USA > Rhode Island > Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people > Part 7
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81
Actual Living
1655]
more mentioned." 12 Thus, the temperance and com- promise of true politics worked itself out, among these hardy exponents of the human will.
The effect of such disputes on practical politics and daily living was shown in the matter of Henry Fowler's marriage. For the greater part of the seventeenth cen- tury, there was so little religious organization that banns could not be published before a congregation.13 Accordingly, notice of this ceremony, so dear to all Anglo- Saxons, was literally civic, and was made to the town meeting, June 4, 1655. 14 Fowler was warned to the Court to answer for his marriage without due publication. He answered that, "the divisions of the town were the cause," and the town remitted the penalty. Mr. Dorr considers this a " bold and successful answer."
As bearing on industries we may observe that Thomas Olney, Jr., 15 was granted a house lot in 1655 "by the Stampers " provided he would " follow tanning." This lot gave water power which was not all used until sixty years later in 1705.
There was constant difficulty through sincere effort to reconcile communistic (in our phrase) desires with pro- prietary rights in the growing settlement. We may well study the meager records of divisions of land, so far as we can. We remember 16 that in 1645, twenty-five-acre or quarter-right purchasers were admitted to "equal fellowship of vote " with the first purchasers. This class received in every division of land one-quarter part as
12 Staples, " Annals," p. 113.
13 Marriage was legally a civil contract throughout New England. Generally the statutes required the banns to be published at two town meetings.
14 Early Rec. Prov., Vol. II., p. 81.
15 Dorr, "Planting and Growth," p. 50.
16 Cf. Ante, p. 37.
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
much as a full purchaser. The number of purchasers of both kinds never exceeded 101 persons. They were ad- mitted at various times on various terms ; the date of the last admission cannot be determined. March 14, 1661-2, an act 17 was passed to divide the lands "without the seaven mile line." In this outside division the "twenty- five-acre men " were allowed each " a quarter part so much as a purchaser," paying one-quarter of the charge for confirmation. The right arose from " commoning within the seven mile bounds," only those having full right of commoning within, being equal to a purchaser. The grant was allowed on condition that each should break up one-half acre of " his home lot before next May 12 mos."
The communistic sentiment noted in the original allotment, was manifest in various movements for demo- cratic equality. The home-lot of five acres, the distant meadow or six-acre lot, the "stated common lot," to- gether with land-dividends among the proprietors, all resulted in numerous small estates, widely separated. Economically, the yield was not equal to that of the Pawtuxet settlement, where the methods were more like those of ordinary pioneers. Pawtuxet for the first eighty years, paid nearly as much tax as the much larger Provi- dence. And the effect on the future development of the plantation was more important and far reaching. While the elaborate system of home-lots created strong local attachment it cultivated prejudice as well. All the limi- tations of farming life, extended into, warped and biassed a community, which should have grown into a commercial center two generations before it actually did. The proprietors clung to every habit and privilege, driving the settlement outward and westward, as the 17 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. III., 19.
83
1655]
Life More Social than Religious
expanding commercial life compelled progress of some sort.
Let us remember that, then nowhere in the world per- haps were the two greatest motives affecting human society at work so freely and practically as in the little colony and especially in the plantation at Providence. Freedom of conscience and desire for land animated the settlers there, and often struggled for mastery. The individual sacrifices of Williams, Gorton and the Quakers for soul-liberty are well known.
Religious organization among the planters at Provi- dence had little influence until commerce had fairly begun in the eighteenth century. Politically the associated religionists acted in the town meeting as proprietors or freeholders. There was nothing like the direct influence of a Puritan congregation, or its indirect movement, in what we call public opinion. About twelve families sympathized with Williams in forming the early Baptist society, but the majority refrained from all religious asso- ciation. William Harris, after Williams the most in- fluential citizen, belonged to no religious body after seceding from the Baptists. Williams kept on with the Baptists only about three months, and was known as a " Seeker." Mr. Dorr, a conservative churchman, severely criticised all these movements, but we must consider his facts.18 He said the worshipers of Liberty had some noisy declaimers like Hugh Bewett, and some political agitators like Gregory Dexter who were revolutionary in England. There were two Baptist churches in Provi- dence as early as 1652; 19 one of the six and the other of the five principle Baptists. The First Church kept its continuous life. It differed from the communion in New-
18 " R. I. H. S.," New Series, Vol. III., 204.
