USA > Rhode Island > Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people > Part 16
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We cite freely, not merely for the points of delicious sarcasm, but from a deeper motive. There was some- thing more than mere ecclesiastical sharp-shooting here. The American idea, rooted in soul-liberty, was beginning to sprout and overspread the harsh theocracy of Massa- chusetts. Jonathan Mayhew, born in 1720, in the mid- century from the West Church pulpit in Boston, supported Otis and put forth the new ideas of freedom-strange in a community based on authority and organized by the close embrace of church and state. Whether he learned from Spreague and those like him, we know not; but he might have learned. And the marvel is that these homely Protestants-spawned by Roger Williams-could and did work out such great ideas, with so little of the world's 25 Staples, " Annals," pp. 434-438.
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True Religious Liberty at Last
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learning to aid them. As Wm. Harris, a half-century earlier, became a statesman, through the vigorous educa- tion of affairs; so Spreague put soul-liberty into the common formulas of freedom, by life and contact with individuals freed from outworn trammels, who were con- serving the true principles of order.
Diplomatic controversy with Massachusetts produced little direct effect. An abortive attempt was made in 1721 when a meeting house was begun. This movement. was abandoned from local differences. In 1723,26 the First Congregational Society erected a house for worship at the corner of College and Benefit Streets; occupying it until 1794, when it was sold to become the " Old Town House."
As the Quakers formed a constituent element in the seventeenth century and much influenced the whole com- munity of Rhode Island, so in the early eighteenth century, the Congregationalists and the Episcopalians became an important factor in developing the outcast colony, now coming to its true place in civilization.
There had been missionary meetings for the Episco- palians at Providence conducted by Mr. Honeyman, of Newport, and Dr. MacSparran, of Narragansett. The former said there was no house and he was obliged to " preach in the open fields." Dr. Humphries, an Episco- pal historian, gave a most pessimistic account of the social condition of the plantation.27 " The people were negligent of all religion, till about the year 1722; the very best were such as called themselves Baptists or Quakers, but it was feared many were Gertoneans or Deists." The people raised £250., obtained £200. more in Newport, £100. in Boston, borrowed £200. more, and
26 Staples, p. 438.
27 Ibid., p. 443.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
in 1722 built King's, now St. John's, Church. It was placed on the lot given by Nathaniel Browne, an active co-operator, who had had his shipyard there.
The most efficient helper was Gabriel Bernon, a char- acter who deserves more than passing notice. The Huguenots contributed forcibly to the race amalgam which was forming the larger citizen of Rhode Island. Bernon was a Protestant merchant of an " ancient and honourable family of Rochelle," who emigrated to escape the Edict of Nantes. . He was in Narragansett, sojourned at New Oxford, Mass., and at Newport, settling in Provi- dence in 1721. Active in founding the churches at New- port and in Narragansett, he was probably as good a churchman as Dr. Humphries and a far better philoso- pher. Writing Mr. Honeyman and canvassing for the new movement in Providence, he said: "We have in our town, learned men. Let them be Popish Churchmen, Presbytery, Protestant Quakers or Gartonian-and if there be some Profanes that call them to hold no reli- gion at all-we have a great many worthy gentlemen that make their application to read the Holy Scriptures and are very well able to give an account of their faith." 28
We may continue Mr. Bernon's account of the " learned men," as "Mr. Jenckes, our Lieutenant-Governor, by his answer to Wm. Wilkinson, the greatest preacher among the Quakers, and Mr. Samuel Wilkinson, the old man, (a Quaker had edgetools, worth 21s. taken in 1707 to pay a fine of 12s. for not training) deserves dignity for his erudition in divine and civil law, historical narrative, natural and politic; and you may see by the letters of Mess. Jonathan Sprague, Richard Waterman, Harris and several gentlemen, by their answers to Mess. Danforth, 28 Goodwin's, Updike, Vol. I., pp. 53, 54.
1721]
Bernon's " Learned Men "
209
Thatcher and Belcher of the Presbyterian Ministry. We have also Mr. Winsor, Mr. James Brown, Mr. Hakin, of the Anabaptist Church, and great preachers; and their auditors, Mr. Outram mathematician, Mess. Filliness, Power, good Harris, merchant-all sober men, that can learn and teach things by true demonstration."-Updike, Goodwin, I., 54.
