Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people, Part 1

Author: Weeden, William B. (William Babcock), 1834-1912. cn
Publication date: 1910
Publisher: New York, The Grafton Press
Number of Pages: 806


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Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28



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598


EARLY RHODE ISLAND


A SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE


BY WILLIAM B. WEEDEN, A. M.


Author of "Economic and Social History of New England," "War Government, Federal and State," etc.


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1


MOWRY TAVERN, WHERE WILLIAMS HELD MEETINGS.


BUILT ABOUT 1653.


اياجات خاص الهند


1.


Weeden, William Babcock, 1834-


F . 845 .96 Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people, by William B. Weeden ... New York, The Grafton press [º1910]


: x p., 1 1., 381 p. front., plates, facsims. 19}em. (The Grafton historical series, ed. by F. II. Hitchcock) $2.50 i


DHELP CARD


1. Rhode Island-Hist .- Colonial period. 2. Rhode Island-Soc. life &


cust.


10-30090


Library of Congress


F82.W39


---- Copy 2.


*179059


(C) Apr. 14. 1910: 2c. Dec. 12, 1910; A 278137 ; Grafton press, N. Y., N. Y.


CONTENTS


CHAPTER PAGE


I. Foundations of Rhode Island, 1636 1


II. Planting in Providence, 1636-1647 28


III. The Island, 1638-1663 45


IV. The Colony and the Town of Providence, 1648-1710 . 73


V. King's County, the Patriarchal Condition, 1641-1757 . 133


VI. Pericd Under Charter of Charles II., 1663- 1730 . 174


VII. The Commercial Growth of Providence, 1711- 1762 . 193


VIII. Newport in the Eighteenth Century, 1700- 1776 . 265


IX. The South County, 1758-1787 . . 279


X. Revolutionary Period, 1763-1785 316


XI. The Union, 1786-1790 . . Index 363


353


أو لمدة اقل :


THE


ILLUSTRATIONS


Mowry Tavern, where Williams Held Meetings. Built about 1653


Frontis piece


FACING PAGE


Rhode Island's Magna Charta. Here occur the words,


" Only in Civil Things "


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30


The Bull House, Newport.


Built about 1640


58


Coddington's House at Newport, about 1650


64


Copy of the Record Signed by Roger Williams in His


Only Service as Town Clerk


92


Cæsar House. Type of the Houses Built in the Latter


Part of the Seventeenth Century


120


Residence of Dean Berkeley, Middletown (Near New-


port, R. I.). Built in 1730


268


University Hall and Hope College in 1825


·


334


FOREWORD


M UCH has been written concerning the disputes be- tween Massachusetts and Rhode Island. The character of the technical rights of Roger Williams in the Bay, and whether such a seditious outcast could have rights, created volumes of discussion. These questions have lost interest in the new perspective of the twentieth century.


Mr. Richman, inspired by Bryce, and coming from the great West, set forth the world-spirit of Roger Wil- liams. Moreover, he brought forward Jellinek's testimony to the world-wide importance of our Magna Charta " only in civil things," which he terms the first " unre- stricted liberty of religious conviction." In the recent celebration of the memory of Calvin at Geneva, Professor Borgeaud, of the University, said: " We had above all to call up the vision of an American idea. That part which is not sufficiently known in the Old World is magnificent. The man to whom it is due is Roger Wil- liams." In his " Modern Democracy," he said long ago that the acceptance of the Rhode Island charter in 1647 was the "first great date in the history of modern democracy."


The solid work of Arnold sufficiently treated the polit- ico-theological principles of our State, and Brigham brought up the history to our day. I have freely used his authorities.


In these pages, I have studied to find out how the out- casts lived. Isolated without church or school, with few men educated by system, how did the exiles in this


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Foreword


narrow territory build up a new civilization, sufficient to attract the notice of Europe two centuries later? Lib- erty of the soul based on law formed a new citizen, freed from feudal restraint and ecclesiastical heredity. Charles II. gave Williams and John Clarke for their " lively expe- riment " a new standing place, from which to overcome the world.


