USA > Rhode Island > Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people > Part 25
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14 Brigham, p. #14.
15 Nicholas Brown & Co. MS.
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The College Comes to Providence
The embers of these political disputes were not extin- guished, but continued to affect the social movements of the time. Rhode Island College had been founded under President Manning at Warren in 1764. Its first class of seven was graduated in 1769, containing James Mitchell Varnum, whose single career would have justifed such an institution. A constitutional lawyer, his argument in the Trevett vs. Weeden case in 1786 helped Marshall in the judicial establishment of the constitution of the United States. The college was moved to Providence and Uni- versity Hall was built in 1770, after great struggles on the part of Newport to obtain it. This issue was another mark of the turn of the tide of culture from the southern part to the more slowly developed northern portion of our state. John Brown laid the cornerstone and was Treas- urer of the Corporation for many years. The name was not changed to Brown University until a generation later, when Nicholas, the son of Nicholas, became a benefactor.
We have alluded to differences between Nicholas and John Brown. In 1770 John made an offer for a division of their joint properties. Nicholas would not cause a " Break among brothers, who in the eye of the world have lived in unity." Not convinced and holding his opinion, " I accept." Moses made up the books, and with Joseph, adjusted the valuations, including " all interesting matter for the division of our father's estate." John accepted from Nicholas £150, lawful money, " for what your house and furniture cost more than mine, also for my extra servises in doing the business, etc." In 1774, Moses with- draws from Nicholas Brown & Co., recommending " con- tinuance of the division to Nicholas and Joseph. At that time N. Brown & Co. owned 2 and John Brown { of the spermaceti works. Nicholas laid the cornerstone of the Market House-an important public improvement-and
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Revolutionary Period.
was much respected by his fellow citizens. Prudent, ac- quisitive, methodical, he was a fine counterpoise to John, with his " magnificent projects," in the future Revolution- ary ventures.
A letter of Col. J. Wanton, Jr.,16 from Newport, while the discussion for locating the college was going on, re- veals influences working beneath the surface of society. Increased subscriptions at Providence in his opinion would " Counter Ballance any advantage they may Desire from their present Clamour against me and mine in a Political Light. I view it in no other light than as the expiring efforts of a Disappointed Envious Cabal." Nicholas Easton had " been made to offer " land valued by him at £6000, O. T. for the College. In another letter Wanton is very spicy commenting on the Newport politicians. " The Zeal (or rather Fury)-of the two brothers (re- specting the College) is near blown out. S. W. (Samuel Ward) still in town, either " Governor or Colledge mak- ing, perhaps both." This was written to John Brown.
We may note that the practice of maturing Madeira wine by trans-shipment through tropical seas had begun in those days. George Rome at Newport praised his " excellent particular " sent through West Indies for im- provement." The cost in Madeira was £33, starting in 1770. He was sure " if war ensues " the price would ad- vance.
Nicholas Brown & Co. prosecuted whaling with their other interests. Nantucket was the center of the indus- try, but the general commerce of Providence gave espe- cial opportunity for some profitable ventures. Warren, Bristol and Newport likewise participated. We get de- tails in 1769, when the Sloop Betsey brought home head- matter and oil-the catch of " our three sloops " for the 16 Nicholas Brown & Co. MS.
UNIVERSITY HALL AND HOPE COLLEGE IN 1825.
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Mutual Division of Profits
year. The headmatter amounted to £155.4 sterling; the oil to £315.10. Captain Wass received for his 1-17 share £27.13.9; the mate for 1-20, £23.10.8; Coddinda for 1-26, £18.2. Chippe for 1-28, £16.16.3; Covel 1-38, £12.7.9. Eight others 1-34 and § each, £13.11.6. The officers and crew received for their part £207.2.3, and the vessel or owners had £263.11.9. The figures are all in sterling and show the famous "lay" system of divid- ing returns. Surplus oil was exported to London, and John Relfe, of Philadelphia, asked a price for 1000 bbls. sperm. He would send his ships loaded with bread and flour to Nantucket, if he were certain of the oil for Lon- don. An order to the Sloop Defiance in 1770, was to cruise 100 to 150 leagues west of the Western Islands. She was expected home in six months or sooner.
. N. Brown & Co.'s business was both manufacturing and commercial; each part forwarding the whole, as in pro- duction and exchange, each supported the other. The manufacture of candles and oil was greatly assisted by the operation of Furnace Hope. As in 1770, Mr. Rotch of New Bedford would send headmatter and wanted ten tons pig iron at once-on freight or purchase-for a ves- sel to London.