There are churchmen and churchmen. Compare this account of Bernon's with the ecclesiastical Humphries' idea that the people were " negligent of all religion until about the year 1722." Bernon was bred in wise old Europe, whence he fled to preserve his faith. He had sacrificed in every way to promote the church holding his own tenets, yet he found in these dwellers at Providence " sober men that can learn and teach things by true demonstration." Nothing could more clearly prove the growth of citizens of the world out of the narrow oppor- tunities of Providence Plantation, than this disinterested testimony of a Frenchman and an Episcopalian. Gideon Crawford, the Scotch merchant, worked on the cooper- preacher Tillinghast's wharf to open the little settlement on the Great Salt River to the world of commerce. The merchants traded in produce, while making men. In a score or two of years, the accomplished Huguenot could recognize " sober and learned men " in the representatives of this same narrow district.
In the second decade, commerce was well established on the wharves of the Great Salt River. To the West Indies the exports were salted beef and pork, peas, butter, boards, staves and hoop poles, while horses were in fre- quent demand. Cider was made in large quantities for domestic use, as well as peach brandy, for in any good orchard " apple and peach trees fruited deep."
Tobacco was generally grown by the farmers in the
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
seventeenth century, and we have noted a somewhat mythical large shipment in 1652. But it was a very thrifty illicit trade, which avoided the heavy English revenue taxes. Nine New England vessels were selling tobacco at New Amsterdam in one week in 1669.3º Some- times only a four-shillings' worth appeared, but the most of the farmers raised it, generally in quantities of 100 to 400 lbs. E. Carpenter inventoried 313 lbs. in a small shop in 1697-8.31 The Olneys were said to have 400 lbs. in barn at the same time. John Crawford, the merchant, had in stock £24. worth, about a ton.
Sloops were employed in the foreign trade and sixty tons burden was the largest size. Ketches and snows were used in other parts of New England, but we find no trace of them in the upper Bay.
There seems to have been a new impulse in the foreign trade in 1717 and 1718, for a new demand sprung up for warehouse lots and wharves. Probably this was one of the first results following the issues of paper money. A momentous step was taken in both political and economic affairs when the first paper was issued by the colony in 1710. Paper currency, properly controlled, is a great blessing to civilization. But unlimited public credit car- ries evils far surpassing any possible good to be derived from it. It overstimulates industries and demoralizes the citizen. This departure was occasioned by the great effort made by the little colony to join in the expedition of 1710 against Port Royal.32 It raised 200 men and the proportion of Providence was 40 with 8 Indians. There was no actual money to be had, and the paper substituted was issued in this and the following year for
30 Weeden, "E. and S. N. E.," Vol. II., p. 262.
81 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VII., p. 195.
32 Staples, p. 188.
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Outward Communication Increased
1721]
£13,000 to £14,000 in " bills of public credit." In 1715 the issue began again and continued until the state's credit was overwhelmed in 1786.
Trade and commerce brought necessity for increase in outward communication with the town. No seine was to be set or drawn on the great river above Weybosset Bridge after 1716. A vote of 30s. for repairs to Wey- bosset Bridge, October 28, 1717, was a petty expedient until " some more Legal method be taken for repairing." The colony had appropriated out of its treasury for this and other bridges in 1711.
The main travel in or across the colony came over the upper ferry at Red Bridge in Seekonk, and passed over the bridge at Weybosset. Captain Scott was allowed as late as 1716 to fence with gates across the "Country Roade (main highway) over Pawtucket River," for four years, provided " Pawtucket Bridge is passable so long."33 Fences with gates were allowed on Hernden's Lane and thence to Pawtucket, January 20, 1720-1.
In providing new highways and caring for the poor, the town had run in debt. The tax had rarely exceeded £60., but £150.16.3. was assessed March 20, 1718,34 and the apportionment by districts is interesting:
The Towne's part. £56. 0.11.
The Northern woods 55. 4.10.
The Southern woods 39.12. 3.
In early times the valuation of the rich fields of Paw- tuxet, which included the " southern woods," was greater than that of Providence proper. This is the first rate in
33 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XIII., pp. 4, 42. 34 Ibid., p. 48.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence.
which the homestead and commercial part exceeded the agricultural division of the northern woods.