Information is meager concerning the early ways of living in the society developed on Narragansett Bay; but enough exists to enlighten the story, as heretofore told, of theological controversies and political evolution. The old records both in print and in manuscript yield much that is significant of the thought and action of these striving citizens. One of the rare and very valu- able collections of papers, descended from Nicholas Brown & Co., is now in the John Carter Brown library. It yielded much for our use, as shown herein. I have grubbed considerably in the inventories; for whether im- portant or not, they are certainly true.


Let us try to comprehend the social life of our fore- fathers !


PROVIDENCE, R. I., January 1, 1910.


W. B. W ..



ون الصور:


م


EARLY RHODE ISLAND


EARLY RHODE ISLAND


CHAPTER I


FOUNDATIONS OF RHODE ISLAND. 1636.


T HE long controversy between advocates of Massa- chusetts and of Rhode Island is losing interest by reason of the change evolved in the relative importance of the issues. The principles of Roger Williams have become so much more weighty, while the world has been advancing three centuries in a political development not much affected by governmental control of religion that the details of his disputes with Massachusetts Bay are of less account. However the technical rights of the dispu- tants may be made out, the fact remains that Williams was banished from his political home and deprived of his spiritual privileges.


Massachusetts made an absolute theocracy.


Connecticut made a limited theocracy, which conducted a much better developed and more orderly Puritan sys- tem of living than prevailed in Massachusetts.


Rhode Island constituted a limited democracy freed from theocratic control.


These are the great historic landmarks; to ascertain and to mark out this development in the events of the time is the true historic question. To appreciate the changes of sentiment concerning these great functions of government, let us compare the present conception 1 of


1 Century Dictionary defines toleration to be "the recognition of private judgment in the matter of faith and worship. . . The


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Foundations of Rhode Island


" toleration " with the idea held in New England in the days of Williams.


Thomas Shepard in 1645 knew what was wanted among his brethren and his deep emotion revealed itself as he named his discourse "Lamentations." He says "to cut off the hand of the magistrate from touching men for their consciences (a boundless toleration of all Religions, Hub- bard, 1676) will certainly in time (if it get ground) be the utter overthrow, as it is the undermining of the Refor- mation begun. This opinion is but one of the fortresses and strongholds of Sathan." 2


" Touching the conscience," that is the root of the theocratic system, which separated Williams and his fol- lowers from the government founded on it. However great and splendid the organization of the state, man was born first. Roger Williams saw, not only thought, but saw with inward vision that man should look through organized government directly, to the author and ruler of his being-to God.


Toleration was the main doctrine, but the same habit of mind and view of practical government ran through


effective recognition by the state of the right which every person has to enjoy the benefit of all the laws and of all social privileges without regard to difference of religion." The high-minded Paley about 1800 had not quite risen to this elevation. "Toleration is of two kinds; the allowing to dissenters the unmolested profession and exercise of their religion, but with an exclusion from offices of trust emolument in the state, which is a partial toleration, and the admit- ting them without distinction to all the civil privileges and capacities of other citizens, which is a complete toleration." Morley gives the present conception of this historic term in treating Cromwell (Cen- tury Mag., LIX. 575) " Toleration has become a standard common- place, springing often from indifference, often from languor, some- times from skepticism, but rooted among men of understanding in the perception that the security for a living conscience is freedom. not authority."


2 Cited C. F. Adams, " Massachusetts Historians," p. 16.


3


1636]


Only in Civil Things


the consciousness of the average Puritan. The Durfees, father and son, true descendants of Rhode Island, com- prehended the large differences between Massachusetts Bay and the outcast colony on Narragansett Bay. Job Durfee said the Puritan understanding "was not the freedom of the individual mind from the domination of the spiritual order, but merely the freedom of their par- ticular church; and just as the English government had thrown off the tyranny of the Pope, to establish the tyranny of the bishops, they threw off the tyranny of the bishops to establish the tyranny of the brethren." 3


Thomas Durfee 4 defined that soul-liberty was not secured by grant, but by limitation, being " the constitu- tional declaration of the right in its widest meaning, cov- ering not only freedom of faith and worship, but also freedom of thought and speech in every legitimate form. The right has never been expressed with more complete- ness. 'Only in civil things' was no lucky hit, but the mature fruit of life and experience."