19 Staples, " Annals," p. 410.
17
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
port. July 10, 1681, the record 20 is preserved of a long disputation based on scriptural texts between Pardon Tillinghast, Gregory Dexter and Aaron Dexter of Providence and Obadiah Holmes of Newport. Providence contended, whether "repenting believing Baptized Dis- ciples are visible members of Christ's body and have right to Fellowship breaking of bread and prayer, we deny according to our understanding of your sense."
Political force as embodied in citizens, is necessarily wiser and more enlightened than the mere grasp of a land- holder. It was obliged to recognize that man as well as property must join in making a state, and that actual freemen must be encouraged. At an early (unknown) date, the suffrage had been restricted to married men. The young men-probably then in the majority-were discontented under the restriction for nine years. In the fifties it was decreed that " all inhabitants not as yet accounted freemen should be liable to do service not only military but mending roads and like hard work." In the mid-century, the plantation had three distinct classes of voters not sympathizing,21 proprietors, quarter-rights men, and small freeholders at large. These divisions not only marked estates, but social distinction and privilege as well. The newest freeholders were smallest in estate and least in political influence. Meetings sometimes in- cluded proprietors in the same persons. In later days, only proprietors could vote on questions involving " com- mon lands."
Inevitably there was political agitation and social friction between these varied and variable persons seeking liberty and the practical privileges of freemen. Each home-circle was a debating school where talk served instead
20 Moses Brown MSS., Vol. XVIII, p. 247, R. I. H. S.
21 Staples, p. 218.
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1655]
How Politics Were Made
85
of books to draw out the mind. As an ample fire roared in the massive chimney, or a blazing pine knot lighted the eager faces, all contemporary history, all theology in fixed fate or foreknowledge absolute, was discussed by these new Americans. But at the town mill these educated wranglers met in more serious controversy. The intense English ambition for possessing land, the political passion of a freeman, were here exercised in exciting dis- cussions. Sometimes opinion degenerated into license, as we have noted at the training in autumn 1654. But generally questions were threshed out in these whole- some if exciting discussions, and were decided in some fashion at the turbulent town meeting.
Manners as well as morals and statutes were matter of lively interest. The natural man was disciplined in some way, and reduced into new forms of social order. To wit " that they that whisper or disturb ye Court or useth nipping terms, shall forfeit six pence for every fault." More strenuous was it, when if " any man shall strike another person in ye Court, he shall either be fined ten pounds or whipt."
We cannot repeat too often, nor mark too forcibly, these new and complex modes for educating and evolving a citizen ; for forging out a working member of the body politic. All these moral and political influences acting on the first generations of planters, positively affected their descendants. State heredity is even more powerful than individual descent. Roger Williams, Gorton, George Fox, Coddington and William Harris in the seventeenth century, issued in Stephen Hopkins of the eighteenth, and Thomas W. Dorr, of the nineteenth. The latter, a conscientious patriot in theory, in practice be- came a civic rebel.
The pregnant disputes between proprietors and free-
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
holders were gradually wearing out and a final process of economic adjustment prevailed over the crude com- munistic theories, which had vexed the life of the early plantation. The date is not positive, but about 1665. 22 A town ordinance laid out a four-mile line within the old seven-mile line. A second or " 50 acre division was made by lot to every 'purchaser.'" Lime rock was to be left in common. As usual, discussion outside had prepared the voters for these propositions. The result in town meeting was concord and not the strife of old time. The day arrived, with no lack of quorum at the inn, where the freemen assembled; while intense curiosity preserved order. Before formalities began " arose the gaunt and picturesque figure of the founder." Williams' stock argu- ments against the "usurpation of the proprietors " would not hold now, for he was partaking as a " pur- chaser." He "witnessed " against the " prophaning of God's worship by casting lots." The stalwart prophet had nothing more to say of " up streams without limits " or of the " fellowship of vote."