A bounty of 20s. was paid in 1719,35 for a wolf's head which had been delivered to Major Thomas ffenner living . in the present town of Cranston. The premium offered for gray squirrels was 3d. ; this was made equal for Rats (muskrats probably) and afterward reduced to 2d .; 5s. raised to 10s. in 1729, was offered for a wild cat's skin ; £16. was once raised for bounties on squirrels. These struggles with Nature's last representatives entertain us now, but another side of the cogitations of the town council is more than diverting. When the Puritan-bred citizens who were not Puritans give themselves to strict reverential decorum, the legislative result is something grotesque. For example, January 27, 1723-4, the peti- tion of several leading citizens represented that the munic- ipal act for squirrel bounties had no restriction. There was an act of the General Assembly preventing " Sports " and pastimes on the first day of the week, and these citi- zens asked for restriction of squirrel shooting on that day, or the municipal act would be an " Encouragement to vice and Immorality." The leading citizens ask for the "Encouragement of Good Manners." When the pence ran up into pounds, the canny burghers asked them- selves whether the farmers' hunting of vermin was not turning into "Sport." Civic economy concurring with the ethical and respectable observance of the Sabbath is most delicious as well as suggestive. The bounty for squirrels was soon repealed.
Public offices were seldom sought for in those days, and were held to be a burden, even when the service was paid for. Robert Curry was chosen Town "Sarjant," a responsible post, but he was not a freeman in 1718. 85 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XIII., pp. 17, 20, 98, 30, 64.
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1725] Expenses of the Town
Lieutenant James Olney engaged in town meeting to pay all damage to the sheriff or any person, incurred by Curry's not being a " freeman or of a Compitent Esstate."
The detailed expenses of the growing town may inter- est, as they were audited May 29, 1725.36 The expen- diture in transporting criminals to Newport for the colonial prison was very large, and was later replaced by the still greater expense of a prison at home. At this time there was paid:
Sergeant Westgate for keeping and carrying one Corrill to Newport. .£10.13. Laying two highways, one " from Town to Bay Line," one from Pawtucket to Jeremiah Browne's 4.
Repairing Weybosset Bridge, 1 year, £2.7.6., R. Curry, T. Sergeant, 1 year, £4 .. . . 6. 7. 6. For Poor, Mary Marsh, M. Owen, " Marjary Indian," Mary Pettes child 14. 6. 4.
£35. 6.10.
Crime cost more than constabular service and roads, while poverty cost more than either.
The burdensome care of the poor, as shown in the expenses of the town from time to time, sufficiently ex- plains their jealous watchfulness of citizenship and dread of intrusion into their community.
In 1717 37 the Council was ordered to " vse all Lawfull Means " to compel the town of East Greenwich to assume the support of Mary Marsh. In 1721 the Council sum- moned before it " several forriners Lately come into this
36 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XIII., pp. 14, 23.
37 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XIII., p. 10.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
Towne in a disorderly manner without Leave and Likely to be chargeable if not Removed." In 1720 38 Black- stone's wife not being well, Joseph Woodward's wife took her home out of "Piety" (pity?). Captain Wilkinson told Woodward, if he entertained Blackstone and his wife, he ought to give bond for him; which request was refused. Individual charity could not be crushed out practically, though Woodward was technically at fault, and munici- pal organization had to bear the consequences.
Later, September 24, 1722, the Council recorded that John Blackstone's child, born here, then in Attleboro, was apprenticed there to R. Wickes " to be learned to Reade and the art of husbandry." Judging from other con- tracts binding infants, the town paid something to Wickes for bringing up the child. The poor waif and stray, once attached to the soil, had a better parent than Nature gave, for it became a constituent part of the com- munity. Some of the practical measures regulating citi- zenship seem petty to us. But the general sense of municipal responsibility was praiseworthy.
The system of apprenticing young persons was work- ing constantly and apparently with the best social results. It was education in the family, through the steady business of life. In 1713-4 39 Susanna Warner (writing her name) was bound for six years by her father, John War- ner (also writing), to Thomas Olney (weaver), of Provi- dence, to learn the " Trade and occupation of a Tailor." She was not to frequent Ale Houses or Taverns except about her Master's or Mistress's business, " ffornication shee shall not Comitt, neither shall she Contract Matri- mony with any Person." These obligations were gener- ally laid on both sexes alike. The master was to endeavor
38 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XII., pp. 20, 39. 39 Ibid., Vol. IX., p. 5.