It is well to seek for the birth of " civil things " the assured conception of the " limitation," as Judge Durfee expresses it. Early in 1637 Williams writes 5 Governor Winthrop, "the frequent experience of your loving ear, ready and open toward me (in what your conscience per- mitted) as also of that excellent spirit of wisdom and pru- dence wherewith the Father of Lights hath endued you, embolden me to request a word of private advise." There was a broad difference at this moment in Williams' mind between masters of families and proprietors deriving from Williams purchaser from the Sachems, and seller of the land to his companions; and "those few young men "


3 Cited Straus, " Roger Williams," p. 43.


4 Historical Discourses, 1886.


5 Narragansett Club, VI., 3.


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Foundations of Rhode Island


who were coming in to be admitted as residents and citi- zens. He was contemplating in this letter two subscrip- tions : the first for the proprietors, and it was somewhat elaborate, for "late inhabitants of the Massachusetts (upon occasion of some differences of conscience) being permitted to depart from the limits of that Patent." The other subscription for the young men and others, was in substance the compact afterwards adopted, ex- cept that it does not reach the apothegm, " only in civil things."


Showing that he had not begun to consider (he never did enter into and fully comprehend) the difference be- tween a patriarchal bargain or proprietor's sale and a political solution which might embrace a world-state, he asks, " whether I may not lawfully desire this of my neigh- bors, that as I freely subject myself to common consent, and shall not bring in any person into the town without their consent; so also that against my consent no person be violently brought in and received." All these medita- tions and queries he had not suggested to his neighbors, but waited until he " can see cause upon your loving coun- sel."


In May of this year he wrote Winthrop 6 again, " not- withstanding our differences concerning the worship of God and the ordinances ministered by Antichrist's power, you have been always pleased lovingly to answer my bold- ness in civil things." He asks what he shall answer to " one unruly person " who has proposed often in town meeting, " for a better government than the country hath yet, and let's not to particularize by a general Governor, etc."


These debates and doubts were solved on the 20th of August. The " second comers " by political action put · Narrangansett Club, VI, p. 23.


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Unrestricted Liberty Established


1636]


into definite shape the simplest possible form of govern- ment 7 " only in civil things." 8


Years ago Mr. Straus brought forward the statement 9 of the eminent Gervinus in 1853, showing that Roger Williams has established a " small new society " based on "entire liberty of conscience and the uncontrolled power of the majority in secular affairs. The 'theories ' of Europe were here brought into practice." It was freely prophesied that these democratic movements would soon end themselves. But the institutions have not only main- tained themselves, but have "spread over the whole union." They have given laws to one-quarter of the globe, and " they stand in the background of every demo- cratic struggle in Europe."


Mr. Richman called attention to Dr. Borgeaud, of the Faculty of Law in Geneva, a more recent authority in this domain of history. His view of Roger Williams is that his " mind was at once enthusiastic and systematic; he was a theologian who had been brought up by a law- yer." 10 The disciple of Coke, an Anglican lawyer, took on the beliefs of Brown,11 the separatist theologian. Wil- liams pushed these views further, even to the complete separation of civil and religious matters, and to an abso- lute democracy. In Rhode Island his community after- ward became the " Kernel of a State." It accepted the charter granted by Parliamentary England. Citing from


7 " But 'only in civil things,' -- religion was. to be in no way a subject of legislation. Here for the first time was recognized the most unrestricted liberty of religious conviction, and that by a man who was himself glowing with religious feeling."-Jellinek: " Rights of Man and of Citizens," p. 66.


$ Infra, p. 31.


9 Straus, " Roger Williams," p. 234.


10 Borgeaud, " Modern Democracy," p. 156.


11 Cf. Carpenter, " Roger Williams," p. xix.


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Foundations of Rhode Island


the records of the acceptance, Borgeaud says, " these texts bear date 1647. If we compare them with what was tak- ing place in Europe during this memorable year, we shall be ready to allow that this is the first great date in the history of modern democracy." 12


When Williams was in London 13 procuring this char- ter, he was associated with Milton, Vane, and especially with the great revolutionist, Cromwell. He kept up his personal and friendly relations with him.