We may note a very interesting episode in crude law- making. May 27, 1667,23 in town meeting a will was made for Nicholas Power, who died intestate some ten years earlier. Endeavors had been made meanwhile to settle the estate under the general laws of the colony ; but the widow would not consent and the council had not power to compel her. At last a will was made as above stated. As Judge Staples 24 remarks, where the power was obtained, does not appear, but it was exercised repeatedly, not only in Providence, but in other towns,
22 " Early Rec.," Vol. III., 93.
23 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. I., 31.
24 " Annals," p. 124.
1667]
The Town Makes Wills
87
" Wills so made were not simply divisions and distribu- tion of the intestates' estate among heirs, but in some instances specific bequests and devises were made, and estates for life, in tail and fee created, as the council supposed the interests of all concerned required." This practice continued into the nineteenth century in the smaller towns. It was a return to social ethics, when the law for individuals failed to award justice. It served the time well, and was almost never abused.
Staples 25 cites in 1662 a privilege given one Hackleton to burn lime, from stone taken from the commons, as the earliest notice of that manufacture. The kiln was near Scoakequanoisett. All lime rock was for some years kept in common, but was ultimately conveyed with the lands. Mr. Bowditch thinks lime from shells or probably from stone was made as early as 1648. There was little lime produced until brick building was introduced a half century later. Probably the earliest list of tools belonged to John Clausen, a Dutch carpenter, about 1660.26 Froe, bench hook hammer, 12 x 1 inch augers, narrow axe, hallowing plane, cleaving and moulding do, three other sorts, chizells, gouge, three Brest wimble bitts, a joynter plane. This list shows the condition of carpentry. Wm. Carpenter, an English-bred carpenter, came from Ames- bury and built a house for Wm. Harris before 1671 (probably).
The authority of the crown was demonstrated for the first time, by the visit in 1665 of a royal commission- Nicolls, Cartwright and others. The commissioners met a better reception than in Massachusetts, and their pro- posals for the general guidance of the General Assembly 25 Staples, " Annals," p. 613.
26 Field, " Providence," Vol. III., 583.
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
were promptly accepted, as being "in perfect unison with the principles of Rhode Island." 27
Much controversy with Connecticut for possession of the Narragansett country, vexed the colony for several years. Connecticut was favored by some of the local residents about Wickford and incidentally by William Harris. He offended his own colony so much by this action that he was imprisoned at Newport and not al- lowed bail. He was finally released and restored to office, when the Quakers controlled the politics of the colony in 1672.
An indication and permanent sign of progress in the plantation was in the erection of Weybosset Bridge in 1672. This was a great effort for the little community. Expedients for a bridge had been maintained by tolls from strangers and contributory work from townsmen; one day's work of man and team per year, for each family. Roger Williams showed his customary public spirit, 28 by assuming the burden of the bridge under these con- ditions in 1667-8. A committee had previously failed in getting support to care for the bridge.
After Williams and Gorton, the most positive and formative influence in early Rhode Island, was the society of Friends. The " cruel and sanguinary laws " of Massa- chusetts drove out these pilgrims-harmless in our view -and they flocked into Newport. Here they found a free atmosphere and many people with minds open for the reception of their ideas. In England, the seventeenth century had gathered from Geneva and Holland the most illuminating as well as the most vague doctrines of the Protestant faith. Anabaptist and Antinomian-though frequently used-were vituperative names, rather than
27 Brigham, " R. I.," p. 113.
28 Staples, " Annals," p. 144.
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89
1672]
Quaker Influence
terms philosophical and descriptive. In England and America, these floating doctrines were best represented by the society of Seekers with which Roger Williams finally associated himself. But Williams never could formulate his own large conceptions into dogmas capable of founding solid societies.
These elevated incorporeal ideas possessing the in- dividual soul were gradually concentrated in the “ inner light" of George Fox. This asserted a constant com- munion of the spirit with its creator-moving independ- ent of all constraint and of all ecclesiastical control. That mere crotchets should incumber these true spiritual conceptions was inevitable. But notwithstanding some individual vagaries, the Friends or Quakers as then called were an immense influence for good, and especially in our colony. As above indicated in treating of educa- tion,29 the Friends self-regulated in themselves were especially beneficent in a self-governed community that lacked self-control.