Considerable business in whaling was done from 1772 to 1774, and in the latter year we get the Portage Bill of the Sloop Defiance for her cruise. John Bassett, Mas- ter, had 1-17; Moses Joy, Mate, 1-21; two " endsmen " 1-28 and 1-30; J. H. Green, Cooper, 1-33 ; three sailors, 1-34 and 3 each; Joshua Day, " green hand," 1-40.
The Lottery, generally an important function in local business, was greatly used in promoting the building of the Market House. Tickets were negotiated with corre- spondents in the country and in the districts of eastern Connecticut. As far away as Lynn, sales appear in fre-
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quent items. More important are the effects of the incip- ient division of labor. Silvanus Hussey of Lynn asks N. B. & Co. to deliver in Boston 100 lbs. tea for 100 pairs women's shoes.
The main current of commerce toward the West Indies kept its course, though it was somewhat affected by ap- prehensions of coming resistance to Great Britain. The burning of the British cruiser Gaspee in 1772 was the first act of organized resistance to Great Britain. It greatly incensed the home government. The fact that their rep- resentatives vainly tried in every way to obtain direct evi- dence against John Brown, Abraham Whipple and other offenders in this rebellious act, shows how the community of Providence, at the time, virtually agreed in opposing the British government. Gov. Wanton was instructed to arrest the offenders and send them to England for trial. But Chief Justice Hopkins, one of the boldest and most farseeing of all the American patriots, said: "I will neither apprehend any person by my own order, nor suffer any executive officers in the colony to do it." Hutchinson, the Tory of Massachusetts, proposed to annul the charter of Rhode Island. But Samuel Adams appealed for union, since " an attack upon the liberties of one colony was an attack upon the liberties of all." New England and Vir- ginia were seething with rebellion, and to no one belongs the whole credit of public movements, which were born out of the air. A committee of correspondence, Gov. Hop- kins, Daniel Jenckes and Nicholas Brown, had been ap- pointed as early as 1764. This system of committees was one of the greatest achievements in the art of self-govern- ment known to history. In these crucial times they per- formed by tacit consent, governmental duties, later as- sumed by the colonial legislatures. Let us remember this was a period of uncertainty. The final separation of the
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Committees of Correspondence
1770]
colonies was contemplated by few in the early acts of re- bellion. It will have been observed that in common trans- actions of trade, parties generally did not speak of ship- ping to England, but they sent goods "home." But Rhode Island made the " first explicit movement " 17 for a general congress in 1774. Two years after the " Boston Tea Party," tea was proscribed by the revolutionary pa- triots in 1775. In view of the social progress of tea for more than two centuries after this crisis, the utterance of the Providence Gazette March 4, is a fine bit of humor as well as a historic record of the visible course of the rebel- lion fast becoming a revolution. A bonfire was made in the Market Place of a tar barrel, of Lord North's speech and other inflammatory material. Into it was cast the " needless Herb, which for a long Time, hath been highly detrimental to our Liberty, Interest and Health." Lon- don's " five o'clock tea " has gone around the world in spite of the Gazette's general strictures.
The negative Tory Gov. Wanton had been removed from office in 1775. Two months before the immortal Dec- laration of Independence-in May, 1776-the General As- sembly of Rhode Island formally renounced allegiance, only six votes dissenting. By the Act, all legal documents were to be issued, not in the name of the crown or by royal authority, but in the name of the colony. This was the first formal act of independence in America.18 July Fourth, the nation was born and the tocsin of war sounded forth to alarm the timid and stimulate the bold among the patriots. Commerce had been feeling the political disturbance for several years. Joseph Brown, of phi- losophic mind and æsthetic temperament, did not wholly accord with the commercial spirit of his brothers. He
17 Arnold II., 334.
18 Brigham, p. 232, and Cf, Foster, Hopkins II. 145.
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finally withdrew from the firm and became a professor in R. I. College. He conducted the building of the present First Baptist Church and designed the handsome structure of the Providence Bank.