We are not to assume that Rhode Island was the sole source of democracy in New England. It simply carried the European movement-through the inspiration of Wil- liams-to its highest end and legitimate outcome in prac- tical political government. Connecticut and Massachu- setts were one to two centuries in arriving at equivalent results. The imagination can hardly set forth what might have been, if Massachusetts had grasped her whole opportunity in the seventeenth century.1+


Borgeaud says, "if we trace the origin of American democracy among the charters and constitutions of the New England States, we find a startling proof of the close connection, which we must recognize between the two great movements (Reformation and Democracy) of mod- ern thought." 15 Again he defines the influence of Cal-


12 Cf. " Modern Democracy," p. 161.


13 Mr. Albert Mathews calls attention to Sir Thomas Urquhart's expression of his obligations to Roger Williams for interceding in his behalf with the "most special members both of the Parliament and Council of State." " He did approve himself a man of such discretion and inimitably sanctified parts that an Archangel from heaven could not have shewn more goodness and less osten- tation."-Urquhart: " Works," pp. 408, 409. Ed. 1834.


14 Witness Doyle: "The colony was only saved from mental atrophy by its vigorous political life."-" Puritan Colonies," I., p. 187.


15 " Modern Democracy," p. 10.


7


1636]


Freedom of Thought and Speech


vin, " Presbyterianism is Calvinism tempered by aristo- cratic tendencies of Calvin. Independency, or as first called, Congregationalism, is Calvinism without Calvin." 16


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The German, Jellinek, sets forth the germinal idea inhering in the final principles of our community. It in- terests us, as being essentially the same as that pro- pounded earlier by our own citizen, Thomas Durfee. As we cited from Durfee, it was " not only freedom of faith and worship, but also freedom of thought and speech in every legitimate form." Jellinek says the Americans gradually acquired a constitutional recognition of the principle that " there exists a right not conferred upon the citizen, but inherent in man, that acts of conscience and expressions of religious convictions stand inviolable over against the state as the exercise of a higher right." 17


Probably all will agree that however great and mag- nificent the organization of the state may be, that man is yet greater. The state, through Magna Charta and other great political monuments, has brought down the statutes of freedom. But freedom of conscience was not enacted by statute, it was the fruit of the Gospel. The inherent and sacred right of the individual as established legally was not the work of any revolution in Europe. "Its first apostle was not Lafayette, but Roger Wil- liams, who, driven by powerful and deep religious enthu- siasm, went into the wilderness in order to found a govern- ment of religious liberty." 18


16 Prof. H. L. Osgood in Pol. Sc. Quarterly virtually agrees with Borgeaud, "Calvinism in spite of the aristocratic character, which it temporarily assumed meant democracy in Church government. It meant more, for its aim was to make society in all its parts conform to a religious ideal."


17 Jellinek, " Rights of Man and of Citizens," p. 74.


18 Ibid, p. 77.


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Foundations of Rhode Island


It was not holiday work in the plantations on Narra- gansett Bay, as the following pages will make manifest. The German philosopher states, " to recognize the true boundaries between the individual and the community is the highest problem that thoughtful consideration of human society has to solve." 19 That this people kept unimpaired the precious " kernel of a state," as the Gene- van doctor terms it, through all the turmoil was a marvel of the moment and a permanent boon to mankind.


This seething democracy of Providence, which impresses European scholars so forcibly, was established in the mid- dle seventeenth century, and was nourished by the infor- mal parliament in almost constant session at John Smith's mill,20 as well as in irregular conferences that were ante- chambers of the town meetings. In these disputations and debates, the public business was threshed out, before for- mal political action was instituted. Like many incipient communities in history, this democratic government might have come to naught, had it not been anchored to the state and fastened to the crown by the charter of Charles II. There is a divinity doth hedge a king, which pre- vailed in those days. This was plainly apparent to Roger Williams. We are obliged to criticise him often for his communistic vagaries and his inconsistent ways in mere statecraft. But he was well-grounded in the great prin- ciples of authority underlying all practicable government. In 1654-5 there was a party pushing soul-liberty and the power of the individual toward anarchy. A paper was sent to the town asserting that "it was blood-guiltiness, and against the rule of the Gospel, to execute judgment upon transgressors against the private or public weal."


Williams wrote to the town a masterly letter, defining 19 Jellinek, "Rights of Man and of Citizens," p. 98. 20 Infra, p. 42.