At Newport, the seed sown by Anne Hutchinson had prepared ample growths for the Quaker propaganda. In the course of development the Baptist church had been separated, a part holding to regular ordinances under John Clarke, and others like Coddington and Easton adopting Quaker tenets. The great apostle of the " inner light," George Fox, visited there in 1672, and was the guest of Governor Easton. For the reasons stated, he found himself quite at home and the " people flocked in from all parts of the island." When he came to consider Providence, though it had no established church and no hierarchy, he soon discovered theological wheels within wheels, and that every man his own priest may become a very priestly factor. On his visit there 29 Ante, p. 68.
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
the reformer said the people "were generally above the priests in high notions." They came to his meeting to dispute and, in his own words, he was " exceeding hot, and in a great sweat. But all was well, the disputers were silent, and the meeting quiet." 30 . The silence could not last long, for the storm was gathering. Williams chal- lenged Fox on fourteen points of doctrine; seven to be publicly discussed in Newport and seven in Providence. Williams rowed himself to Newport in one day-a won- derful feat for a man over seventy. Fox had departed, but his followers debated with Williams for three days and then concluded at Providence. The result was an easy victory for each, in the opinion of both. Williams summed up in a volume, whose title " George Fox digged out of his Burrowes " shows the cheap controversial wit of the time. Fox with his disciple Burnyeat replied in " A New England Firebrand Quenched."
The arguments and figures of rhetoric stand to this day, but the propaganda then went with the Quakers. Men like William Harris in Providence took up the doc- trines. A week-day meeting was established in Provi- dence in March, 1701, and a " fair large meeting house was built in 1704." 31 From 1672 to 1676, the colonial politics were controlled by the Friends, and it was mainly due to their non-combative policy that the colony was so poorly prepared to meet King Philip's War.
In 1665, the controversy began in 1657, 32 between William Harris and the party of freeholders was much aggravated, and it lasted until his death in 1681, at times convulsing the whole colony.33 As has been noted,3+
30 Brigham, " R. I.," p. 117.
31 Staples, " Annals," pp. 423, 424.
32 Staples, " Annals," p. 118.
33 Brigham, pp. 113-116.
34 Ante, p. 79.
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Characteristics of Wm. Harris
1667]
the Proprietors and Freeholders were generally at vari- ance, but these contests involved great personal bitterness as well as self-interest.
William Harris with his brother Thomas came in the ship Lyon. According to tradition, the family were "harsh and irregular of feature, brawny, resentful and pertinacious in temperament, and, in speech rasping." Harris' own writing is preserved; it is most individual, thoroughly his own and is even more difficult of interpre- tation than the ordinary chirography of the seventeenth century. It is thoroughly elegant, as would hardly be ex- pected from the above rendering of the family traits.35 Like many strong men of his time, he was educated by affairs and not by the schools, had great facility in busi- ness and a fair knowledge of English statute law. His books 36 were few but useful ; bibles, concordance, diction- ary, surveyors learning and legal treatises including Coke on Lyttleton, medical treatises, several on "faith," " nature's Explecation," "the effect of war," "contem- plation moral and devine." Evidently this was a collec- tion much used by a busy man of affairs who thought for himself.
The main contention of Harris was that the "initial deed " in its clause "up the stream of Patuxet and Patuckett without limits we might have for our use of cattle " gave not only a right of pasturage, but the land in fee simple. To further this the contestants bought " confirmation deeds" both for lands and rights of pasturage of the degenerate sachems coming after
85 " He brought to whatever he undertook the resources of a great mind and, to all appearance, the honest convictions of an earnest soul. On this account he was a more dangerous opponent and required stringent measures to suppress the errors of his political creed."-Arnold, Vol. I., 262.
36 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VI., p. 75.
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
Canonicus and Miantinomi, extending twenty miles westward from Fox's hill. Roger Williams always solemnly protested that possession of the land was never intended by the great sachems in the conveyance for the "use of cattle." This seems reasonable either in the seventeenth or twentieth century.