John Brown was a stormy petrel, suited to the times. His force of character as well as sagacious mercantile sense, was instantly ready for the bold ventures needed. Already, he had sent to the West Indies, broken into government warehouses, and seized gunpowder. This was a Gaspee aggression in another form. This powder arrived just too late at Bunker Hill, and was issued to the retiring troops. Jan. 20, 1776, while the nation was yet in parturition, he made a contract with the Secret Committee of Congress.19 On this committee was Samuel Ward, Benjamin Franklin, Robert Morris and other great men. Nicholas Brown had one-third interest in John's contract. The merchants in these early agreements con- tracted virtually as agents for the government. The first voyages were to be for 36 tons gunpowder or saltpetre, or arms ; failing those, duck, oznabrigs etc., or gold and sil- ver. The Secret Committee Oct. 13, 1776, ordered goods delivered to Brig. Gen. Mifflen Qr. Mr. Gen. Five % was to be paid to the Browns on outward purchases, 23% on sales abroad, 21% on return purchases. A side light is thrown by their letter Mar. 22, 1776, to Thomas Boylston, escaped from "long Inhuman Confinement in the Town of Boston by Ministerial Tyranny." They reported their contract with the Secret Committee to import, and asked advice concerning the best ports in Europe for shipments. " No interest but the public good; a small Commission for Transacting the Business."
The schooner William, whose charter party was recorded May 7, went out April 12, 1776, " for account and risque " 19 N. Brown & Co. MS.
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1775]
John Brown Agent for Congress
of the Continental Congress. She carried white and brown sperm and whale oils, candles and codfish to " Bilbo " or any port in France or Spain. On the return voyage, she was instructed to try to get in back of Nantucket.
The business with Congress was considerable, and in- cluded voyages of the sloop Polly to Eustacia, schooner William to Bilbo, brigg Happy Return to Nantz. Car- goes of powder, arms, blankets, etc., were specified. This appears by account with Robert Morris amounting to £12,652. John Brown received 20,000 dollars from the Committee as early as December, 1775. Nicholas and John's commissions were £632 and the final balance due them was £85.11.
Trade with the West Indies was conducted along similar lines by merchants for their own account. Sloop Enter- prise voyaged from February to July, 1776, owned & by N. Brown, & by J. W. Russell, 2-8 by Gideon Young. Her orders called for small arms or brass field pieces as better than gunpowder. If sulphur could not be had, she might buy salt. As a final resort, she was to take flints, paper, rhubarb or cotton. She was to come in eastward by Bedford or by Long Island. July 10, her voyage was settled with £1403, profit to the owners. Sloop America, owned by three parties, Browns, Russels and Page, sailing from St. Croix, was chased three times, but outsailed all pursuers. Tobacco was her best mer- chandise, though she had as usual, boards and provisions. She divided to her owners in November after several voy- ages £287, in dry goods, hyson tea, duck and mostly rum. The sloop Sally, from St. Croix, was to bring powder -? cannon į pistol-or parts of guns, steel, coarse linens and other dry goods ; finally in alternative, good cotton, paper, 4 or 5 dozen packs large pins, Dutch gin, brandy.
The pains and minute care of these merchants in fitting
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out a vessel is hardly comprehensible to-day. Laborers and sailors must be overlooked and the desires of the in- specting captains must be satisfied. Captain Avery's " nips," £1.0.3., nearly equalled his board on shore, £1.6. "Nips " of brandy grog and toddy at 6d. were frequently charged against the captains, as they looked after the loading of their vessels.
Privateering whenever there was opportunity had been a great factor in the commerce of Rhode Island. It was said that in the French war, one-fifth of the adult males were serving on the privateers,20 while one-seventh of the remainder were in the King's service on land. The sloop Ranger was an example of many such adventures by the merchants of Providence. Nicholas Brown and six others, including Captain Wall, each owned 2-16; two others owned 1-16 each. Fitting her out cost £70.4 on the first cruise and £179.4 on the second. The risks were much sub- divided and the ventures were generally successful. Sloop Dimond, 1776, was owned } by Nicholas and } by John Brown ; Capt. Chase being part owner and the outfit costing £1485. She was to cruise off " Bermudose " Bay, by St. Anthony or Crooked Island Passage. To seize any vessel helping the enemies of the 13 colonies. To send prizes home by Vineyard and Buzzard's Bay.
Some bits of humor come down from these encounters of private war. Men were in earnest and the fun was vi- tal. The schooner Felicity of East Greenwich, of 50 tons, commanded by Captain Gazzee, captured a large Eng- lish ship with a valuable cargo. John Bull dislikes defeat and when the prize was brought into the upper cove at Greenwich, her manly captain shed tears. He said he could have borne capture by a respectable force, " but to be taken by a d-d old squaw in a hog-trough was more 20 Arnold II. 217.