1715]
Wardrobe of an Apprentice
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to teach her to read, and finally to give her two suits of apparel. This dress was known as " the freedom suit," and was often given any minor on coming of age. In 1715 40 Thomas Olney, " weavor," signed as a witness to the contract binding Wm. Potter for five years, his father having died. The master agreed to teach him to "Reade English, and wright and Cypher so far as to keepe a Booke." He was to be freed at twenty-one years, in the "same apparill as he is now in." The list of original clothing shows the habits and dress of laboring youths at that time. " A Loose bodyed Coate, a streight bodyed Coate and Jacket all Casy and faced with soloone; a wosted Coate and two wosted jackets all lined the Coate and one of the jackets lined with solloone a pair of druget Briches lined; a washed Paire of Leathor Briches a Caster hat, three shirts two homespun ones and one fine one, three pair of stokins one pair wosted, three neck Clothes two of them silk and a pair of washed Leathor Gloves: next his wareing apparill now worn but whole: a hatt Coate briches stokins and shoes. Memo that Clothing which was Casy (kersey) was homespun." We remark that homespun cotton or flax would do for common, and that " fine " cloth must be had for a dress shirt. For a youth of sixteen he was certainly well clothed, having clothing not only for work-a-days, but for occasions and social gatherings.
The grain crop must have failed in 1724, for the Gen- eral Assembly forbade exportation of corn until the price should be 5s. per bushel. It directed the General Treas- urer to buy 2000 bushels and to sell it in small quanti- ties.
The inventories show no great changes in a decade. The farmers grow rather more tobacco than the previous 40 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. IX., p. 13.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
generation produced. Forks are increasing in domestic use. In 1723,41 two spinsters, Joanna and Tabitha In- man, died within four days. One had £32.8.6., the other £37.5.6. in wearing apparel; side saddle pillions, loom, cards and combs, spinning wheels, etc. There was a moderate amount of plate in most estates. An Indian servant girl's time for two years and ten months was valued at £5.10. Edward Manton,42 whose personal estate was £373.13.8., with a farmer's outfit on a small scale, had 100 books at £17.15., with two maps of the world at 10s. Cows were £4. each and two yokes of oxen £22.
In 1723-4 John House 43 gives us £18.12. in dress, with an interesting detail of prices. Coate 40s., 2 pair briches 28s., 2 pair leather do £1.10., Brown cloth coate, black gloves and dark jacket £4.4. Druggett coate, yellow trimming, 25s., yallowish jacket 10s. Loose coate 12s., two linen westcotts and two pair britches £1.10. Two hats at 12s., hdkf gloves etc. with an extravagant pair of garters at 17s., all amounted to £6.9s. One gold ring 40 grains, another 25 grains, were not valued. Silver buckles and buttons 10s. 9d. A moderate amount of silver plate and the usual pewter. The " wareing clothes that ware his first wives and bonnet £3.11." Some " black lat " and 5 chamber potts at 12s. Earthen punch bowl, pitcher, 3 earthen cups, glass bottle 7s. Porcelain ware, as shown in the chamberpots, was coming in gradually. One barrel "peach juce " 11s. Negro woman £22. Sorrel horse £18. Bed pan 18s. High house, land, sta- bles, 2 acres land on "Waybauset plaines " 5/16 Right Common East of 7-mile line was valued at £255., and the
41 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XVI., p. 236.
42 Ibid., p. 263.
43 Ibid., p. 306.
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The Dress of Innkeepers
1724]
total estate was £524.12.3. Being an innkeeper and a considerable dandy, his way of living is interesting.
Copper pennies appear frequently, sometimes more than 1000 at once.
Prices of realty are rare and should be noted. October 16, 1724, Thomas Williams' 44 homestead of 100 acres, housing, barn and improvements stood at £445. Adjoin- ing the homestead 44 acres at £88. Meadow on " Pachaset River," 10 acres at £35. Land on Common west of 7 mile line £70. One-third of 40 ft. lot in rear of house lots in " 2d devision " £3. One-thirteenth part of Starve goat Island 13s. Land sold and money received for second 40 acre " devision " and pine swamp £5.6.8. One hun- dred acres formerly given son Joseph, except labor be- stowed on it.
Razors are coming in ; and it is doubtful if any shaving of beards prevailed in the seventeenth century. Breeches were sometimes adorned with plate buttons. A set of plate buttons and buckle was valued at 6s. In land 40 acres east of 7 mile line stood at £12.45 " Amber beedes," Glass Bottle and Needles at 9s. 3d. Glass must have been prized, as every bottle was carefully valued.
Signatures of women of good families with a +- appear on documents, and more rarely the men sign in that way.
November 6, 1724,46 Jabez Browne's homestead, esti- mated at 80 acres, was appraised at £350. Land n. w. from homestead 78 acres at £110. Adjoining home- stead 30 acres at £25. Some curious prices appear the next year. Plowing and planting 10 acres Indian corn £5.9. Sowing 8 acres with rye and the seed £2.15. One acre with oats 6s. In an outfit of £15. for dress, a set of
44 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XVI., p. 330.