In 1667, the quarrel broke out anew in the town meet- ing, the factions being led by William Harris and Arthur Fenner. The two parties chose contesting delegates to the General Assembly. If our forefathers had not report- ers and newspapers, they revelled in pamphlets, fiercely polemical. The Fenner party issued a most bitter one, " The Firebrand Discovered." 37 This fiery distinction was a customary title, eminent, but not honorary conferred on William Harris. As this contestant was strong in law as well as in language, he induced the Governor to call
37 We may cite a few sentences from this dissertation, written by Williams doubtless, for they correspond with his statements in " George Fox digged out of his burrowes." These phrases show the way of thinking and method of expression among neighbors in the Plantation, "ffirst his nature, he is like the salamander always delighting to live in ye fire of contention. 2, his nature qualities and conditions doth further appeare, he is a Quarilsome man (beat Adam Goodwin, an officer). 3, he is like the raging sea casting forth mire and dirt. Men of high degree or lowe degree; he casth on them foole, knave, base fellowe, scounderill or the like. 6, you question with ahasuerus who is he, we answer with Queen Esther, the enemie (Esther, VII., 5-6). The firebrand is this wicked Harris, commonly called Mr. William Harris."-R. I. H. S. Col., Vol. 10, p. 78.
In this Pawtuxet controversy involving Proprietors' interests, a whole literature was developed. In 1669 Harris took part by pro- testing against a paper presented by Gregory Dexter "an instru- ment and a soveren plaister or against our Rights in lands, lawes, ye Common law, statut law of England, and our rights in Magna Charta soe soundly confirmed by 32 parliaments. . . . I not only take myself bound to protest against ye said poysonous plas- ter but also to complayne of Gregory Dexter for his notoryous crime against ye King's law and peace."-" Mr. Harris."-Ibid, pp. 93, 94.
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his Tryintoria was cast up to 1
10 10: Gut amount ath
to move your money Day bimy Considera of bullanca :- There was also i EnE chart a Parcell of prag with John Jump the Said was to pay The Ward It if it works our it must bass tórias.
There was " money also 16 paid to James Olny upon y Sale of the this John which said he was forced to pay out for .4 washing of James Strys. Linnin
Erfurty at his Death of other MEcessary Charges
Attested by mr Roger Williams Town clark: a tais sitten
COPY OF THE RECORD SIGNED BY ROGER WILLIAMS IN HIS ONLY SERVICE AS TOWN CLERK.
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1669]
Warwick's " Impertinent File "
a special session of the General Assembly, which was the court also, and lodged a suit against his opposers. But the legislative and judicial petard gave him a sorry " hoist "; for the tribunal chose Fenner's delegates from Providence, cleared the charges against him, and dis- charged Harris from the office of assistant. In addition, on petition of the town of Warwick, the assembly fined Harris £50. for imposing an extra session on the colony in the busy season of the year. Harris was chief of the committee to collect from the colony the tax to pay John Clarke's expenses in England, while procuring the char- ter, and had made himself especially obnoxious to War- wick.
The town of Warwick was particularly delinquent in this affair; one of the most discreditable episodes in our colonial history.38 Doctor John Clarke's expenses in England, while procuring the royal charter, the secured foundation of the colony, had been slowly paid and never were fully liquidated. Yet no one deserved more from the planters than this esterprising, wise and forecasting statesman. Roger Williams berated Providence that, they " ride securely by a new Cable and Ankor of Mr. Clarke's procuring" and refused his first just claims. He wrote Warwick a letter, powerful and befitting in our view, 39 but " pernitious " in the view of the town, who protested against it unanimously. Warwick had some reasons for objecting to its proportion of the tax. But these reasons did not prevail with the General Assembly, which ordered a letter " to provoke and stirr them up to pay." This caused some noteworthy proceedings- curious even for Rhode Island. Warwick considered a letter from the committee on tax in 1669 " as if it had
88 Durfee, " Judicial History R. I.," p. 124.
89 " R. I. H. S. Pub.," Vol. VIII., 147.
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
been indicted in hell." Unanimously the town ordered the " Clarke to put it on a file where impertinent papers shall be kept for the future; to the end that those persons who have not learned in the school of good manners how to speak to men in the language of sobriety (if they be sought for) may be there found." 40 This sublime cour- tesy from a debtor who was arraigned "out of hell " might have graced a Chesterfield. This "impertinent file " became a customary parliamentary instrument. That it was lost, is a misfortune; for its peremptory and excel- lent system of classification might have enlightened these modern times. In another connection this remarkable instrument appears as "the dam-file."
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