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Compliment to Captain Gazzee
1776]
than he could endure." Captain Gazzee was French with a very dark complexion, hence the compliment.21
The year 1776 witnessed the withdrawal of Stephen Hopkins from Congress. He had been very active in all the positive measures for effecting independence. His laborious life and waste of strength at last produced its natural effect, for his nervous system broke down. Since 1770, he had been obliged to guide one hand with the other in writing. The tremulous characters justified his famous apothegm when he signed the Declaration, " The heart does not tremble." Certainly, a braver heart never animated a patriot. He partially retired from affairs, though he was an efficient and public-spirited citizen for years.
As we approach the Revolution, personal expenditures for dress diminish relatively. Negroes for domestic serv- ice, especially women, increase. Shoe, knee and band buckles of silver or other metal were used, almost univer- sally. Metallic buttons also increased. The table serv- ice was not much changed, though there were earthen porringers-for the use of negroes probably. It is hardly possible to get at values, as lawful money and currency are mixed, and often not specified, in the prices.
Dr. Samuel Carew in 177322 gives us a glimpse of a professional outfit. His personal estate was £702, and wearing apparel £12. A pinchback watch at £6 was rather cheap for a person keeping a negro man at £30, and a " boy " at £50. His right in the Providence Li- brary was appraised at £3, while he had 30 vols. physic and surgery at £6, with 58 vols. Divinity, History, Trav- els, etc., at £7. Many small notes from £1.5. to £13, showing wide diffusion of credit. The furniture was re-
21 Greene, East Greenwich, p. 251.
22 Providence MS. Probate Rec., VI.
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Revolutionary Period
spectable ; one bed, bedstead, furniture at £7.10., another at £5, an eight day clock in mahogany at £15, eight plain back maple chairs 24s .; two high back Windsor chairs 12s. ; six Bannister back chairs, 15s. ; six small glazed pic- tures, 6s. There was china and white stone ware. The white porcelain ware had become common. A widow kept the pewter chamber pot included with " Delph " cups, sau- cers and bowls at a valuation of 4s. She had a gold locket 12s., and a pair of gold buttons 8s. 2d., a negro at £48, a pew in the Presbyterian meeting house at £1.10. A right in the Providence Library at £2. belonged to Hay- ward Smith. A widow had two chamber pots 2s., probably of white stone ware; as she owned a female slave at £40, another at £30, she was in comfortable circumstances. Feather beds and furniture were generally about £7, pre- sumably in lawful money.
Richard Godfrey, a barber, lived comfortably. His whole personal estate was £116, including the shop at £36, on leased land. Five " blockheads " stood at 10s. and his own wearing apparel was only £3.15, most wearers ex- pended £7 or £9. His table service of china, glass, stone, earthen ware and pewter amounted to £4.1.9. A silver tankard, 2 porringers and spoons 60 ounces av. at 6s. 8d. were worth £20 .; used in catering probably.
Mrs. Abijah Crawford, widow, with a farm in Johnston, kept one pair fire buckets at 12s, in her town residence. Her six leather bottomed chairs of black cherry indicated luxury, though her personal estate was only £135.15. Wearing apparel £12. The usual silver. A gold necklace and locket £2. 10. She had a copy of Josephus at f2. 8. with a bible and old books at 3s. Glassware as well as white porcelain was more commonly used; as we perceive in 11 wine glasses at 4s.1d, 6 beakers at 2s.4d, 4 glass salts at 2s. Warming pans were about 6s. Thomas Bigelow
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Freed Slaves Cared For
1776]
was recorded as a " trader " in partnership with Parker, and he had invested in his stock of goods £533.
The material resurrection of the body does not so thoroughly possess the minds of will-makers, as it did earlier in the century, but Bartholomew Sutton in 1775 says : " I commend my soul to Almighty God my Creator hoping for eternal happiness through the merits and medi- ation of Jesus Christ my Redeemer." Arminianism was creeping in and it was necessary for solid believers to speak out.
Leather buckets for fires were common. A mason and wood chopper had a pair at 15s, though his estate was only £32.10. His pewter at £1.10. included a tankard, 6 porringers and 3 spoons. A warming pan was worth 5s. He had spinning wheels and cards for indoor work ; a gen- eral custom among artisans. A farmer had a chaise at £6, and a suit of regimentals-coat, jacket and breeches- appears at £4.10. in 1775.
Gabriel's descendant, Eve Bernon, a single woman, left her real and personal estate to her kinsman Zachariah Allen. She freed her negroes, Amey and the son Manny ; if they should be sick, or through accident unable to sup- port themselves, they should be maintained by her rela- tives Allen and the Crawfords. Such care of freed slaves was common.