45 Ibid., p. 367.
46 Ibid., p. 375.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
·silver shirt buttons stood at 5s., a pair of silver shoe buckles at 16s.
In 1725,47 Arthur Fenner had a full outfit for spinning and weaving, 4 spinning wheels and " Clock Reale " £1.8. A pair of looms, and furniture £3. One looking glass and 2 pair " specticles " (first mentioned) 5s. 6d. The dames were wearing better toilets, and Abigail Hopkins spent £30. for dress in an estate of £98.5.8. Under beds are mentioned for the first time. A pair of " sizers " and a silver Chaine therewith £1. Butter was 10d. per lb.
In 1725-6 48 a watch (of silver probably) appears at £4., but these did not displace sun-dials until about 1750.49
Wm. Roberts' 50 homestead and house were appraised at £420. and one share of " Meadow " £30.
Wm. Harris had a silver " Tancord," 2 silver cups, 10 spoons, all weighing 463 oz., valued at £34.17.6. His negro man stood at £70., the highest price attained, and probably inflated somewhat by paper money.
Joseph Jenckes was elected from Providence to be Gov- ernor of the Colony in 1727. Previous governors under the charter had been taken from Newport. This election indicates the rise of commercial Providence. Newport still kept its supremacy as the capital, for the Assembly granted Governor Jenckes £100. to make his residence and remove his family there.
In 1727 the long boundary dispute with Connecticut, which had threatened the very existence of our colony, was brought to a close by a decree of the Privy Council. This fixed the western boundary on the Pawcatuck River
47 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XVI., p. 384.
48 Ibid., p. 440.
49 Dorr, p. 170.
50 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XVI., p. 456.
£
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British Ideas of Geography
1721]
and thence north to the Massachusetts line.51 The Board of Trade had previously shown its sapient management of colonial affairs by recommending to the Council that both Connecticut and Rhode Island be attached to New Hampshire. The disjoined geography of the territories apparently never entered into the Board's ideas of con- venient government. Such wiping out of the two govern- ments-which are now admitted to have added the most practical national ideas to the United States-would have created a suggestive historical speculation.
A King's census of the colony 52 was taken in 1730, showing a population of 16,935; Whites 15,302, Negroes 1648, Indians 985. Providence had, Whites 3707, Ne- groes 128, Indians 81 ; total 3916. Newport had, Whites 3843, Negroes 649, Indians 248; total 4640. The fig- ures do not agree in themselves, but the main fact is that Providence had nearly as large a white population as Newport; yet the latter was far better developed in pros- perous industries.
A prison was built in 1733 on Jail Lane, now Meeting Street.53
The taverns continued to be places of great resort, espe- cially before the building of the county courthouse in 1729. Those of Whipple and Epenetus Olney were famous, and Wm. Turpin left his profession of school- teaching to become a popular landlord and town officer. Turpin's Inn on Town Street was the largest house in the town until the State House was built and was a favorite place of meeting for the Assembly and courts. Built in 1695, it survived until 1812. A high roof had heavy projecting eaves and dormer windows. A huge stone
51 " R. I. C. R.," Vol. IV., p. 373, and Brigham, pp. 171-174. 52 Staples, p. 194.
53 Ibid., p. 180.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
chimney allied it to the dwellings around. On the green in front was the unfailing elm. The "great room " served either for a senate house or dancing hall. Such centers of influence conferred social and political prestige on the landlords, who were not slow to avail of it. As the Assembly, Courts, Town and Council meetings always sat in central taverns, the landlord often became the oracle of his neighborhood. Sometimes chief of local militia and representative in the Assembly, he " enjoyed promi- nence which in Massachusetts belonged to the Puritan minister." 54 Although this way of living could not and did not suit the omniscient Cotton Mather, it had due effect in developing citizens of the world who were willing to accept a cheery existence here on earth. A curious incident in 1713 55 reveals the jealousy of country pro- prietors, toward these innkeepers and town agitators. Major " thomas ffenner," Assistant, protested against the election of Wm. Smith, Jas. Olney, Wm. Harris and Silvanus Scott, to be members or Assistants in the Town Council, because they kept Public houses of Entertainment and retailed strong drink. They rejoined that Major Fenner kept a public house and retailed strong drink for several years. And insisted "wee are freemen of the Towne and Collony and the Towne's owne Election, and ought not to be debarred of our Privilidges." Appar- ently the election did not fail.
In 1720 the licenses were £2. each. Thomas Angel, John House, Josiah Westcot, James Olney, William Tur- pin, William Edmunds, all prominent citizens, were grantees.
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