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1636]


Government Not Anarchy


9


individual liberty and the limits of governing power in the state. " There goes many a ship to sea, with many hundred souls in one ship, whose weal and woe is common, and is a true picture of a commonwealth, or a human combination, or society. Both Papists and Protestants, Jews and Turks, may be embarked in one ship.


I never denied that, notwithstanding their liberty of con- science, the commander of this ship ought to command the ship's course, yea, and also to command that justice, peace, and sobriety, be kept and practiced, both among the seamen and all the passengers. . If any shall mutiny, and rise up against their commanders and officers ; if any should preach or write that there ought to be no commanders because all are equal in Christ, I never denied, but in such cases, whatever is pretended, the commander or commanders may judge, resist, compel, and punish such transgressors." 21


In a noble letter to Major Mason, of Connecticut, June 22, 1670,22 Williams sets forth his own story with an account of his sufferings in settling the plantation. And he pictures in most graphic style the truly great concerns of citizens, in particular his consciousness of the high mission of himself and his fellows. "To mind not our own, but every man the things of another; yea, and to suffer wrong, and part with what we judge is right, yea, our lives and (as poor women martyrs have said) as many as there be hairs upon our heads, for the name of God and the son of God his sake. This is humanity, yea, this is Christianity. The matter with us is not about these children's toys of land, meadows, cattle, government, etc. But here all over this colony a great number of weak and distressed souls, scattered, are flying hither from Old


21 Ibid, Nargt. Cl., VI., 278.


22 VI., "Narragansett Club," 344.


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Foundations of Rhode Island


and New England, the most High and Only Wise hath, in His infinite wisdom, provided this country and this corner as a shelter for the poor and persecuted, according to their several persuasions."


Mr. Richman considers Williams' system to have been religious in his own view, but not so according to the prevailing opinions of the time. He prefers to class his opinions as "ethico-political." 23 We are to remember in placing a principle and in making categories that, nearly three centuries of progress-which the opinions of Williams and those like him have greatly affected-have passed since these colonies were struggling to begin politi- cal life. Some plain facts of the case have been neglected, both by the persecutors of Williams and by his advocates. Reformers must offend against the established order, by which and in which they are conditioned. The radical must go to the root of existing things, or he cannot grasp or even touch the evil he would combat.


Williams struck at the foundations of the Puritan church, and the social system carried with it. It was absolutely necessary that individuals should revolt against the old before a starting point for new life could be attained. Williams was literally a voice crying in the wilderness-so far as a representative of the individual soul was concerned. To him, his idea, his daimon was the simplest principle possible-and two and a half cen- turies of progress have proved that he was right. To them, this simplicity was complex beyond measure, and destructive of established order.


Greece, Rome, Teutonic mark and meeting penetrated by Hebrew insight, political England, are engraved deep in the lines of our heredity But it is in the enlarging growth of the modern mind after the Reformation that


23 Richman, " R. I., Its Making," I., 22.


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Soul-Liberty Bred New Men


1636]


Rhode Island has an especial place in history, as my citations from European scholars have shown. As Roger Williams led in soul-liberty, so with his fellows he devel- oped a community, a possible state, giving superiority to the individual man-practical democracy in short. Rough in poverty, rude in education, these pioneers kept their individual entity springing from Williams, Harris, Gorton, Coddington, and Clarke, as the following pages will show; which individual spirit finally pervaded and flavored the peoples roundabout. The most stormy town meeting, the boldest privateer, the stoutest Revolu- tionary soldier, the most adventurous merchant, carried forward this principle of expanding growth, proceeding from Williams' discovery and the struggle of pioneers for political life. A soul freed from ecclesiastical oppres- sion and the bonds of expiring feudalism, must possess at last material things. Progress was slow in attaining such wealth and culture as the surrounding colonies inher- ited passively. But through every political and social movement a discerning eye can trace the individual man forming a larger community of individuals ; thus lifting his own life and social opportunity into a freer atmos- phere. If this were not so, how could the little state acquire wealth relatively equal to the most favored quar- ters of the Union. How else could a modern republican state be formed on accidental charters of the common- wealth and of Charles II .; which latter charter should es- sentially outlast two centuries, unchanged.




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