In 1777, Daniel Hitchcock, a lawyer, left a personal es- tate of £644. His brave suit of blue broadcloth "trimmed with vellum " cost £18., with a scarlet cloak at £4. and other clothing at £14.9. Evidently when he occupied his £9. pew in the Presbyterian meeting house, he wore goodly apparel. Bacon's Abridgement in 5 vols. at £22, three volumes of Blackstone at £3.10 and 94 volumes more made up his library. Besides these, there were Wollaston's Religion of Nature, a Greek lexicon and Bailey's Diction-
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ary. An old silver watch at £6., a comfortable household outfit; and as in most professional estates many small notes ranging from fl. to £22. Rev. Gad Hitchcock ap- peared at the probate of the will. Prince Paine, a negro man, though he possessed only a small estate, dressed well in apparel at £10.4. and a pair of stone buttons at 12s. He carried a silver watch at £4.10. A chair-maker had shoe and knee buckles, with a pair of sleeve buttons, all of silver. An extravagant warming pan in another case cost 30s. Many estates, even if owned by farmers, in- cluded rights in the Providence Library. We meet looms occasionally ; not as often as spinning wheels. Weaving was often done at special shops.
When the colonies were thrown on their own resources, the primitive rope-walks became important. In East Greenwich an old man walked spinning with his fingers from a large coil of hemp wound about his waist, while one of his sons turned the crank of a big wheel moving the spindles.
" That building long and low Where the wheels go round and round With a drowsy, dreamy sound And the spinners backward go."
As we advance into the actual Revolution, the new in- flation of paper money appears in the inventories, though currencies are not generally specified, and it is perplex- ing. In 1779, a warming pan on two occasions is valued at £6. Martha Brown 23 widow's list of silver is note- worthy, 11 large silver spoons are equal to 2 silver dollars each or £6.12, six small are 15s. or 15s., one small is 3s. or 3s., 47 lbs. pewter equals £35.5. Mary Patten's title
23 Providence MS. Probate Rec., VI., 256.
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Financial Pressure
1778]
" Gentlewoman " is pathetic, for she died intestate. Ben- jamin Clap's inventory was wholly inflated. Personal es- tate £1998, wearing apparel £383, two beds and furni- ture £300.
In 1778, the pressure of the war was very severe in Rhode Island. The financial system of the whole country was frightfully deranged, and while the continental paper was passing from declining values to nothing, the suffer- ing of the people was greatest. Corn was at $8 per bushel; carpenters obtained $15 to $18 per day and other labor was in proportion. But even the crisis of the coun- try's struggle was coming to a head under new causes and springs of action. The French treaties made the future independence of America almost certain. The financial troubles were not less, but they were henceforth alleviated by hope. Despair ceased, for, as a patriot said in May, " Joy sparkles in every eye."
We may perceive the harassing details of this revolu- tionary commerce as we turn these yellow manuscripts. The sloop Diamond took some brown sugar from Dart- mouth to Virginia. She carried also flour, tobacco, tal- low, etc., from Accomack to the West Indies. Nicholas and John Brown order the master, L. Wyatt, returning by way of Bedford. If he can get his hands to come to Providence willingly in the sloop with the molasses, coffee, etc., he is to take out the valuable light goods for storage, and bring these heavy ones around ; thus dividing the risk. If the men should decline, the order was to store the whole cargo.
Newport was evacuated by the British Oct. 25, 1779, who left the marvellous old town fatally damaged. More than 500 dwellings had been destroyed and three-quarters of the inhabitants had departed, many obtaining business elsewhere. Great suffering prevailed in the extraordinary
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winter, when the Bay was frozen over for more than six weeks. Extravagant prices were obtained in silver; wood at ten dollars per cord, corn at four dollars per bushel and potatoes at two dollars.
At this time, merchants were dating their letters at Providence in State of Rhode Island in North America. Revolutionary commerce with Europe had assumed large proportions ; the Browns, Nicholas and especially John, trading with Bordeaux and extensively with "Nantz," often using Christopher Starbuck, of Nantucket, as an intermediary. The oil shipped at first did not bring cost in France, the profit accruing on goods returned. Brown oil was preferred, as at the price it could be used by man- ufacturers of leather. Nicholas and John Brown's busi- ness with Watson & Co., Nantes, in 1779-1782, amounted to 113,291 " livers." It was settled in 1786, and " quit- claims passed from the beginning of the world "; suffi- ciently explicit and extended for ordinary commerce. The earlier orders were for powder, arms and army supplies, as in the transactions for account of Congress ; but later all sorts of commerce were carried on.
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