability which had been introduced was not well sustained until about the middle of the century. It must be remembered that uniformity then, as now, was a comparative term. In Whitney's time, a tolerance of one thirty second of an inch or more was allowed and it has been suggested that the uniformity secured in the first half of the nineteenth century was largely dependent upon filing.32 However, the idea of quantity production had emerged. There
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is some question as to the degree to which the system was applied even in the arms industry, as well as to how widely it was adopted in other industries.33 The actual fabrication of goods in quantity awaited the introduction of steel dies and efficient machinery for making exact cuts.34
The incipient industry continued to require and to receive the assistance of both the Federal and state governments. The colonial practice of granting monopolies and subsidies was continued by the state in the nineteenth century. New factories were not only to be free of taxes for a stipulated period of time, but also their employees were to be exempt for a shorter period.35 Contracts, with the Federal govern- ment, which called for liberal advances, were of material aid to the successes of the small arms industry. An indication of the degree of assistance is revealed in the fact that when Whitney's contract of $134,- 000 was completed, only $2400 was due him.36 The importance of the tariff to Connecticut industry is indicated in the many references to the state which were made by Hamilton in his Report on Manufacturing and by the subsequent interest of Connecticut residents in the custom duties.37 In addition to the usual defenses, the cry for protection was de- fended by the metal manufacturers, by pointing to their use of native ore.38 It would appear that such assistance was a necessity.
The manufacturing establishments were primarily small shops, particularly in the inland towns and usually did not exceed the em- ployment of ten workingmen. There were many of these. At the height of its prosperity, for example, nearly every family in Berlin was engaged in some form of production either in the house, in the shop, or in the front yard.39 Because the limited commerce was further restricted by the wars of 1776 and 1812, it was necessary for the people of Connect- icut to fashion their own tools. At first with these hand tools and later with horse and water power, the trades were followed intermittently to meet the limited demand. In many instances, shop work was carried on with farming throughout the nineteenth century. This enabled the proprietor, who worked side by side with his apprentices, to keep his labor employed and to balance the failure of one endeavor against the successes of the other.40 As late as 1819, a correspondent for a New Haven paper wrote that those engaged in manufacturing could realize but small profit.41
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